Details about how the National Assembly plans to pass the proposed N49.7 trillion 2025 Appropriation Bill have emerged. 

According to the legislative timeline, the joint National Assembly Committee on Appropriations will lay its report on the budget on Friday, 31 January 2025, setting the stage for its anticipated passage in early February. 

The National Assembly’s timetable noted that Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) are expected to defend their allocations before the relevant committees starting Monday, 7 January 2025. 

A memo obtained by our correspondent in Abuja revealed that the Senate Committees on Appropriations and Finance will meet with key government officials on Friday, 7 January, at 2 p.m. 

These officials include Wale Edun, the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy; Atiku Bagudu, the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning; and the Director-General of the Budget Office of the Federation.  

Joint budget defence sessions between the Senate and House of Representatives’ appropriations subcommittees, alongside relevant MDAs, will begin on Wednesday, 8 January, and continue until Wednesday, 15 January 2025. 

The timetable indicates that the Appropriations Committee will present its final report on the budget on Friday, 31 January 2025. 

Senator Adeyemi Adaramodu (APC – Ekiti South), Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Publicity, confirmed the timeline in Abuja. 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu presented the N49.7 trillion budget proposal, titled “The 2025 Budget of Restoration: Securing Peace, Rebuilding Prosperity,” during a joint session of the Senate and the House of Representatives on 18 December 2024. 

The President highlighted the budget’s focus on securing peace, fostering prosperity, and ensuring hope for a greater future for Nigeria. 

The Senate passed the 2025 Appropriation Bill for a second reading on 19 December, following a debate on its objectives and principles. 

It was then referred to the Senate Committee on Appropriations, chaired by Senator Solomon Adeola (APC – Ogun West), for further scrutiny. 

The House of Representatives also advanced the Bill to its Committee on Appropriations for additional legislative work. 

With the legislative process underway, all indications point to the budget’s passage in early February 2025.

[TheNation]

Croatian top-flight club, Dinamo Zagreb has announced the appointment of a former Italian international, Fabio Cannavaro as the club’s new coach.

The announcement was disclosed in a statement Sunday on the club’s site.

“Fabio Cannavaro is the new coach of GNK Dinamo’s first team. This decision by the club’s management and the sports director was supported this evening by the club president and the Executive Board during the 15th session of the Executive Committee,” the statement partly read.

Cannavaro, who played as a defender for Juventus and Real Madrid, won the 2006 World Cup with Italy.

Owing to his professional behaviour and leadership skills, Cannava was awarded the Ballon d’Or the same year.

Currently, Dinamo sit in the third position with 29 points in the domestic league HNL, behind table leaders Rijeka and Hajduk Split.

According to the club’s Chief Executive Officer, Zvonimir Manenica, the lack of results in the HNL forced the management to consider Cannavaro’s appointment.

“The club’s management decided that we had to take necessary steps to stop this negative crisis because such poor results in the domestic league haven’t been seen in a long time. We thank Coach Bjelica for everything he has done. He gave his all and achieved great results in the Champions League, but the domestic league is the club’s priority, and unfortunately, the results there were lacking.

“We have the opportunity to take the club to the next level in Europe, but this is only possible by winning the title. We are aware of the risks and responsibilities, and this was not a hasty decision. It was carefully analysed to determine the best course of action without the daily pressures that come with Dinamo’s high ambitions. This is why we waited to make the decision after the match with Varaždin and took our time to decide calmly,” Manenica said, among others.

Cannavaro will join the first team at their gathering on January 3, 2025, when he will also be officially introduced.

The Italian tactician’s first test will come up on January 22 when they visit the Emirates Stadium in London, in their Champions League encounter against Arsenal.

[Punch]

Anthony Ijaola Ayinla Asiwaju was unaware when he delivered his inaugural lecture on December 12, 1984 that it would    change his life forever. More importantly, that with that step, he was transforming our consciousness    of the seemingly inanimate colonial boundaries of Africa into the living things that they are in reality. The lecture had also earned him immediate summons by  the State House, Dodan Barracks, to meet the feared Generals Muhammadu Buhari and his unsmiling Deputy Head of State Tunde Idiagbon. Coincidentally, Nigeria’s borders at the time of the Inaugural were closed. So, for a professor to give a well-advertised lecture about ‘artificial boundaries’ was quite unsettling for the dictatorship. The military regime demanded an advance copy of the lecture which Asiwaju could not produce.

In those days, 40 years ago, as he was being driven by security men to the State House for an uncertain reception, he was unaware that his lecture would lead to the country    taking its borders serious by establishing the Nigerian National Boundary Commission. The Inaugural also internationalised his belief that humanity needs a ‘United Nations of Border Peoples’.    

Asiwaju is a product of fortuitous circumstances. First, he was not meant to go to school. In the agrarian and Catholic society he grew up in Imeko, the culture was educating the first child, while others were retained in the farm to produce food and some income for the family. So, his elder brother was sent to school, while he remained in the farm. However,  his father later moved to the Ado-Odo  Area where he became a migrant farmer with no land of his own. He reasoned that if his younger son were trained as a farmer, what farm  would he inherit? Therefore, he decided that the latter    should also go to school.    So the young Asiwaju at 10, began    school at St Joseph’s Catholic School in 1949, and St Leo’s Teachers College in 1956. He then taught in many schools until 1963 when he got admission into the University of Ibadan.

Ironically, Asiwaju did not want to become an academic. His ambition was to rise to the post of a secondary school principal.    So, despite a scholarship offer, he tried to dodge going    for his    Masters/Ph.D Programme. When finally he    was cornered to do so, he did not    like the suggestion by Professor Jacob Ade Ajayi that he should focus on Nigeria-Benin border rather than just on Nigeria.  The latter offered Asiwaju a car to take him on a trip through the border,    after which he could    decide either to reject or accept the    proposal.    Ajayi’s proposal was a like a divine one as Asiwaju had all the prerequisites for such a novel study. Aside from a strong first degree, he grew up and lived in Imeko, a border town with Benin Republic.    Secondly, his parents were from both sides of the border; his father was from Ketu and his mother from Imeko. Both    towns are situated in the same    geographical, cultural and historical    area.    Their inhabitants are inter-related and speak the same      dialect of Yoruba. In pre-colonial times, both were part of the ancient    kingdom of Ketu with capital in Ketu, in today’s Benin Republic. The Ketu Kingdom was destroyed in the 1880s by Dahomey; Imeko in 1982 and Ketu in 1886.    When the European colonialists took over the old kingdom, they split it into two: Ketu was in French Dahomey (now, Benin) and    Imeko in British Nigeria.    Who better to study the boundary and effects of    French and British colonial systems on the same people, but a ‘son of the soil’ like Asiwaju.    Besides, the research was like Asiwaju  reliving the history of his family and their experiences.

His maternal grandmother, Elizabeth Aduke-Afin, was 15 when she was captured along with many others in Ketu when it fell to the Dahomians in 1886. She was    enslaved from then until February 1894 when King Behanzin was    captured by the French occupation army. Rather than head back to Ketu, she headed towards the more secured areas of Cotonou, Porto Novo (Ajase)    and finally, based on reliable information that her mother and some other relatives were in and around Ado-Odo, she headed for that town. There in about 1896, she reconnected with her mother, Ayoka and other relatives from whom she had been separated for a decade.

So, Asiwaju ended doing his doctorate on the impact of the    French and British administrations    on the same Yoruba people who fall on both sides of the border.    It was the study of the experiences of a single    people under two European powers with different languages, currencies, cultures and colonial styles: one ‘Direct Rule’ and the other ‘Indirect Rule’.  It was a systematic    study of a given problematic across two systems.    Asiwaju went thematic in his study. For instance, he studied the background of the different administrators, including the schools that produced them, their practices, personnel and training within the context of the French being republicans and the British being monarchists.

The monarchical background of the    British  in a sense explains why it appealed to them to use pre-colonial monarchical institutions and, where these did not exist, to create them such as the Warrant Chiefs in Igboland.

After publishing his thesis, Asiwaju discovered that there were no comparative studies; so he embarked on studies    such as the split of the Akan people between French Cote d’Ivoire and English Ghana and,    the Mossi People between French Burkina Faso and English Ghana. He then moved to an African-wide survey. This is the origin of the    book    “Partitioned Africans: Ethnic Relations Across Africa’s International Boundaries, 1884-1984″ which he edited.

  Forty years after his    Inaugural Lecture, I sat across the table from the Emeritus Professor    for his analysis on    the fundamental changes that have taken place. He noted with sadness that Nigeria’s borders are once again closed with government apparently not learning from the past. He said: “ I live on the route (Nigeria-Benin Border); fuel tanks roll out and rice    flows in. It is when    you close the border officially, that it begins to boom. Adam Smith    praised the so-called smugglers as people    who break the law  of the state in order to comply with the law of economics. The trader takes his goods    to where he can  make more profit. Even if you build    walls separating countries, they cannot be more solid    than the Wall of Berlin, even that broke under socio-economic pressure.”

He said his encounter with the military regime, on his inaugural, gave him the impression that    the military listens more: “They admit that they don’t know, and in their heart of hearts, they know they don’t know.    If they think an issue is not abrasive, they listen.”

By the time Muhammadu Buhari ran for a second presidential term in 2019, it seemed clear that the judicial process in many parts of the country had been actively co-opted in the intimidation of civic opponents of the government, both real and imagined. The case of Steven Kefas was a defining moment in that process.

Steven was a compelling activist and amplifier of the crisis of human security in Southern Kaduna under former governor, Nasir el-Rufai. For this, el-Rufai arranged the abduction of Steven from his residence in Rivers State on 8 May 2019. From there they bundled him into interminable detention in Kaduna on the imagined crime of criminally defaming Cafra Caino, an acolyte of the governor who was also Chair of the Kajuru Local Government Council.

For this invented crime, el-Rufai had Steven charged before a Magistrate in Kaduna who refused him bail even when the crime was clearly a misdemeanor. Steven renewed his application for bail before the Federal High Court in Kaduna where the presiding judge, Peter Mallong, incredulously ruled that his suit was “an abuse of court process” because the Magistrate had previously refused bail. Turning judicial precedent on its head, Peter Mallong held that the decision of the Magistrate was binding on the Federal High Court.

Gloria Ballason, who argued Steven’s case, was also my lawyer when el-Rufai sought to also abduct me in circumstances that would have been not dis-similar to what he did to Steven. On the eve of the presidential election in 2019, el-Rufai went public with claims of a massacre of scores of Fulanis in Kajuru, a community against whom he appeared to have an implacable beef. The following morning, I publicly rebutted his claims. The security services were pointedly unable to support his claim.

After the 2019 elections, el-Rufai instructed my prosecution before the Magistrates Court in Kaduna on fanciful charges of incitement and injurious falsehood. The case did not even have a charge number. The magistrate called up the case on two successive occasions and, when I did not show up, decided the time was ripe to issue a warrant for my abduction. Contrary to my entitlements under the Nigerian constitution, even bothered to bring the charges to my attention. It seemed as if the entire objective from the beginning was to set me up for abduction.

Informed off-record about the case by sympathetic law enforcement agents subsequently, Gloria Ballason first issued filings objecting to how the court had chosen to proceed. Thereafter, she instituted proceedings before Peter Mallong’s Federal High Court in Kaduna against el-Rufai and the police arising out of these facts alleging breach of my constitutional rights.

One year after the case was instituted, in October 2020, Peter Mallong issued his decision. He claimed that the affidavit in support of my court processes sworn to by a litigation clerk in the law firm of my lawyers, was incompetent because the deponent was someone other than me. It was as if he had never heard of the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules which allowed for what the litigation clerk did. As a result, Peter Mallong said, my case was incompetent and his court lacked jurisdiction over it. After holding that he lacked jurisdiction, however, Peter Mallong went on to “dismiss” my case.

The judgment was manifestly crooked on the face of the record. A judge can only dismiss a case that they have had the opportunity to consider but a judge cannot consider a case over which s/he lacks jurisdiction. So, a judge who rules that he or she lacks jurisdiction cannot thereafter decide to dismiss the same case. That is exactly what Peter Mallong did. Having accomplished such crookedness, he then went on to award punitive costs against me.

It was this kind of casuistic and crooked jurisprudence that emboldened el-Rufai and his ilk to routinise the persecution of Nigerian citizens by abduction under cover of law. I was lucky. Steven Kefas was not. Gloria Ballason’s tenacity and an international campaign eventually enabled to Steven to make bail after 162 days in pre-trial detention in Kaduna prison.

According to Steven, while he suffered prolonged pre-trial detention for an imaginary crime framed against him for being a government critic, he witnessed kidnappers caught in the act being released  without charges. Steven’s explanation is that: “What the oppressive elites do in Nigeria is that they will hire rogue lawyers to help them draft all manner of petitions to get critics and ‘enemies of the government’ abducted and locked up….”

This appears to be the perfect description for what is happening in an ongoing case involving the prosecution of Precious Eze, Olawale Olurotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa and Seun Odunlami before the Federal High Court in Lagos. The accused are all bloggers who run different platforms as citizen journalists or aggregators.

On 19 September, 2024, Country Hill, a law firm acting on behalf of Guarantee Trust Holding Company (GTCO) and its CEO, Segun Agbaje, wrote a petition in which they complained against the accused for what they called “acts of cyberbullying, criminal extortions (sic) and conducts (sic) likely to cause a breach of public peace” arising reportedly from material published on their blogs about Guarantee Trust Bank (GTBank). Importantly, the complaint omitted any mention of the sums that any of the suspects allegedly extorted or sought to. Subsequent investigation by the police showed clearly that upon the material being brought to their attention by intermediaries, the suspects had voluntarily pulled down the publications complained of.

Acting on this petition, nevertheless, the police promptly arrested and detained Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi, both of whom have been held in pre-trial custody since then. By the date you read this, each of them would have been in pre-trial custody for over 91 days. That is more than double the maximum duration of 42 days of pre-trial custody allowed by the Administration of Criminal Justice Act.

It took the police just four days to conclude investigation. Michael Abu, the Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP) who led the investigation into GTBank’s petition, wrote in his report of 23 September 2024 with reference to Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi that “these types of people be used as scapegoat” and recommended that they be “charged  to court for the offence (sic) of conspiracy, cyberbullying, attempt to extort money through fraudulent means and conduct likely to cause the breach of peace.”

On 14 October, the police re-arraigned them. Ten days later, the amended charges filed against them included six counts of cyberbullying and two each of conspiracy and extortion. To prosecute them, GTBank secured the “fiat” of the Inspector General of Police to instruct a high-powered team of ten lawyers, including three Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs). This is a classic example of “oppressive elites” capturing the criminal process for destructive purposes against poor citizens.

Until now, the people who orchestrate these kinds of travesties and their judicial and legal co-travelers have enjoyed earthly impunity. Judges like Peter Mallong made this possible. The one lesson, however, of the Dele Farotimi case is that citizens now have the wherewithal to make these kinds of perversion of the legal and criminal process costly for those who orchestrate them.

In this case of Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi, that should be even moreso, given that the travesty is procured at the instance of a commercial and corporate actor. We are both citizens and customers. In this dual capacity we have the muscle to resist the determined conspiracy of politicians and corporates who seek to muzzle and destroy an informed and responsible civics. It is not too late for GTBank to retrace its steps.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has attributed Nigeria’s current challenges to both the actions of its leaders and the contributions of its followers.

Despite the difficulties facing the country, Obasanjo urged Nigerians to remain hopeful and not lose faith as the new year begins.

During an appearance on the Arise TV Morning Show on Monday, Obasanjo expressed confidence that Nigeria will soon assume its rightful position among nations, emphasising that he remains a steadfast optimist about the country’s future.

He said, “We wish all Nigerians a happy and prosperous new year, and I will say to Nigerians, We’re going through hardship, but they should never lose hope. I’m an incurable optimist about Nigeria, and we have a great country.

“Where we are is not where God wants us to be, and I believe that sooner than later we will get to where God wants us to be. God wants Nigeria to be a land flowing with milk and honey, not a desert, a basket case, or a failed country.

“That we’re where we are is either by inadvertent or advertent actions of our leaders and followers to some extent, but God is God of great things for Nigeria. I believe God has great things for Nigeria in the immediate future.”

Obasanjo also addressed the issue of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump’s previous remarks about Nigeria, emphasising the need for Nigeria to find a way to make Trump understand that the country is not what he described.

“Whether anybody likes it or not, the American people have decided that Trump will be their leader, and Trump, being the American people’s leader, will lead America for the next four years and will be the leader of the world.

“America is the greatest country in the world for now. It may change in a few years. Maybe China will take over and become the largest economy or surpass America in terms of technology or military power, but for today America is that country, and we cannot say we have nothing to do with Trump.

“We have to find a way of letting Trump know that what he calls a ‘shithole’ is not it, and we have to make him understand that. I believe that there will be policymakers around him that we can reach and talk to.

“America has an enlightened interest in Africa, and we must tell him, ‘This is your interest, and don’t ignore it. We’re ready to work with you; give us the respect and dignity that is due to us, respect our citizens who are in your country, and let us work together for a peaceful world. A world that is secured, stable, and where prosperity is shared and security will be common for everybody.’ I believe Trump will understand that.”

[Vanguard]

The year 2024 marked 25 years of uninterrupted democratic rule in Nigeria. The 2024 electoral calendar, featuring four types of national and state elections tested public confidence in the electoral process and the commitment of democratic institutions and political actors to electoral integrity. At the federal level, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) conducted two off-cycle governorship elections in Edo and Ondo, bye-elections in two senatorial districts in Yobe and Ebonyi states, as well as four federal constituencies, and three state constituencies. Additionally, court ordered rerun elections arising from the decisions of election tribunals on the 2023 general elections held in thirty-six federal constituencies.

At the sub-national level, state electoral commissions conducted local government elections in 28 states. Disappointingly, these elections dampened citizens’ trust as they were signposted by poor management, electoral malpractices, vote buying, electoral violence and unbridled political interference. As Yiaga Africa noted, local government elections were a travesty of democratic elections. The 2024 electoral cycle exposed the fragility of Nigeria’s electoral process and affirmed that political actors were succeeding in rolling back most reforms previously introduced to enhance the quality of Nigerian elections.

In the bye-elections and re-run elections, seven parties won constituencies as follows: the All Progressives Congress (APC) won 20 constituencies, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) secured 15, Young Progressive Party (YPP) won 4, New Nigeria’s People’s Party (NNPP) won 3 while African Democratic Party (ADP), All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and Labour Party (LP) each won one constituency. APC won the two off-cycle governorship elections. For the local government elections, the party of the incumbent state governor overwhelmingly secured all the local government chairman positions and councillor seats except in very few instances where some seats were allocated to other parties.

2024 electoral headwinds and critical takeaways

Election logistics challenges, a persistent but surmountable issue

For over two decades, every election (national and local) has been plagued with delays or shortages in materials and personnel. While some of these operational challenges are deliberately created to influence electoral outcomes, others reflect a poor planning culture. However, the elections held in 2024 affirm that intentional planning, foresight and attention to detail can reverse the trend of logistics challenges. Most elections conducted by INEC in 2024 recorded early arrival of election materials except in the Edo governorship election, the Plateau bye-election and Enugu rerun election. Even in the face of election logistics sabotage by external actors, INEC demonstrated resilience by activating other options to ensure election materials and personnel were deployed in good time.

Increasing mockery of tech-enabled innovations for protecting election integrity

In 2020, INEC introduced the BVAS and IReV to strengthen the integrity, transparency and credibility of election results management. While the BVAS ensures only eligible registered voters cast their ballot and prevents multiple voting, the IReV ensures voters can access polling unit level results, enhancing transparency of elections results and disincentivising manipulation of election results during collation. However, cases of multiple results from a polling unit, discrepancies in hardcopy results sheets and results uploaded on the IReV revealed the extent to which political actors, enabled by compromised election officials, undermined the same technology aimed at safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process. Concerns about cost, technology penetration, and cybersecurity did not drive the initial opposition to the BVAS and IReV. Instead, it was largely driven by the fear that technology could potentially expose and limit electoral fraud. For instance, the IReV and BVAS exposed human interference with election results or accreditation data. Without these tools, the public would remain unaware of the depth of electoral manipulation experienced in recent elections.

No more red lines

A dark side of the 2024 electoral cycle was the tactics employed by the political class toward electoral politics. In an attempt to secure electoral victories at all costs, political actors brazenly utilised election manipulation tactics including results tampering, intimidation of election officials and violent disruption of elections to undermine all efforts to strengthen electoral integrity.

For instance, INEC had to suspend bye-elections in Kano, Akwa Ibom and Enugu due to disruption, irregularities and abduction of election officials. In the Kunchi/Tsanyawa state constituency, political actors mobilised thugs to hijack election materials and conduct the election. Similarly, in the recent Edo governorship election, collation officers allegedly altered results from four LGAs during collation. Local government elections were not exempt, as SIECs disregarded actual votes cast and allocated votes to candidates of ruling parties in the states. These patterns of election manipulation are consistent with those from previous elections, further undermining the legitimacy of the outcomes.

INEC and SIECs capture Is real

Political interference and assault on the operational and financial independence of election management bodies is a potent tool employed by political actors, especially incumbents to tilt the electoral scale in their favour. Many electoral commissions were starved of funds to conduct elections. INEC is believed to have received its funding late to conduct the off-cycle elections. During a recent roundtable on local government elections hosted by Yiaga Africa, most Chairpersons lamented how state governors deprive SIECs of funds. In some cases, election procurements were even determined by state governors.

The appointment of partisan individuals into electoral commissions to serve vested political interest deepens the distrust in the electoral process. Many civil society groups who opposed the appointment of some Resident Electoral Commissioners based on concerns over competence, experience and neutrality felt vindicated by their conduct during the 2024 elections. For instance, the Resident Electoral Commissioner for Edo state whose familial ties to federal minister was a subject of controversy due to his familial links with a federal minister, raising concerns about neutrality. However, calls for his redeployment in the build–up to the Edo governorship elections were rejected by INEC.

The logistics challenges and poor stakeholder engagement underscored his lack of experience. In contrast, the REC for Ondo, a former INEC Director exhibited exemplary competence and capacity which led to the successful conduct of the 2024 Ondo governorship election. In Ondo, by 7:30am, polling officials had arrived in 71% of polling units, unlike 43% recorded in Edo. This marked difference underscores the imperative of experience and competence in nominating individuals into INEC.

At the state level, governors appointed their former aides and card-carrying members of political parties into SIECs. These ‘strategic appointments’ are intentional political strategy to strip electoral commissions are stripped of the independence and capacity to deliver credible elections.

On a positive note, 2024 saw an increasing trend of appointing former and current INEC staff as Resident Electoral Commissioners and National Commissioners. While this practice may potentially enhance the quality of nominations into INEC given their expertise, it must be based on competence, integrity and proven records of high performance. Introducing a mandatory timeframe during which former INEC staff must be out of the commission before becoming eligible for such appointments is necessary to necessary to avoid perceptions of bias. A definite timeframe would prevent the approach from being misconstrued as a reward for delivering favourable outcomes, particularly since the appointing authority benefits directly from elections conducted by INEC.

Vote buying remain a growing blight

The conversion of polling units into market place for buying and selling of votes delegitimises electoral outcomes. This menace has become entrenched in Nigeria’s electoral process with all elections held in 2024 recording widespread vote buying. As reported by most election observers, votes traded between N5000 – N20,000 in off-cycle governorship elections. The higher the competitiveness an election, the higher the cost of a vote. The challenging economic situation of the country has further exacerbated the cases of vote buying in 2024.

On a positive note, while enforcement agencies have made arrests, prosecution of electoral offenders are still pending. Among law enforcement agencies, the Economic and Finance Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Department of State Services (DSS) stood out for arresting vote buyers in Edo and Ondo. Other security agencies and law enforcement agencies need to demonstrate greater commitment to combating the menace of vote buying.

These 2024 headwinds explain the apparent lack of public confidence in the electoral process. It also reaffirms the weaknesses of democratic institution like INEC, SIECs, and political parties. The reliance of old election rigging tactics further attests to these weaknesses. As the culture of impunity deepens so does the legitimacy of electoral outcomes. The urgency of electoral reform preceded by character reform is the only path to reclaiming electoral integrity and rebuilding trust in the electoral system.

Charting the path to electoral integrity in 2025 and beyond

2025 is a crucial year for laying the groundwork for Nigeria’s 2027 general election. In December 2025, there will a leadership transition at the helm of INEC as the current Chairman of the commission completes his second and final term. This leadership transition will significantly impact the management of the 2027 elections. The National Assembly must also conclude all electoral amendments to provide certainty in the legal framework for the next elections. Impressively, both chambers have committed to concluding the reforms by mid 2025.

As we look forward to 2025, the following four hurdles must be scaled to guarantee clean and safe elections for the coming year and beyond: First, rebuilding citizens’ trust in the capacity of proposed electoral reforms to address the excesses of political actors and systemic challenges in the electoral process and secondly, concluding all election-related administrative, legal and constitutional reforms in 2025 to ensure certainty in the legal framework ahead of the February 2026 release of the 2027 election timetable. Thirdly, building national consensus on the composition of INEC and SIECS, especially the qualification, mode of appointment and mechanisms for safeguarding the operational and financial independence of election management bodies and lastly, securing the commitment of key stakeholders like INEC, security agencies, political parties and transport unions like the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) to credible, inclusive and peaceful elections.

Surmounting these hurdles requires leadership and statesmanship from the president and the National assembly, active citizenship, and, finally, a resilient, cohesive, and unbiased civil society and media.

Itodo is an election, democracy, and public policy enthusiast. Itodo serves as the Executive Director of YiagaAfrica and Principal Partner of the Election Law Center. He is also a member of the Kofi Annan Foundation board and the Board of Advisers of International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA). Comments and feedback to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Atiku Abubakar, a former vice-president, has condemned a “military parade” accorded Seyi, son of President Bola Tinubu.

A viral video appeared to show the president’s son inspecting a guard mounted in his honour.

In a statement issued by his media office on Sunday, Abubakar demanded an investigation into the incident, saying it was a gross violation of military tradition.

“It is with utter dismay and concern that Nigerians were subjected to a nauseating video circulating online, where a group of young men, armed and in full military procession, bestowed upon the President’s son unwarranted military honours,” the statement signed by Paul Ibe, Abubakar’s media adviser, reads.

Abubakar said the group, identified as the ‘Nigeria Cadet Network’, is not a recognised entity within the Nigerian Armed Forces.

He said it was “disturbing that the name ‘Cadet’, associated with young, formally trained military personnel, was exploited by civilians to tarnish the esteemed traditions of the military”.

“In an effort to uncover the truth behind this shameless procession, we instructed our legal team and military experts to investigate the so-called ‘Nigeria Cadet Network’,” he said.

“To no one’s surprise, it was revealed that the group is not a legally registered entity. What is even more alarming is the brazen use of firearms by civilians in this so-called parade — at a time when illegal arms proliferation is at a dangerous high in our country.”

Abubakar said the probe should ascertain the legitimacy of the ‘Nigeria Cadet Network’ and its use of the cadet when it is not a registered entity, the legality of the firearms displayed, and the propriety of the military honours granted to the president’s son by non-commissioned civilians under the protection of security personnel.

The politician added that preserving the integrity of the Nigerian Armed Forces should be paramount.

“If it is determined that any legal violations were committed by the President’s son or members of the so-called ‘Nigeria Cadet Network,’ it is the constitutional duty of Nigerian security agencies to ensure that the law takes its course and those responsible are held accountable,” Abubakar said.

[TheCable]

Dele Farotimi’s emotional YouTube address following his release marked a pivotal moment in the ongoing struggle for truth, justice, and freedom in Nigeria. Visibly overwhelmed, he wept openly, expressing profound gratitude to Nigerians who rallied behind him during his 21-day ordeal in detention. Farotimi’s tears transcended personal pain—they embodied the collective suffering and hope of a nation grappling with systemic oppression.

“They did not see me as Yoruba, or as Christian. They saw me as human, a fellow Nigerian in need of their voice,” Farotimi said, his voice breaking with emotion. His gratitude was a powerful acknowledgment of the solidarity shown by Nigerians, who set aside their divisions to demand his release. “Because you spoke for me, I became stronger. You found your voice, and in that voice, I found my hope,” he added, capturing the transformative power of unity in the face of tyranny.

Farotimi’s address carried a dual message: a heartfelt expression of gratitude to the people and a pointed warning to those in power. He praised the ordinary citizens, activists, and allies who stood with him but also issued a stark caution to the administration that orchestrated his suffering.

“The tears I cry now are tears of gratitude,” he said, “but theirs will be tears of regret. The people have spoken for me, and history will ensure that those who oppress them cry last.” This statement, though veiled, was clearly directed at President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration and its allies, whom Farotimi has consistently criticized for running a “predatory state” built on lies, fear, and systemic oppression.

“Their empires are built on sand,” he warned. “When the time comes, the people will remember, and they will cry the loudest.” These words resonated deeply, laying bare the fragility of a regime that relies on repression rather than legitimacy to maintain its hold on power.

21 Days of Captivity: A Personal and National Revelation

Farotimi’s 21 days in detention were not just a personal trial—they became a metaphor for the broader cycles of oppression faced by millions of Nigerians. He described the experience as a “test of my faith, my will, and my commitment to the truth.” Despite the physical and emotional toll, Farotimi emerged stronger, stating, “They wanted to break me, but they didn’t realize they were only sharpening my determination.”

His captivity underscored the desperation of a government so threatened by criticism that it mobilized every available resource to silence a single voice. “This is not about me,” Farotimi said. “It is about dismantling a system that thrives on the suffering of its people. They fear the truth because it threatens the lies they have built their power on.”

His experience drew attention to the plight of countless others—those who remain nameless and forgotten in the clutches of an unjust system. Farotimi’s words served as a reminder that his struggle was not isolated but part of a much larger battle for justice and human dignity.

Farotimi has long described Nigeria’s governance as an “evil empire” sustained by poverty, ignorance, and fear. His YouTube address reiterated this critique, calling on Nigerians to dismantle a system that oppresses rather than serves them.

“This fight is not about me,” he said. “It is about dismantling a system that denies its people their humanity and thrives on their disempowerment.” He directly criticized Tinubu’s administration for weaponizing state institutions to suppress dissent and silence truth. “They fear the truth because it exposes their corruption, mismanagement, and failure to serve the people,” he declared. “But truth is relentless—it will find them, no matter how high their walls or how deep their pockets.”

Calling Nigerians to Peaceful Resistance

Farotimi’s tears were not only a reflection of his pain—they were a call to action for Nigerians to resist oppression through nonviolent means. “This is not a fight to be won with arms,” he said. “It is a fight of courage, persistence, and unity.”

He urged Nigerians to reject the fear and chaos propagated by the state and instead focus on their collective strength. “They divided us so they could conquer us, but you have shown that we can rise above their schemes. You have shown that we are stronger together,” he said.

Farotimi also called on Nigerians to demand accountability through their voices, their votes, and their solidarity. “The empire thrives on chaos and fear,” he warned, “but it will fall when we refuse to play by its rules.”

A Warning to the Powerful

Farotimi’s address carried a powerful warning to the political elite and their enablers. He predicted that “every cycle of 21 days will bring consequences for those who perpetuate suffering.” Addressing the families of those in power, he declared, “The comforts they have are built on the tears of millions. The empire they defend is crumbling, and when it falls, justice will be unbearable.”

His words served as a chilling reminder that privilege built on oppression cannot last indefinitely. “They might have power today,” he said, “but history is relentless. The people will remember, and when the time comes, they will cry the loudest.”

Farotimi’s struggle has transformed him into a symbol of resistance against tyranny. His book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, which the government attempted to ban, is now a global bestseller and a rallying cry for justice. Instead of silencing him, the administration’s actions amplified his message, proving that truth cannot be caged.

His 21 days in detention have become a metaphor for the cycles of oppression endured by ordinary Nigerians. Yet, as Farotimi said, “Every cycle of 21 days will bring consequences for those who exploit and oppress.” His warnings extended beyond the administration to its enablers, declaring that no empire built on the suffering of others can endure.

The Tears of a Nation

Farotimi’s emotional address symbolized the collective pain of a nation but also its resilience. His tears carried the weight of a man who has endured personal trials but refuses to give up on the promise of a better Nigeria.

“The tears I cry now are tears of gratitude,” he said. “Theirs will be tears of regret. The people will remember, and history will hold them accountable.”

Farotimi’s vision for Nigeria extends beyond his personal struggle. He dreams of a nation where leaders serve the people, institutions are independent, and democracy thrives. “This fight is not about me—it is about ensuring that every Nigerian becomes a citizen, not a subject,” he said.

He called on Nigerians to remain steadfast, reminding them that the fight for justice is a collective effort. “We do not need arms to win this fight. We need courage, unity, and an unyielding demand for what is right,” he declared.

Dele Farotimi’s fight has become a national struggle—a battle for truth, dignity, and the future of Nigeria. His tears, courage, and words have inspired a movement, uniting Nigerians to demand justice and accountability.

His story is a reminder that truth cannot be silenced, justice cannot be bought, and the will of the people cannot be suppressed indefinitely. “This is our fight,” he concluded. “And we will win.” Farotimi’s legacy continues to unfold as a beacon of hope for a nation yearning for freedom and justice.

Who Will Cry Last?

In the end, Farotimi’s prophetic words—paraphrased, direct, and indirect, but all deeply rooted in the reality of Nigeria’s systemic failures—cast a long shadow over those who orchestrate and sustain the suffering of the people. The Tinubus, the heads of police, judiciary, security forces, and their enablers—friends, families, and beneficiaries of this corrupt empire—may revel in their temporary power and privilege. Yet, Farotimi’s message remains clear: “The tears I cry now are tears of gratitude, but theirs will be tears of regret.”

History is relentless, and justice, though delayed, is inevitable. These oppressors, hidden behind their wealth and influence, cannot shield themselves forever from the reckoning that awaits. Their families, who now enjoy unearned comforts, will one day inherit the weight of the crimes committed to sustain this empire. And when the system they uphold crumbles under the force of truth, accountability, and the people’s demand for justice, it will be their turn to cry. Their regret will echo through history as a reminder of the cost of tyranny.

The Vice-Chairman

Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC  

Abuja

Dear Sir.

 SOS ON MASSIVE EXTORTION OF CUSTOMERS BY IKEJA ELECTRIC DISTRIBUTION COMPANY, IKEDC

This is to formally alert and seek your urgent intervention on the rampaging extortion drive by the above mentioned company.  

As the sole supplier of electricity in Ikeja where I live in government quarters, IKEDC recently began to deactivate the UNISTAR PRE-PAID METERS SERVING RESIDENTS OF LASG QUARTERS at 47 Sobo Arobiodu Street, Ikeja GRA..  The deactivation continued after the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC, warned IKEDC against activities on the UNISTAR meters.( https://guardian.ng/news/respect-directives-on-obsolete-meters-fccpc-warns-discos/; https://thenigerialawyer.com/ikedc-ekedc-cannot-replace-unistar-meters-without-compliance-fccpc/)

What they do is await the exhaustion of the running credits on meters, allow customers to re-charge their cards but ensure they are not able to reload. Once this happens and you report back with your complaints, they would tell you that your meter is bad and due for replacement and that they have new meters in abundance. They would convince you to allow the retrieval of the UNISTAR meter.

Once the customer begins to feel that his hope is merely hanging, the customers  would be compelled to make desperate request for reconnection and they would deceitfully reconnect you but that would make customers pay through their nose.  In the past, customers like me whose monthly consumption hardly exceeded N50,000 following the banding regime had been summarily billed as much as N270,000. Fellow residents of government quarters have had to complain to me on their helplessness and their dramatic bankruptcy on account of this arbitrary billing.

In my own case specifically, my meter was retrieved on Dec 27, 2025 after recharging with N25,000 but failing to reload following their treacherous deactivation. Against my stated position that I was aware of the FCCPC directive to them, they insisted that should  immediately  apply online for a new meter reiterating that they had new meters in abundance but that I would have to pay N120,000.  For fear of wasting all the foods stocked up in the house and to also avoid being slapped with any humongous arbitrary bill, I went to their office to follow up. The response from their customer care operatives at the Ikeja Office was that their portal was down implying that all processes of new meter application had been stalled and therefore arbitrary billing would continue for as long as the portal was down.

I therefore seek your immediate intervention from the shenanigan of IKEDC to stall their onslaught against lawful customers. If they have the effrontery to subject LASG employees living in government quarters to this embarrassing situation, one can imagine what helpless private citizens are being subjected to by IKEDC.

Sincere thanks as I await your immediate intervention for a new meter.

Tunde Akanni

Associate Professor, Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, FCMS.