President Bola Ahmed Tinubu extends his deepest condolences to the government and people of the United States of America on the passing of former President Jimmy Carter, who died at the age of 100.

President Carter, the 39th President of the United States, was a beacon of service to humanity, demonstrating to leaders worldwide the profound impact of dedication beyond the highest office.

As a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and global statesman, President Carter devoted his post-presidential life to the causes of peace, democracy, and the eradication of tropical diseases. His unwavering commitment to these noble pursuits has left an indelible mark on the world.

"President Carter showed us all how to remain relevant and impactful after leaving the esteemed position of President of the United States," remarked President Tinubu.

"He tackled the challenges the developing world faced, from combating diseases to mediating conflicts and promoting democratic values. He exemplified grace, dignity, and a profound respect for humanity."

President Tinubu fondly recalls President Carter as a trustworthy and compassionate friend to Nigeria. He lauds Carter's significant contributions through The Carter Center, particularly his efforts in eradicating Guinea worm disease and river blindness in Nigeria, which have significantly improved the lives of many Nigerians.

Reflecting on Nigeria-U.S. relations, President Tinubu nostalgically remembers President Carter's historic visit to Nigeria in March 1978 and his three-day stay at the State House in Marina, Lagos State. Under Carter's leadership, this visit marked a pivotal moment in U.S. foreign policy. It laid the groundwork for a pragmatic relationship between the United States and Africa, with Nigeria at its heart.

President Tinubu expresses hope that President Carter's legacy of decency, character, and humanity, both in and out of office, will continue to inspire Americans and leaders worldwide to embrace the true essence of leadership.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)

The Executive Chairman of Epe Local Government, Princess Surah Animashaun, says she has successfully completed the construction of a modern wooden jetty at Take Nla Village, Ward D1, in Epe local government council Area of Lagos state 

Princess Animashaun appreciated the Baales, community leaders and the villagers for their perseverance, patience and support before, during and after completion of the project, promising them more dividends of democracy to the riverine communities of the council areas of Lagos state.

She also reiterated her commitment to driving programmes and policies that would prioritise their social protection, noting that project underscored her unwavering commitment to enhancing the lives of Epe residents and stimulating economic growth in the council's area.

According to her "The newly construction wooden jetty is expected to significantly enhance the village's water transportation system, facilitate trade and commerce, and boost tourism potentials in the region.

"This strategic infrastructure development will create new economic opportunities for villagers, especially the fishermen, it will as well improve the standard of living, and make Epe a more attractive destination for tourists, investors and visitors."

She said her visionary leadership has made the local government council witnessed significant transformations in infrastructure development, education, healthcare, tourism, culture and community engagement, saying her  administration has prioritised inclusive decision-making processes, ensuring that the needs and aspirations of Epe residents are addressed.

While thanking the Chairman for the outstanding achievement, a fisherman, Mr. Salau Olatunji appreciated the Chairman and her exco members for the giant strides, saying that they were looking forward to her continued leadership in driving growth, development, and prosperity in Epe.

The completion of the wooden jetty at Take Nla Village marks a significant milestone in Princess Animashaun's efforts to reposition the council as a thriving economic hub in the comity of councils in Lagos state.

Former Akwa Ibom governor, Udom Emmanuel, has stated categorically that he will not be contesting for senate in the 2027 election, despite pressures from politicians in the state. Speaking at a stakeholders’ meeting on Christmas Day at his country home in ONNA LGA, Emmanuel stressed that he was more interested in promoting peace and harmonious coexistence amongst Akwa Ibom people than contesting elections. He asked community leaders and the youths to remain vigilant against external threats to peace in the state. ‘’Let me use this opportunity to make it clear to all that I will not be seeking the nomination of my party, PDP, or any other party for the senate seat. I am a man of my words. I don’t go back to what I said, both in secret and in open’’, he announced, eliciting applause from the audience that included the incumbent senator. The former governor, however, noted that he's not yet retired from politics, and should he seek to contest for any other position, he would inform the people appropriately.

 Emmanuel’s categorical denial of the rumours that have been swirling around his political future has put paid to widely held speculations that he was raring to fight for the ticket against the incumbent, Senator Ekong Sampson, chairman of the Senate Committee on Solid Minerals. ‘’I thank our leader and former governor for being a decent gentleman who does not want to break the zoning accord; political harmony and peace we have in the senatorial district. He is truly a man of integrity’’, Senator Sampson told me soon after the stakeholders’ meeting. Sampson himself has earned his stripes in grass root politics, law and journalism. He began his career as a journalist in Lagos in the early 1990s, and has since earned a Ph.D in law, in addition to a public service career.

For months since leaving office, Udom Emmanuel has been under pressure to run for the Akwa Ibom South Senatorial seat. Right from 2023 when he completed his eight-year tenure as the fourth democratically elected governor of the state, there were rumours that he was heading for the Senate. But instead, the banker-turned politician contested for Presidential nomination of the PDP in May 2022, to the surprise of many in the state. He got 38 votes, coming after Atiku Abubarkar who won 371 votes; Nyesome Wike (237 votes) and Bukola Saraki (70 votes). Failing to clinch the ticket, Emmanuel turned his eyes on the VP slot, but the position went to Delta State Governor Ifeanyi Okowa. Since then, Emmanuel has slid quietly into private life, satisfied that the person he anointed to succeed him as governor, Pastor Umo Eno, had gotten the job.

However, with 2025 around the corner and preparations for another election season looming, many politicians in the state have continued to pile pressure on the former governor to throw his hat into the ring. ‘’Many of them want Udom to run because they know that as a former governor, he has the resources to spend. They’re professional politicians who live on elections; every election cycle, they will approach people they assess to be rich and try to cajole them to contest and the next thing is that they will give you a well-written proposal on ‘How to Win election’’’, said a PDP chieftain from that district. This could be a correct, but I understand that the former governor is restrained largely by the strict zoning arrangement in the senatorial district which has remained in force since 1999 when Udoma Udo Udoma was elected Senator and the incumbent senator served as his legislative page. For this season, the seat remains in Ikot Abasi Federal Constituency where the incumbent senator, Ekong Sampson, a former Local government chairman; former member of House of Assembly and a former commissioner comes from.

Udom Emmanuel’s declaration is not only a lesson to other politicians, especially former governors who see the Senate as a retirement home, it also has a wider implication for the politics of 2027 in Akwa Ibom State. His decision to stay aloof will lessen the acrimony within the ruling party and give him the latitude to devote more time for the reelection of his political godson, Gov. Umo Eno. It is also likely that Senator Godswill Akpabio will not face any internal challenge within the APC for the Ikot Ekpene senatorial district seat. However, for Uyo Senatorial District, there are indications that Senator Aniekan Bassey will have to battle for a second term nomination with other PDP heavyweights.

Reliance on oil as the only source of revenue by successive governments in Nigeria has for long left the country in a dilemma of inadequacy of funds for development. Among other things, this encouraged the country to approach foreign creditors for huge loans that future generations may never be able to repay. 

Taxes which other nations depend upon for development are unavailable because they are poorly collected and managed in Nigeria. For several years, nothing was done about this precarious situation until July 2023 when the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu decided to set up a Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms to be chaired by Taiwo Oyedele of the famous Price Waterhouse Coopers. 

Following the work of the committee, Tinubu requested the National Assembly to pass 4tax reform proposals, namely: Nigeria Tax Bill, Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill and Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill. Almost immediately, many Nigerians mostly politicians started criticising the bills even before reading their contents.

The posture of the legislators was not surprising because it has become fashionable for them to politicise every public policy with some of them falling on each other to demonstrate their purported closeness to the president. There was indeed, the impression that the present assembly had surpassed their immediate predecessors who told anyone that cared to hear that they would approve any request from former President Muhammadu Buhari. In the case of our current lawmakers, they appear ready to approve 5 even if only 4 bills were sent by Tinubu. Whereas collaborative federalism has its advantages, it is certainly harmful for sycophantic legislators to automatically approve executive requests without checking to remove inconsistencies or even grammatical errors in such requests. 

The negative attitude of some legislators to the tax bills was thus informed by the fear that if care was not taken, they might not be read before they are passed. As one legislator said at an informal gathering, the other day, one needs to be watchful before the bills follow the pattern of the change of the national anthem. This background also explains the speed by which the tax bills found their way into the deliberations of the National Economic Council NEC, as well as the call by NEC for the bills to be withdrawn for further vetting before returning them to the National Assembly for deliberations. First, the NEC being an advisory body should not make such directive statements. Second, a bill does not have to be perfect before legislators can read and debate its contents. In fact, the inputs of legislators ought to enhance the quality of bills.  

Instead of allowing interested citizens to express their views on the bills, almost every person who did not oppose the bills became an enemy to be condemned – a good example being the deputy senate president Barau Jubril. Even governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State was fiercely criticised for supposedly opposing the tax reform bill, only because he was one of those mandated to explain the position of the National Economic Council. Speaking later at a media chat in Ibadan, Makinde asserted that he was not opposed to the tax reform bills, but that the Federal Government needed to engage with a wider array of stakeholders to achieve a meaningful reform. He then counselled Nigerians to learn to focus on the message rather than the messenger.

While public comments on the bills suggests a step forward in making Nigeria become a communicating nation, citizens also need to understand the formal processes and procedures for policy making. Bills are not expected to be passed without an opportunity for the public to make comments. The flood of comments especially those made by people who are convinced that the bills could dismember the nation are therefore hasty. Why can’t sub-national governments, interest groups and other associations arrange rational dialogues that could produce superior arguments over some of the provisions of the bills? Instead, it appears that some of the negative comments and threats are no more than bogus alarms.

It is however true that stakeholder’s engagements on the bills have been scanty and incoherent. As a result, not many people are fully aware of the bills and what they convey. There is therefore no better time than now for societal institutions such as the National Orientation Agency NOA, to take the highlights of the bills to all nooks and cranny of the country. Luckily, the Agency’s current chief executive who appears greatly energised by an obvious synergy between him and the information minister is well positioned to take on mass mobilization of Nigerians with the purpose of convincing them to appreciate the objectives and merits of the tax bills. But more importantly, the federal government can easily get from NOA, robust feedback on the disposition of Nigerians concerning the bills.

For sure, not all Nigerians are opposed to the tax bills. Whereas a large number of those said to be opposed to the bills are Northerners, there are people in the region who appear to embrace the bills. A review of comments from the North breaks the region into 3 distinct groups; namely: those in favour of the bills, then those who are only partially opposed and lastly those who are totally opposed to the reforms. For those who are not opposed to the bills, there is Senator Diket Plang, representing Plateau South in the National Assembly, who has found it necessary to ‘urge Nigerians to support credible governance initiatives and avoid fear over tax reform proposals, regardless of their origin.’

Yakubu Dogara, former Speaker of the House of Representatives, who also supports the bills made a scathing critique of Northern leadership, ‘accusing them of neglecting the region’s development despite decades of political dominance.’ He spoke at a town hall meeting organized by the Christian Awareness Initiative of Nigeria (CHAIN) in Kaduna, where the group resolved to support the tax reform initiative because of its benefits for the region and Nigeria at large. This group is slightly different from those who are only partially opposed to the bills. In this later groups are experts and stakeholders who at a roundtable discussion organized by the Kaduna Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (KADCCIMA) said they are partially opposing the proposed reforms because of fear of poor implementation.

On their part, the most influential group made of governors of the 19 northern states are unanimously opposed to the bills. At a meeting in Kaduna in October, the governors rejected the proposed tax bills which they said would jeopardise the well-being of their people. The apprehension of most of them is probably the suspicion that the bills favour Nigeria’s economic capital Lagos and the Rivers State in the oil-producing Niger delta, where most of the offices of local and foreign companies are located. The governors’ opposition appears to be conditional because they have since called on lawmakers from the region to reject the bills and ensure they were not passed into law until the controversial clauses were amended. But why will the controversial clauses not be amended?

Are the leaders sincere or are they like ordinary people misled by certain parochial interests? The question becomes relevant as other people have said the views of the governors are false. Bamidele Opeyemi, leader of the senate says “credible data have shown, for instance, that the new model recommends 6.17% to Kano compared to 0.89% currently due to it. It recommends 1.21% for Zamfara compared to 0.05%. Currently, Lagos gets 80.26%, but the new model only recommends 15.28%, representing an 81% decrease. Under the new model, also, Rivers’ share will decline from 7.74% to 4.6%, accounting for 41%. With these figures, the narrative around the new derivation model is utterly incorrect and unfounded.”

Whoever is fooling who, our politicians, be they apostles or opponents of President Tinubu, need to recognize that Nigeria does not belong to them alone and that false statements are tantamount to fake news which are harmful to national growth and integration. Our leaders should beware of centrifugal factors in heterogenous Nigeria that can at the slightest provocation stretch to breaking point.

I have been asked severally what my opinion was on last week’s presidential media chat. First, I must commend the presidency for hosting the chat, though belatedly after 19 months of holding back. When the people hear directly from their leaders and not from third parties they didn’t elect, it affords them opportunity to psycho-analyze the man at the helm of affairs, match his gestures with policies and project what the leadership’s future strides will be.

It was also gladsome to see the president radiating warmth, confidence and mastery of his craft. He appeared to have learned the ropes of a limitless presidential powers. He must have warmed himself up to the behemoth powers at his disposal, next to God’s. You could see this as he exuded confidence in himself and his office. Unlike the pre-and early Bola Tinubu presidency optics we had, the president appeared physically stable and in better health. I was glad to see stability as he raised his hands in gesticulation. We thank God for presidential health mercies.

But, why did the presidential office air a recorded, rather than live interview? Could it be to be able to spike off magisterial comments and gaffes that may reveal the Leviathan in his true colours? As they say, the divide between confidence and arrogance, much as it is as long as the Zambezi River, could be paper thin as well. Though clothed in a cloak of confidence, the Bola Tinubu I saw in that interview wore arrogance on his lapel. Beneath that, you could see a God mentality. I didn’t hear anywhere throughout the interview where the president accepted that he was human, capable of frailties and wrongs. I saw King Herod and the clowns of power shouting, “This is the voice of God, not man!” The tax bills were chiselled straight from the stone plate of Moses, he seemed to have said. They are irreversible. And to the north which thought it had him by the balls, like the man who knows tomorrow, the president proclaimed that he would live till 2027, go through the presidential election and win. He would not probe military top brass whose fat stomachs and fat epaulettes are euphemisms for the toads of wars – apologies to Eddie Iroh – which they have become from filching Nigeria’s wealth in an endless war. He didn’t err when, pounced upon by the Herodian spirit, he pronounced that “subsidy was gone,” he said. While Nigerians die in droves from hunger, the president literally clinked wine glasses for being the greatest reformist in human history.

When I heard the president compare his reform to a woman going through the pangs of labour – “and the child may die” – but at the end of the birth, everybody is happy, the mentality that drives the president came out vividly to me like the first flick of a movie in a dark cinema. I saw a heart scarred and scorched like the sand dunes of the desert. I didn’t see blood flowing through the veins at all. Immediately I understood. The political furnace has forged in the smithy a stone statue devoid of feelings.

Nigeria of the 1950s and early 1960s had very many interesting personalities. Western Region had its fair share of such. One of them was a man named Súàrá Sòbó (Sobo pronounced as ‘Sorbor’). He was a prominent transporter who held the transportation industry of the time by its jugular. It became a peculiar refrain in the Western Region to say a man had entered Súàrá Sòbó’s lorry, an equivalent of today’s One Chance lingo among youth. Odolaye Aremu, then Ibadan-based, Ilorin-born Dadakúàdà musician, once sang of the untimely passage of Súàrá Sòbó, years after. At a celebration in his house, said Odolaye, Súàrá Sòbó had hosted the crème de la crème of Ibadan, where roast mutton and turkey flesh were feasted upon. People were shocked when, six days later, Súàrá Sòbó’s sudden death was announced to the world.

As I stood up from watching the interview, I shook my head languidly. I was sorry for us. All I saw were 200 million Nigerians sequestered inside the Súàrá Sòbó bus. We must pray that the Herodian spirit which pounced on Olusegun Obasanjo doesn’t repeat its tragic pounce on Mr. President. If it does, Tinubu would have a third term and more, becoming an Hastings Kamuzu Banda at the drop of a hat. And nothing would happen.

AFTER the sustained, unwarranted personal attacks I endured for eight years from northerners for unswervingly calling out what I called the “embarrassingly undisguised Arewacentricity of Buhari’s appointments” in a February 2, 2019, column titled “Even Ahmadu Bello Would Be Ashamed of Buhari’s Arewacentricity,” I promised that I would look the other way if a southern president returned the favour after Buhari’s tenure.

But promises made in the heat of disillusionment often crumble under the weight of principle.

Ironically, this column was inspired by a well-regarded Yoruba supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who is worried, in fact embarrassed, by the optics of what he says is Tinubu’s relentless Yorubacentric take-over of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC).

His concern wasn’t just partisan discomfort; it was a profound unease about how this nepotistic approach undermines national cohesion.

I frankly hadn’t been paying attention to the internal dynamics at the NNPC, but the acquaintance pointed out that Yoruba people now occupy major positions at the NNPC and that a certain Yoruba man is “being proposed as GMD after Mele Kyari’s term expires” early next year.

I haven’t independently confirmed the accuracy of this claim but given the closeness of the source of information to people in the circles of power, it’s probably best to not dismiss this with the wave of the hand.

His concern is that Tinubu, from the Southwest, is already the minister of petroleum. Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, the Minister of State for Petroleum and Chairman of the NNPC, is from the South-South. Chief  Pius Akinyelure from the Southwest is NNPC’s Non-Executive Board Chairman.

The head of the NNPC Upstream Investment Management Services (NUIMS), Mr. Bala Wunti, my acquaintance pointed out, has been replaced by one Seyi Omotowa. Gbenga Komolafe is the chief executive officer of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), making him the highest-ranking upstream regulator.

“If a Yoruba man were to be the GMD, another Yoruba man is the Chairman, and yet another Yoruba man is the regulator, that’s extreme lopsidedness,” and other parts of Nigeria would be justified to feel uncomfortable, my acquaintance said.

As with issues of this nature, the reality may be more complex that the surface-level impressions that I have been presented with. Of the 12-member non-executive Board of Directors, I counted at least four names that I recognize as northern, and that includes Kyari, the outgoing GMD.

The 7-member Senior Management Team on NNPC’s website has three northerners (if Kyari is included). That seems fair. Plus, Buhari actually appointed many of the Yoruba people in high places at the NNPC. By these metrics, one might argue that there’s a semblance of balance.

However, Tinubu’s broader public image tells a different story. His administration is rapidly cementing a reputation for Yorubacentric provincialism.  Like the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who governed Nigeria as if he were still a Katsina governor, Tinubu appears to be governing Nigeria as though he were still the governor of Lagos.

Just like Yar’adua was elected a Nigerian president but operated like a Katsina governor in Abuja, Tinubu is also, so far, a Nigerian president only in name. His mindset is still that of the governor of Lagos.

With a few notable (and in some cases unavoidable) exceptions, Tinubu’s government is largely the re-enactment of his time as the governor of Lagos. It is, for all practical purposes, an unabashed Lagos-centric Yorubacracy.

To be fair, though, with the possible exception of Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, all civilian regimes since 1999 have been insular ethnocracies.

My source reminded me of a viral social media post I wrote on January 14, 2019, titled “New IGP: Why Progressive Northerners Should be Embarrassed” where I gave four reasons for being insistently censorious of Buhari’s Arewacentric appointments in response to southerners who asked why I was bothered since I was a northern Muslim who was “favored” by such appointments—“favored,” that is, on the emotional and symbolic plane.

I pointed out that I criticised similar such parochial appointments by previous presidents from the South and that it would be hypocritical to look the other way because I was now “favored” by such appointments.

I said people from my region and religion won’t always be in power, and I wanted to be able to stand on a firm moral pedestal when I criticize future presidents who replicate Buhari’s (and previous presidents’) provincialism.

Most importantly, I said, I was personally embarrassed by Buhari’s insularity and that every progressive northerner should be. I described it as the sort of embarrassment you feel when your best friend, who thinks highly of your mother, visits you in your home and your mother, during a family dinner, gives you a considerably bigger food portion size and choicer pieces of meat than your friend.

“You feel like screaming: ‘Mom, I know you love me, but you’re embarrassing me by showing overt preferential treatment to me in the presence of my friend’,” I wrote.

The Yoruba acquaintance of mine who alerted me to the creeping Yoruba-centric takeover of the NNPC said he was doing so out of a feeling of the same sense of embarrassment that inspired my rage against Buhari’s appointments that favoured the North unfairly, especially in the areas of security.

Tinubu is doing in the economy sector what Buhari did in the security sector. The minister of finance, the governor of the central bank, and every other consequential agency in finance is headed by a Yoruba man. I am not sure Nigeria has ever seen this level of extreme, state-sanctioned ethnocentric domination of a critical segment of national life.

Appointing another Yoruba individual as the head of the NNPC would complete what many already perceive as the ethnic capture of Nigeria’s economic nerve center. It would not only cement Tinubu’s image as an insensitive ethnocrat but also exacerbate public discontent and foster deeper divisions in an already polarized nation.

If Tinubu is unaware of this burgeoning perception, he needs to awaken to its reality. Leadership is not just about policies and actions; it’s also about managing optics and inspiring confidence in a nation’s collective identity.

In a September 5, 2015, column titled “Buhari is Losing the Symbolic War,” where I railed against the exclusion of Igbo people in Buhari’s first appointments, I wrote:

“Symbolism isn’t the same thing as substance. Appointing people to governmental positions does nothing to improve anybody’s lot—except, perhaps, the people so appointed and their immediate families.

“Jonathan’s disastrous 5-year presidency couldn’t even bring basic infrastructure like boreholes to his hometown of Otueke, yet his people derive vicarious satisfaction from the fact of his being Nigeria’s former president.

“Human beings are animated by a multiplicity of impulses, including rational and emotional impulses, both of which are legitimate. When we turn on our rational impulses, we may ask: What would appointing an Igbo man as SGF, for instance, do to Igbo people? The answer is ‘nothing.’

“But we are more than rational beings: we are also emotional beings. That’s why people are invested in symbolism. Appointing someone from the southeast or the deep south is merely a symbolic gesture, but it inspires a sense of inclusion in the minds of many people from that region; it serves as a symbolic conduit through which people vicariously connect with the government.”

This cycle of ethnic favoritism must end if Nigeria is to realize its full potential as a nation. To grow and thrive, we need leaders who can transcend the narrow confines of ethnocracy.

We need leadership that embraces diversity and inclusion, not as buzzwords but as guiding principles for governance. Only then can we begin to heal the fractures that divide us and build a nation that serves all its citizens, regardless of ethnicity or region.

In my piece last week, I made a tangential reference to the place of African magic in modern matters. It was in the discussion of the calamity that befell Nigeria a few days to Christmas. Ibadan, the capital city of the Yoruba, had taken a sizeable chunk of the tragedy. Thirty five persons, the bulk of whom were kids, had been trampled to death in a stampede. The dead and a crowd estimated to be about ten thousand, had heeded invitation to attend a funfair where freebies, which included the sum of N5000, would be shared per attendee. Three persons were arrested and charged before an Ibadan Magistrate court on account of the deaths. They were Naomi Silekunola, an ex-Queen of the Ooni of Ife, Oba Enitan Ogunwusi, Ojaja I1; Oriyomi Hamzat, a popular radio owner and presenter and principal of the school that served as venue for the event.

Since the Queen’s somersault from the pinnacle of grace to the nadir of sharing smelly, dingy cell with ordinary criminals in the Agodi Correctional Centre, subtle, muffled and repressed thoughts have variously been expressed about what could have transpired. Questions asked range from, could there be a causal link between the fate of ex-Queen Naomi and her abandoned Queendom? Or, is it a reinforcement of the historical Yoruba wise-saying of fatalism, which says that, among the innumerable beheaded skulls quartered in Mògún, the ones belonging to unjustly beheaded ones were many (Orí yéye ní Mògún, ìpín àìsè l’ó pò)?

In a December 2021 Instagram post, Queen Naomi unilaterally announced her divorce from the Ooni. After “bless(ing) the Lord almighty for His faithfulness in the last three years of my marriage,” Naomi revealed that she “endure(d).. to make (the marriage) work” as she, “many times… smiled through the struggle.” Finally, the Queen revealed that she was “moving on,” stating that, “today, I… announce that I shall no longer be referred to as wife to the Ooni of Ife or as Queen of Ile-Ife but as the Queen of the people and mother of my adorable prince.” Were the gods of Ile-Ife happy at that gloat over their king? Since then, she had indeed moved on. Once in a while, she advertised her sultry beauty on the social media and her Christianity. It was akin to the conquest smile of a conquistador. It was believed that the decision of the Ooni to embark on a serial acquisition of wives thereafter was a response to the subtle disgrace he suffered in the hands of a wife who divorced him on the social media.

I first came in contact with the epistemological body of knowledge of African magic in my pre-teen years. I lived with my parents in a town called Ikirun, in today’s Osun State. There was this highly dreaded spiritualist called Baba Iyanda Aladokun. It was not possible to live in Ikirun without a sniff of the whiff of Aladokun’s spiritual prowess. His magical powers were legendary. For seven years, boy Aladokun was said to have been declared missing, allegedly carried away by whirlwind called Àjà, only to surface thereafter. His known specialty was in the spiritual healing of mentally challenged patients. He was my late father’s older friend. My father and I frequented his house almost every Saturday. Aladokun’s house was usually filled to the brim with all manner of patients. Dark, pot-bellied and most times wearing agbádá, Baba Aladokun sat cupped up in a corner of his herbal hospice, welcoming oncoming people afar off with his cryptic, “e wèé” – greetings which a pre-teen boy like me smothered the urge to laugh at. Many of the patients were brought to his herbal sanatorium from several lands away. Some were Igbo as well. When his patients were in the twilight of recuperating, Aladokun loaned them to farmers like my father to work on their farms for fees. The farmers in turn gave him reports of the perceived level of the patients’ sanity. On the farm, armed with cutlasses and hoes, my father would ask that we gave the recuperating patients some distance, lest they return to status quo ante and feasted their weapons on us. My father however engaged them in dialogues which were most times intelligible.

A few years after, Baba Aladokun was embroiled in allegation of human body parts rituals. The police criminal investigation department (CID) had received reports that the herbalist had veered into human body parts rituals. A female police detective who pretended to be mentally deranged was seconded to his sanatorium. In the course of simulating mental derangement, she reportedly witnessed the herbalist pounding the body of a newlyborn baby in a mortar which was then garnished with black soap and other accoutrements. Baba Aladokun was subsequently arrested, remanded in the Ilesa prisons and later released for want of evidence. I remember my father used to go pay him visits in the prison. Not long after, specifically in 1984, one of the old herbalist’s mentally ill patients suddenly ran amok and beheaded him right inside his sanatorium.

African kings, no matter their erstwhile religious backgrounds, are believed to be beneficiaries and inheritors of a system of African medicine, sorcery, magic and witchcraftcy which dates centuries. The late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, once let me into some of the details. For instance, a traditional DNA system exists in the Oyo palace which ensured that bastards cannot be brought into the palace as princes and princesses. In the palaces of many Yoruba towns are believed to be headquartered witches whose powers help the monarchy to fight its battles. This is sometimes unsolicited. For all you care, however, all these could be a mythic system that has kept the palace fortified from invaders and evildoers.

So, when a 31-year old woman, who set out to favour the less-privileged in a fun fair, suddenly landed in one of the most notoriously famous prisons around, a few days after this noble effort, to what do we put that: happenstance, fate; normal encounter of man or spiritual recompense for openly disgracing a foremost king in Yorubaland on the social media? At the wake of the calamity, the Ooni palace masterfully disconnected the monarchy from her travails, de-linked her and her action from the palace, while subtly empathizing with her. It was the last laugh of a scorned husband.

Some people have also argued that the fates of Naomi and Oriyomi Hamzat can be compared to the historical Yoruba wise-saying that depicts fatalism. It is a philosophical school which subjugates all actions, events and occurrences to fate or destiny. The history behind the wise-saying is that, in ancient days, Mògún was where persons accused of committing heinous crimes were incarcerated. Once the King was persuaded of their guilt, he ordered their beheading right inside Mògún, which makes the prison a place where hordes of skulls were kept. However, many of them were victims of petty conspiracies who never committed the crime they were accused of. So, the saying goes that, of the innumerable heads quartered in Mògún, the ones belonging to unjustly beheaded ones were many (Orí yéye ní Mògún, ìpín àìsè l’ó pò). Today, prisons across the world are Mògún which house just persons unjustly incarcerated. Many have also died unjustifiably, either from the supple hands of the law or the coarse brunt of lawlessness. On June 16, 1944, for instance, 14-year-old George Stinney, was executed in the electric chair of Columbia, America. He was accused of having killed two white girls who earlier approached him and his sister while playing in their yard to ask where they could find flowers. The bodies of the girls were later found the following morning. Seventy years after, a South Carlina judge held that Stinney could not have murdered the two girls. He vacated the conviction. So, are Queen Naomi and Hamzat victims of this ancient fatalism?

As we approach the New Year, I pray that we will not be victims of an unjust world; now, in the new year and all through our sojourn on this divide.

This is a time of the year to choose ‘Persons of the Year’. Media organisations, which have editorial policy to name “Person Of The Year” would always choose who they believed had a stronger influence on history and who represented either the year or the century the most. The choice often features a person, group, idea or object that “for better of for worse…has done the most to influence events of the year or decade or century.

But as I noted here in 2019 and 2022, when I characterised my choice then as a ‘Man of The Decade’ and later “Man of The Century”, there is a weightier matter of urgent national importance that has triggered my choice this year.

Here is the my preface: As we continue to deconstruct President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s performance in his maiden media chat and even as criticisms continue unabated from a section of the country of the controversial tax bills, let’s step aside and give this Nigeria’s president a credit he has been denied.

Is there any stronger man in Nigeria today who has had a stronger influence on history and who represented either the year or century the most? Is there anyone who has done the most to influence events of the last one year or even decade? I think the answer isn’t blowing in the wind, no matter what Bob Dylan thinks about this.

Here is the thing, the swashbuckling exponent of emilokan politics and President of the most populous black nation on earth at this time deserves some respect even as some of us wailers keep saying and writing that the only thing that is certain about him is that he was born. But I think our leader should be respected as an oracle at this juncture even when some critics have disrespectfully coined T-Pain as buzzword. If the iconic Winston Churchill who didn’t acquire too many higher certificates was recognised as an orator, our leader, Tinubu should be crowned as an oracle. As I was saying, orators speak the minds of the people while oracles speak the minds of the gods and when they (oracles) say to even the orators, ‘do this’, it is done.

We need to remember that preacher’s classic that there is a time for everything under the sun. There is a time for politics. There is a time to freeze politics and face governance. There is a time for critique and even criticism. There is a time for contextual reporting and there is a time for editorials on policies and politicking of leaders. And there should be a time for balancing acts. Some say there should be a time of the year for enrollments into the halls of fame and halls of shame. I am persuaded that after 18 months of governance in Africa’s most strategic country, the Jagaban Borgu should be given the credit he deserves as a Grandmaster of Politics. In 2019, I looked into the seeds of time and concluded here that the Buhari we didn’t know and whose integrity and capacity we overrated should be crowned “Man of The Decade” for his exploits. But now I know better: that then, the ‘Grand Master’ was yet to arrive. I have revoked my own judgment and a new “Man Of The Decade” has emerged.

In the land of the giants, where democracy reigns supreme, a hero has emerged. President Bola Tinubu, the master strategist, the kingmaker, the one who defied all odds to claim the throne. His victory in the 2023 elections was a testament to his cunning, his charm, and his unparalleled ability to…well, let’s just say, “influence” the masses. He can’t be ignored as the most artful politician of our time. Tinubu has navigated the treacherous waters of Nigerian politics, avoiding the pitfalls of integrity and accountability. His campaign was a master class in doublespeak, promising change while maintaining the status quo.

And now, as President, Tinubu has achieved the unthinkable: capturing the state, lock, stock, and barrel: the three arms of government? Check. The judiciary? In his pocket. The legislature? Eating out of his hand. The executive? Well, that’s a given. But what’s truly remarkable about Tinubu’s achievement is the sheer audacity of it all. Who needs separation of powers when you can have concentration of power? Who needs checks and balances when you can have absolute control?

And let’s not forget the economy. Tinubu’s economic wizardry has left the nation in awe. Who needs fiscal responsibility when you can have fiscal wizardry? Who needs transparency when you can have opacity, sorry audacity?

But, of course, there are critics. The naysayers, the doubters, the “wailers” (as they’re affectionately known). They claim that Tinubu’s presidency is a recipe for disaster, that his policies will lead to ruin, that his authoritarian tendencies will stifle dissent. Pshaw! What do they know? Tinubu is a visionary, a trailblazer, a…well, a bit of a dictator, but that’s beside the point.

At this juncture, President Tinubu is the Man of the Decade, the saviour of Nigeria, the…okay, maybe not that last one. But he’s definitely the most…interesting president Nigeria has had in a while. So here’s to Tinubu: may his reign be long, his power be absolute, and his legacy be…well, let’s just say, “complicated”. And here are some reasons:

The enigmatic Jagaban Borgu, a man of many nicknames and controversies. Let’s dive into the peregrination, shall we? The many faces of Tinubu:
Tinubu, the Jagaban, a name that commands respect and fear in equal measure. But, have you ever wondered what lies beneath the surface of this complex character? ¹ Some call him Asiwaju, the leader of warriors, while others prefer City Boy, a nod to his Lagos roots and peccadillos.

A certificate dispute fit for a King
But, alas, the Jagaban’s reputation has been dogged by controversy since 1999. The certificate scandal allegation from Chicago University has been thrashed even by the highest court in the land. It is no longer casting a shadow over his presidency. He has survived the scandal and can no longer lead to his downfall.

The Supreme Court’s verdict
Despite the controversy, the Supreme Court has confirmed Tinubu as the president. And, in his maiden presidential chat, he spoke with a swagger that left many in awe. But, beneath the bravado, lies a complex web of intrigue and power play. Despite that and all the town-cry about hunger and anger, he is consolidating his hold on power. Many resourceful observers are even saying openly that the Lagos Boy has captured the Nigerian state with the three arms of government firmly in his hand.

The people’s verdict
Love him or hate him, Tinubu is a force to be reckoned with. His supporters see him as a visionary, a leader who will take Nigeria to greater heights. Detractors, on the other hand, view him as a power-hungry politician who will stop at nothing to achieve his goals. In the end, only time will reveal the true nature of the Jagaban Borgu. Will he prove to be a hero or a villain, the bridge to the answer is too far as a reflection of the complexities and contradictions that surround this enigmatic figure.

My Man of the Decade’s remarkable ability to navigate Nigeria’s complex political landscape is unique. His latest feat, the removal of fuel subsidies, is a testament to his cunning and strategic thinking. Who needs a robust healthcare system or quality education when you can have cheaper fuel, right?

Tinubu’s administration has demonstrated excempetence of the Nigerian people. By deregulating the downstream oil sector, he has successfully shifted the burden of economic hardship to the masses he keeps telling to endure a painful surgery for eventual survival. It’s a bold move, really. Who needs a social safety net when you can have the “privilege” of paying more for basic necessities?

As we celebrate Tinubu’s induction into the hall of fame as the most valuable political player of our time, let’s not forget his other notable achievements. His ability to maintain a tight grip on power while appearing to be a champion of democracy is truly remarkable.
Tinubu’s impact on Lagos State is undeniable. As governor from 1999 to 2007, he initiated road construction projects to accommodate the state’s growing population. His influence extends beyond his tenure, with some critics arguing he’s maintained control over Lagos’ politics and economy. He has claimed to an interviewer that he made a great deal of money from real estate business, perhaps in Lagos. Tinubu’s political prowess is evident in his role in forming the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013 and his support of Muhammadu Buhari’s presidential campaigns. His own presidential ambitions came to fruition in 2023 when he won the election, despite overt opposition from the seat of power in Abuja.

Tinubu’s career has not been without controversy. Allegations of corruption have surfaced, including a 1993 case in the United States where his assets were frozen due to suspected links to heroin dealing. He has also faced scrutiny over his financial dealings, including a transaction involving the Lagos State government’s investment in Econet (now Airtel). There are more allegations of Lagos state capture. Who would have survived this in today’s Nigeria? Despite these controversies, Tinubu significance in Nigerian politics propelled him to power.

So meet President Tinubu the ultimate dark horse who defied expectations and won Nigeria’s presidential election against all odds. Despite not being the bookmaker’s favourite, he emerged victorious with 36.6% of the popular vote, thanks to his cross-regional appeal as a southern Yoruba and a Muslim. His victory was a testament to his strategic campaign and broad support base on a curiously risky Muslim-Muslim ticket.

Let’s not debate for too long why I think Tinubu has been grossly underrated and denied his laurel as a Grand Master of politics. Forget about development for a moment. The Lagos Boy we all didn’t know is now in full control of Nigeria’s economic capital (Lagos) and political capital (Abuja). He was elected when he wasn’t in office and power and his election touched off even a curious ‘glitch’ that the highest court interpreted in his favour.

Today, even the federal legislature, unarguably the most important arm of government in a democracy, named their knowledge centre, their Library after Tinubu as a mark of honour for his consequential presidency. Who can therefore deny the Jagaban Borgu as the ‘Man of the Decade’? I mean, never in the history of mankind has a leader, sorry a king been so successful in sending a whole kingdom into a deep slumber while affliction is rising up against it even a third time. The unquestionable Tinubu is my “Man of the Decade”. Who is yours?

If you ever ventured near the World Headquarters Shrine of the Palmwine Drinkers Club at the University of Ife of yore, you would hear the constant refrain:

Things fall apart, the centre must hold;

A house divided against itself shall stand;

Few are called, many are chosen…

In the midst of all the light-heartedness for which that club is known, what is embedded in the philosophy underpinning its chants, songs and pulsating beats can only be described as joyful optimism. The glass may be half empty but the story is not complete if we fail to acknowledge the fact that it is also half full. A story is only half told if it addresses only one side of the societal coin. At first, it may all look funny, but when we look deeply, we realise that what appears to harm us on one hand may be bringing beatitudes on the other.

That is the lesson that our very own internationally acclaimed documentary filmmaker, Collins Akpapunam, taught the world in 2024. Before his intervention, it was fashionable to address the brain drain phenomenon in which thousands of qualified professionals and artisans in all fields of human endeavour migrate to Europe and America in search of better working and living conditions. The mass exodus is popularly tagged “Japa” and is the sing-song of the youths and the not-so-young.

But Akpapunam draws our attention to the other side of the trend: Japa embodies the seeds of return or Japada. You could put it this way: He who japas will eventually japada. The initial loss of the professionals to foreign lands becomes a blessing when we consider the economic fallouts of their sojourn and how that is an unquantifiable blessing to the society from whence the pilgrims emerged.

The Drain

The premiere of Japa at the Main Auditorium of the United Nations House, Abuja, attracted the cream of the local gentry, bureaucrats, “culturepreneurs” and members of the diplomatic corps. The film brought together both the “losers” and the “beneficiaries” of the Japa syndrome. Without being offensive or rude, the film makes the point that migration happens because the system where the migrant is migrating from is faulty, unfriendly or too stultifying.

Laurent M.J. de Boeck, Chief of Mission of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) to Nigeria said, “This is a great moment for us all. And I thank the producers of this documentary for using this opportunity to redraw our attention to migration. It will reopen discussions on this issue. It is almost turning into a pandemic and the world has to sit up by addressing the concerns raised in this film. But as it is, the issue at home is just to see a way to engage, enable and empower the Diaspora. In it all, we think about human mobility.”

Boeck whose organisation is an organ of the UN also believes that through brain drain those who have left these shores can constantly remit money home to reduce poverty and agony. Large remittance has a direct impact on Nigeria’s economic growth and advancement. It must be noted, though, that as African nations lose their best brains on a daily basis, so do they also lose their chance for speedy development. Boeck advocates a well-structured harnessing of the situation because the Diaspora are the best suited now to transfer technology, increase social capital and make life better. That is how brain drain can be turned into brain gain.

He insists that migration to foreign lands should not necessarily entail abandonment: “You might not necessarily return home completely. But if the atmosphere is conducive you can come and re-invest. Leaving Nigeria therefore does not mean abandoning Nigeria. No. Migration in itself is not a bad idea. What we are saying is that the government has to be proactive and involved in such a way to assist those who wish to return home to invest to do so more conveniently.”

Brain Drain, the documentary, featured in this year’s New York film festival and the silicon African Film festival in San Jose, California.

Akpapunam and his Efizzi Communications also make the point that when, on the one hand, you subject Japa to the crucible of analysis, you must, on the other hand, do the same to Japada in order to achieve a balance. Thus the need for a sequel.

The Gain

In “Brain Gain” which addresses the Japada imperative, Akpapunam shifts emphasis from loss to gain. He probed the transformative impact of Nigerian immigrants on their home country. Journalist Alhumphrey Amayenabo, in his brilliant review, wrote: “Through compelling storytelling and rigorous research, Collins Akpapunam demonstrates how Nigerian immigrants are leveraging their international experience, networks, and expertise to create jobs, stimulate investment, and foster development. From technology and healthcare to education and the arts, “Brain Gain” showcases the diverse ways in which the Diaspora is giving back to Nigeria.”

The beauty of Akpapunam’s documentaries is that they humanise the statistics, putting faces to stories, and names to achievements with the impact to the larger society, for good or for ill, as the ultimate consideration.

Chinua Achebe warned us to always strive to tell our own stories because “Until the lion learns how to write every story will glorify the hunter”. Thanks to Akpapunam and Efizzi for telling what is essentially an African story from our own perspective and proffering suggestions on how what is perceived as a curse can be transformed into a blessing.

Blessed Are The Givers

It could have happened to anybody. No public-spirited person would wish the recipients of his/her philanthropy dead. When a stampede ensues as desperate people attempt to force their way into the venue or forcefully grab items which they could otherwise have collected gracefully in an orderly atmosphere, we must temper our anger at the needless loss of lives with a charitable flavour. I join the nation in praying for the sweet repose of the souls of all the departed.

To heap all the blame for such tragedies at the doorsteps of the philanthropists appears cruel because that would be tantamount to making them reap the very opposite of the appreciation that would have been their just payback. It is easy to pontificate on how the philanthropists involved in the recent fatal stampedes in Ibadan, Okija and Abuja failed to ensure adequate security to prevent the stampedes.

The first question some perceptive people asked was, “Where were the police?”

If the events had been about convening an unauthorised radical political gathering, the police would have shown up whether they were invited or not. They would have scattered the gathering. But who cares about the poor? Now, the police are strutting all over the place when they, indeed, should join the organisers of those tragic events in the dock.

Looking back, I should thank God that I have been exposed to crowd control in the university through student unionism. My decision to feed 500 children of the IDP Camp near Games Village, Abuja in 2016, could also have ended tragically if we hadn’t secured the use of the premises of St. Christopher’s Catholic Church, Kaura, and pre-packed the food and drinks to make distribution seamless.

Suppose something had gone wrong? My associates and I would have spent all that money only to buy dormitory spaces in the penitentiary. No, that is not a good way to end the “movie”. I say blessed, indeed, are the givers.

There are numerous reasons why we celebrate or mark dates: they are usually dates to remember, especially for good. On Wednesday, 11th December, 2024, all roads led to the English Department, Faculty of Arts of the premier university, the University of Ibadan and the reason for the season, as they say, was the Poet Laureate, Professor Niyi Osundare. Teachers, friends, colleagues, students, comrades as well as family and well-wishers, all gathered to mark the 10th anniversary of the occasion that Professor Osundare bagged the National Order of Merit Award. The theme of the celebration was “Niyi Osundare: Ten years after, the harvest continues”. What harvest, if we may ask? The harvest of awards, recognitions and accolades for the Ikere-Ekiti-born self-effacing poet of international repute. It was, indeed, a day of poetry readings, music and dance and the creme-de-la-creme of the literati were in ample supply.

If Osundare needs any introduction, not his poem on the country’s judiciary. It will be difficult to find anyone conversant with social media who has not come across Osundare’s caustic, even sarcastic, poem on the well-known corruption – a national malaise – that has not spared the hallowed chambers of the Judiciary, often touted, but now almost totally discredited, as the last hope of the common man.  But how many people also knew that “My Lord, where do I keep your bribe?” landed Osundare a lawsuit? He revealed at the 10th celebration of his Nigerian National Order of Merit award that human rights lawyer, Comrade Femi Falana, was helping him with the court case (s) that, perhaps, his most popular poem of this generation attracted. So, Dele Farotimi was not the first to call out the judiciary, although the instruments applied by both Osundare and Farotimi differed. The judiciary must watch it!

Much of the encomiums poured on Prof. were not strange or new to me. During my NYSC year followed by an M. Sc. class at the premier university, Osundare was a senior Comrade that we all gathered around to advance the struggle for a better society. The fire has not dimmed in him. Speaker after speaker made reference to his humanity and selfless devotion to the cause of the oppressed and downtrodden. His passion for learning and culture; his love for the environment; and the sadness that their mindless degradation engenders in him was palpable when he spoke about the felling of some iconic trees near the university’s First Gate: “Universities are known all over the world by their trees. Trees tell stories”, he said. “You cannot destroy your environment and still be at peace. If you don’t love the trees around you, you are not likely to love your neghbours”, he added. Profound! You begin to understand the love that the Whites show to their pets and the environment and how this impacts on their human-to-human relationship.

Apart from the environment, any humanity yet to lose its very essence must know and cherish its history. Hear this: “Ti a ba tan (if we shine or glow)/ Ti a ko ba ni itan (But we know not our history or have no history)/ A kii pe tan (It will not take long before we expire)”. What, then, do we make of the way History has been relegated to the background in the country today? The elders say: Any diety that the elders alone worship/That the coming generations are not introduced to/Will sooner than later go into extinction”. The same goes for History that is not taught to the coming generations.

When Osundare said his heart bleeds when he sees people being cheated, I knew he has not changed a bit from the Osundare I knew as far back as 1982, despite the vicissitudes of life and his travels and sojourn in many countries and continents of the world. In his essential humanity, despite all accolades and shining academic laurels, he remains as constant as the Northern Stars!

Fifty-seven thunderous applause for the governor of Ekiti State, His Excellency, Biodun Oyebanji (aka BAO) who celebrated his 57th birthday last Saturday. For two reasons, I have closely followed BAO’s activities in office. One, because of his Chief Press Secretary, Yinka Oyebode, a Yoruba “Omoluwabi” personified. Before then, I had my reservations about BAO because of the “warfare” that preceded his clinching the coveted post. Godfather-godson relationships seldom yield good dividends and they also hardly last. So I thought Ekiti would follow a similar pattern—but so far, so good. My birthday present to BAO: Three areas where I think any governor in the South-west should focus attention are security of life and  property, food security, and education. More than ever before, the stampede over food palliatives occasioning loss of lives across the country dictate that we prioritize food production, which is impossible in an atmosphere of insecurity. That the South-west has fallen in the pecking order in the field of education also calls for serious action to redress the situation.

FEEDBACK

Why are Yoruba the “problem” of NIgeria?

The reasons the Yoruba are always controversial can be located in the Yoruba system of values where money comes a distant sixth position. You may wish to interrogate the first three values said to be held in high esteem by the Yoruba (of old?).  The first is “làákàyè” – the application of knowledge, wisdom and understanding (Ogbón and ìmò òye). The second is “Ìwà Ọmọlúwàbí” (integrity). Someone with integrity is a man/woman of their word. If you have all the wealth in the world but lack integrity, you are not worth a thing. Integrity is combined with “ìwà” (character) which we regard as “Omolúàbí”. The third is “Akínkanjú” or “Ìwà Akin “ (valour). That is why “Balógun” is second-in-command in Yoruba land. The Balóguns lead the people to war – leading with great courage in the face of danger, especially in battle. Yoruba people have no respect for cowards. Money is said to be number six on that value scale, coming after gainful employment and valour. – Owo is one platform.

I am proud to be Yoruba, the most tolerant nationality in Nigeria! And if there will be an opportunity to come back to this world again and to choose what ethnic group to belong to, I will choose Yoruba again and again! What of the giant strides of the Yoruba in Christianity, beginning with Samuel Ajayi Crowther of the Anglican church to Apostle Joseph Ayo Babalola of CAC of the 1930 revival “isoji” Oke-Oye of Ilesa fame; to Moses Orimolade of the C&S; Bilewu Oshoffa of the CCC; to the present Baba Adeboye of RCCG, Baba Kumuyi of Deeper Life, Baba Oyedepo of Living Faith Worldwide and a host of others!

Yoruba lead in courage, hard work and commerce; they are self-made; display wisdom in almost every good thing while others follow! – Engr. James Awolowo Olayemi, Odo-Owa, Kwara State.

It is in our stars! The more others hate us, the more empowered we become! We are the only ethnic nationality that still remembers its progenitor, Oduduwa, and to empathize with him physically and spiritually. We shared so many things with Israel. We are the eyes of the  Almighty.T he more others hate us, the more powerful we become.Those who love us are blessed by God. We have what we call Yoruba ethos; go against it, you are doomed! Align with other enemies of the race to betray our ethos, Karma deals with you. – Akoso Atayese.

Your opinion speaks volumes to the authorities. Whether they get the message and do the needful is another thing entirely. But posterity will judge! I hope those concerned will see it and not only read it but digest and act on it. I wish the authorities will also play their part and see to it that there is total freedom for all and sundry. – Aderemi ajadi Desalu.

The mind enjoys having a thread of thoughts to hold on to or rap a human being around. Yet, it is the individual being that is held to account for his actions and not the tribe, religion or class to which he belongs. Why? Because at school we have no option but to gang or play together as classmates, close friends, etc. until it is time to graduate. This world is a school. We come here as individuals who find ourselves as classmates, close friends, etc. because we are born into a family, then tribe, with all that goes with it; yet, we go back alone like we came! By the way, has it ever occurred to you that it is with the mind that we love and hate at the same time? – Henry Atenaga.

Our culture, our character, our liberalism, our honesty, our forthrightness, our confidence, and many more virtues set the Yoruba apart! My worry, however, is if we are passing such to the next generation.  – Bola Olowo.