Media personality Toke Makinwa has revealed she’s been inundated with marriage proposals after publicly expressing her willingness to remarry—regardless of whether it’s as a second, third, or even fifth wife.

The buzz began after an episode of her podcast Toke Moments where Makinwa spoke candidly about how her perspective on marriage has shifted over the years. In the viral clip, she said, “In all honesty, at this point in my life, if I have the opportunity to be the second, third, fourth, or fifth wife, I will take it.”

She further explained that being a high-achieving woman can feel exhausting at times, saying, “I am the boss everywhere and that could be tiring. You feel like you need someone to lean on—someone that could decide what’s for dinner. Must it be me?”

Following the episode’s release, Makinwa took to social media to share a screenshot of her inbox, showing multiple messages from men expressing their desire to marry her.

One email stood out with the subject line: “GOAL: Can we get married?” The sender introduced himself as a senior data analyst based in Ibadan.

Her openness has sparked widespread reactions online, ranging from amusement to admiration. While some were surprised by the speed of the proposals, others applauded her honesty about the complexities of independence and relationships in today’s world.

[Opinion Nigeria]

In the bustling heart of Nollywood, where stories mirror the pulse of the nation, filmmaker Omoni Oboli’s Love in Every Word emerges not merely as a romantic drama but as a profound allegory for Nigeria’s enduring love affair with itself.

The film, which follows Chioma—a Lagos career woman torn between her past and an unexpected romance—unfolds like a parable for the Nigerian condition: a nation grappling with inherited flaws, societal storms, and a love so fierce it borders on obsession. This is not just a tale of two lovers; it is a reflection of Nigeria’s journey to reconcile its contradictions, heal its wounds, and embrace a future where “all will be well,” no matter the tempests.

Chioma’s story begins with resistance. A modern Nigerian woman shaped by ambition and trauma, she cuts ties with a lover who fails her expectations and recoils from a father whose flaws once shattered her family. Her resolve to avoid men who mirror her father’s shortcomings mirrors the disillusionment many Nigerians feel toward their nation. Like Chioma, citizens often wrestle with a love-hate relationship with Nigeria—a country whose potential feels perpetually undermined by systemic failures, corruption, and the ghosts of past betrayals.

The film’s opening scenes—where Chioma demands back the gifts she gave her ex—echo the frustration of a populace weary of investing hope in leaders and systems that yield little return. Her toxic workplace, ruled by a tyrannical boss, mirrors the daily grind of Nigerians navigating a society where merit is stifled, opportunities are hoarded, and survival often depends on gritting one’s teeth through indignities. Yet, like Chioma, Nigerians persist. They show up, they work, they dream—even when the dream feels like a mirage.

Enter Obiora, the Igbo entrepreneur whose confidence and persistence disrupt Chioma’s guarded world. Played with magnetic charm by Uzor Arukwe, Obiora is no flawless knight; he carries the cultural baggage Chioma despises—accent, traditions, and a boldness that unnerves her. Yet, he embodies something greater: an unshakable belief in his worth and his right to love her. Here lies the metaphor for Nigeria’s untapped promise.

Obiora’s grand gesture—buying an entire office building to win Chioma’s attention—is audacious, almost reckless. But isn’t this the essence of Nigeria? A nation that, against all odds, continues to bet on itself? From the bustling markets of Onitsha to the tech hubs of Yaba, Nigerians daily perform miracles of resilience. They build empires from nothing, create art in chaos, and innovate where infrastructure falters. Like Obiora, Nigeria may not fit the mold of what the world—or even its people—expects, but it refuses to shrink. It demands to be seen, not for its scars, but for its spirit.

Chioma’s workplace serves as a microcosm of Nigeria’s systemic struggles. Her boss, a symbol of oppressive authority, hoards power and undermines her efforts—a reality familiar to many in a nation where leaders often prioritize self-interest over service. Yet, Chioma’s journey teaches a vital lesson: storms refine us. Her resignation from the job, prompted by a crisis of conscience, mirrors moments in Nigerian history when citizens rise—#EndSARS, voter mobilization, civic activism—to reclaim agency.

The film’s tension lies in Chioma’s internal battle: Will she let past pain dictate her future, or will she rewrite her story? Similarly, Nigeria stands at a crossroads. Generations inherited the traumas of colonialism, civil war, and military rule, but the choice remains: Do we chain ourselves to history, or do we, like Chioma, step into the unknown for a chance at redemption?

In Chioma’s friends, Ify and Ivie, we find the Achalugo—the voices of reason and community that anchor her. They represent Nigeria’s vibrant civil society, its artists, its grassroots movements, and its diaspora, all urging the nation toward self-love. “You’re pushing away a good man because of an accent?” Ify chides, echoing the irony of Nigerians who shun local solutions while romanticizing foreign saviors.

Obiora, the Odogwu Paranran (great warrior), embodies the fearless love required to transform Nigeria. His persistence is the relentless hope of farmers tilling arid land, teachers in crumbling classrooms, and nurses battling epidemics with scant resources. He does not beg for acceptance; he earns it through action. This is the lesson for Nigeria: To win the world’s respect, we must first believe in our worth.

The film’s crescendo is Chioma’s leap of faith—choosing Obiora despite her fears. It is a quiet revolution, akin to Nigeria’s moments of collective courage: the 2015 peaceful transfer of power, the creativity of Burna Boy and Chimamanda claiming global stages, and the resilience of IDPs rebuilding lives. Chioma’s choice whispers, “Love is not the absence of storms, but the courage to dance in the rain.”

Nigeria, too, must choose. Will we cling to cynicism, or embrace the audacity of hope? The “love” here is not naive—it is revolutionary. It is the love of Fela’s music raging against oppression, the love of Wole Soyinka’s pen defying tyranny, the love of market women pooling resources to send a child to school. It is a love that stares down dysfunction and says, “You cannot have my soul.”

Love in Every Word closes not with a fairy-tale ending, but with the promise of growth. Chioma and Obiora’s journey is just beginning—as is Nigeria’s. Our nation, like the film’s protagonists, is a work in progress. But progress demands faith.

To love Nigeria irrevocably is to be a realist and a dreamer. It is to acknowledge the oil spills in the Niger Delta and the ingenuity of startups turning waste into wealth. It is to decry banditry in the North while celebrating the peacemakers bridging divides. It is to groan under the weight of poor governance yet campaign tirelessly for accountability.

This love is not blind; it is visionary—seeing beyond the present chaos to the potential gleaming beneath.

Achalugo, the voices crying out for justice, and Odogwu Paranran, the warriors building a better Nigeria, are not mythical figures. They are the students coding through power cuts, the mothers rallying communities against insecurity, and the artists redefining our global narrative. They are you and I.

Nigeria, like Chioma, is learning to love itself—flaws, accents, and all. Our storms—insecurity, inflation, corruption—are fierce, but so is our resolve. The world whispers, “Break,” but Nigeria bends and rises, again and again, because our love is not a fleeting infatuation. It is an obsession, a covenant, a prayer etched into the soil of our ancestors.

In the words of Chinua Achebe, “Nigeria is what it is because its leaders are not what they should be.” Yet, the inverse is also true: Nigeria will be what it should be when its people—guided by the spirit of Achalugo and Odogwu Paranran—refuse to let go of love. We are Chioma, wrestling with our past. We are Obiora, daring to demand more. And in our collective story, the final act is not written by the storms we face, but by the love that outlasts them, and for me this is a testament to the unyielding faith in the fatherland.

All will be well. E go better. Because to love Nigeria is to believe in miracles–May Nigeria Win!

The Federal Government of Nigeria has uncovered unethical practices involving certain higher institutions and banks colluding to shortchange students whose loans under the Federal Government Student Loan Fund have already been approved and disbursed.

This revelation follows an investigation conducted by the National Orientation Agency (NOA), raising serious concerns about the administration of the loan scheme.

In a post on its X handle, Director General of the NOA, Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu, reported findings from its Community Orientation and Mobilization Officers (COMO), which suggest that schools and banks have engaged in actions that deprive students of their rightful loan benefits.

However, the specific institutions and banks involved were not disclosed.

Investigation unveils unethical practices 

“Recent investigations into the disbursement of the Federal Government Student Loan Fund have uncovered several unethical practices by some institutions of higher learning,” the NOA stated.

The Director General of the Agency shared these findings after a meeting with Managing Director of NELFUND, Mr. Akintunde Sawyerr, the body responsible for overseeing the loan scheme.

According to the investigation, certain universities have deliberately withheld critical financial information regarding disbursed student loans for their personal gain.

In some cases, institutions have received the loan amounts directly into their accounts, but failed to inform the affected students, leaving them unaware of payments made in their names.

Additionally, some universities require students to pay tuition fees despite receiving funds from NELFUND on their behalf.

“The NOA’s feedback shows how specific institutions have, in connivance with some banks, deliberately delayed payments to successful student applicants for personal financial benefit,” said Issa-Onilu.

“Such actions are both unethical and a breach of the principles upon which NELFUND was founded. Legal action will be pursued against institutions engaging in such deceptive practices.” 

Government takes firm action 

To address the issue, NOA has directed its state directorates to gather additional feedback from students across the country to facilitate appropriate action against erring schools and banks.

• The federal government has also issued a stern warning to institutions and financial bodies involved in the malpractice to immediately desist.
• The NOA has emphasized the need for transparency in the disbursement process, urging institutions to uphold ethical standards.

Mallam Issa-Onilu expressed hope that stricter oversight and accountability measures would restore trust in the student loan program and ensure that funds reach those they are intended to help.

What you should know 

The student loan scheme, initially enacted in June 2023 under President Bola Tinubu, was designed to provide interest-free loans to assist Nigerian students.

• Initially scheduled for rollout in October 2023, delays in implementation pushed the re-enactment of the program to April 2024, with the pilot phase commencing in May 2024 to cover federal tertiary institutions.
• The government’s intervention highlights its commitment to safeguarding the rights of students and ensuring the effective implementation of policies aimed at expanding access to education for all Nigerians.

[Nairametrics]

Rivers State is currently facing a pressing and time-sensitive threat. The oil-rich state has come under intense political scrutiny following President Bola Tinubu’s state of emergency proclamation on March 18, 2025. Despite official assurances that this step was necessary to tackle a supposed breakdown of law and order, many observers argue that the constitutional criteria for such a declaration were never met. No credible reports indicated imminent danger to lives or property, and even preliminary police statistics showed no unusual surge in violence across the state. Nevertheless, the federal government acted swiftly: in a single directive, it removed the authority of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and dissolved the legislative apparatus, handing over day-to-day governance to Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas, a retired military officer appointed as ‘Administrator’. This has sparked concerns about potential ‘long-term democratic erosion.’

This arrangement immediately raised red flags for those who initially opposed the measure. Critics argue that Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution—cited by the Presidency as justification—does not grant the power to remove or suspend an elected Governor and legislature. Equally concerning is that instead of simply approving or rejecting the state-of-emergency proclamation, the National Assembly reportedly modified its contents, thereby exceeding the boundaries that the Constitution sets for such an intervention. Opponents hold that neither the President nor federal legislators have the authority to replace elected officials at the state level. The jury is out on the legality or illegality of the state of emergency. Hon. Linus Okorie, a former legislator, described it this way: “The entire emergency process is riddled with constitutional breaches, political motivations, and authoritarian overreach”.

However, since taking office, Admiral Ibas has waded deep into areas typically reserved for elected officials. Among his first actions was to replace civil servants overseeing local government administration and appoint politically aligned persons to key positions across local government areas. As a result, the constitutionally mandated practice of running councils via democratically elected officials has been set aside.

While the original proclamation from President Tinubu allegedly stressed that the Administrator should formulate only “regulations” limited to security concerns, what has taken place on the ground looks far more like lawmaking. Admiral Ibas began preparing the state’s 2025 budget without legislative oversight, triggered the dismissal of Governor Fubara’s political appointees, especially those who were nominated and cleared by the then “United” House of Assembly — and most conspicuously the changing of the leadership of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission and the Local Government Service Commission. According to local reports, many new appointees are known loyalists of Minister Nyesom Wike, fuelling suspicion that the entire emergency rule is a ploy to reshape Rivers politics in Wike’s favour.

There is a trend of alleged unconstitutional acts. Critics list the illegal nature of the emergency declaration itself, the contravention of Supreme Court orders regarding the disbursement of state funds, and the public misrepresentation of reconstruction efforts at the House of Assembly complex—among many others. The removal of statutory political appointees is high on that list, especially since no effort was made to show how such dismissals advance public safety or quell any threat. Community leaders, particularly the Rivers Rescue Organisers, point out that neither the restive areas of the riverine communities nor the capital city, Port Harcourt, have witnessed any large-scale disruptions.

Under these circumstances, questions continue to swirl around President Tinubu’s motives. Why plan to replace municipal civil servants with new politically aligned local government heads if the priority is truly stabilising the state? Why reconstitute the state electoral commission under emergency rule, especially if elections are not immediately at stake? How can an appointed Administrator validly prepare a budget, an act of lawmaking, without any form of legislative debate or approval? And does the National Assembly’s role in modifying the state-of-emergency order amount to an overreach that effectively sanctioned the removal of an elected governor and state assembly? Detractors note that emergency powers are supposed to be short-term, narrowly tailored, and strictly limited to restoring order. However, what they see in Rivers is a sweeping overhaul of political power that extends to every layer of governance. The reality is that Admiral Ibas is acting more like a governor-legislator hybrid than a temporary peacekeeping official. Hon. CID Maduabum, a lawyer and former federal legislator, warns, ” The administrator’s unconstitutional actions could exacerbate tensions in the state and plunge the state into total chaos”.

These moves have led many commentators to label what is happening in Rivers as a ‘coup in civilian clothing,’ an accusation arising from the wholesale transfer of authority from constitutionally elected officials to a single federal government appointee. The shift to Wike-aligned figures in strategic positions has heightened suspicions that the state of emergency is an avenue for orchestrating a prearranged political outcome. Much of the controversy also hinges on allegations of political engineering. Local journalists report that of the 15 newly appointed officials to key institutional boards—such as the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission and the Local Government Service Commission—11 are loyal to Minister Nyesom Wike, a former Governor who is a central figure in the crisis.

Some have dismissed these claims as ‘partisan conspiracy theories,’ insisting that ‘all appointments are based on proven track records, not political patronage.’ Still, the public’s scepticism runs high, with online forums and call-in radio shows flooded by residents who question why the emergency rule appears far more focused on dismantling existing political structures than addressing any tangible threats to public safety. Community organisers note that hardly any newly appointed officials have prior experience in crisis management or security coordination, raising further doubts about the purported rationale behind their placement. Some worry that Rivers is a test case for 2027, with potential ramifications for other states that may not align with presidential or ministerial interests. In Rivers State, some described this situation as a ” democratic time bomb” where political actors hide under emergency rule to subvert democracy and core norms of constitutionalism. This trend could set a dangerous precedent for the 2027 elections, potentially influencing the political landscape of Nigeria. 

The broader implications of the Rivers situation are hard to ignore. With state-level institutions effectively suspended, Governor Fubara sidelined, and the plan for local government councils to be replaced by appointed administrators, many believe constitutional order in the state has been covertly, if not overtly, suspended. Civic organisations warn that disenfranchised populations may react with widespread protests, especially if the promised swift return to normal governance does not materialise. The potential for widespread protests is a cause for concern, as should this standoff persist, it could create a dangerous template for federal interference in states nationwide.

For the people of Rivers State, the immediate concern is the return to constitutional order and preserving their franchise in a system that seems precariously close to unravelling. On the streets of Port Harcourt, protestors have been seen carrying placards reading “Democracy, Not Decrees” and “Our Votes Still Matter,” while religious leaders convened a meeting in different parts of the state to pray for what they described as “the restoration of the people’s will.” Some youth groups have launched social media campaigns using hashtags like #RestoreRiversDemocracy and #LetFubaraGovern, urging the international community to pay attention to “an unfolding civilian coup.” With calls for the Supreme Court to reassert its authority and for civil society groups to mobilise nonviolent demonstrations, tension remains high. If the political impasse continues, Rivers could see a spike in civil disobedience or sporadic unrest, especially given that many young adults in the South-South region believe that political justice, or the lack thereof, is a key driver of local violence.

At the heart of this entire debate lies whether Nigeria’s constitutional framework still holds firm under the weight of executive discretion. Emergency powers, after all, are meant to be invoked only when a true crisis emerges—and even then, only in ways that address the immediate security concerns while respecting democratic principles. The repeated references to Sections 305 and 11 have not alleviated suspicions that the fundamental objective is political control. Local watchers note that the last time an emergency was declared in a state—albeit under different circumstances—the Governor remained in office, and the National Assembly did not assume powers to alter the structure of local councils or reconstitute electoral commissions.

Ultimately, Rivers has become a crucible for Nigeria’s democracy, forcing citizens and the judiciary to consider whether checks and balances can withstand what some describe as an “unconstitutional assault.” Calls for reinstating elected structures have grown louder, particularly as the administrator delves into lawmaking and politics. The Constitution was never meant to be a smokescreen for personal or political ambition. Stripping away entire layers of governance under the pretence of emergency is not what the framers envisioned. Grassroots organisations are gathering signatures, staging peaceful demonstrations, and submitting petitions to the courts to restore what they see as Rivers State’s rightful democratic order. For now, no matter how this chapter ends in the state, constitutional democracy has been fatally damaged, and normalcy and order may be far away.

If there is a silver lining, it is that many Rivers residents—despite feeling sidelined—remain vocal in asserting their rights. Though limited in scope, public opinion polls suggest that a significant percentage of the populace demands a return to constitutional rule. The task of democratic forces in the state now is to use the six-month period to expose the fraud of the emergency administration and undermine its original intentions.

While the political actions of the citizenry and how the courts will ultimately rule remain to be seen, the state of emergency in Rivers has transcended its initial justification and transformed into a high-stakes test of Nigeria’s federal and democratic systems. The outcome may decide whether democratic norms can remain intact when confronted by executive power cloaked under security.

Many workers are struggling to meet basic needs, with many unable to afford to feed their families.

As revealed by data analyzed by The Guardian, states have set an average minimum wage of ₦73,471.43, which is ₦3,471.43 higher than the federal government’s minimum wage of ₦70,000—representing a 5% increase. States like Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Enugu, Lagos, Niger, Oyo, and Rivers are paying higher than both the federal government’s wage peg and the national average.

However, less than a year after the new wage law was introduced, inflation has eroded much of its real value, leading to fresh agitation from stakeholders. Labour leaders are already setting their agendas for the 2027 renegotiation, citing that while the government made wage adjustments last year, these increases have been largely offset by inflation.

With inflation hovering around 24%, nominal incomes have lost more than one-fourth of their value. The average minimum wage across states, which is ₦55,000 in real terms, is far below the intended value when the wage was set.

Stakeholders point out that while the minimum wage has been implemented, the government at various levels has failed to make the necessary adjustments to keep up with inflation. Consequential adjustments to wages have yet to be agreed upon with all state governments, further exacerbating the financial strain on workers.

The rising costs of living, including telecommunications, transportation, food, electricity bills, school fees, house rents, and fuel, are pushing many workers to the brink. For instance, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the average daily cost of a healthy diet for an adult in Nigeria is ₦1,255. A worker earning ₦70,000 a month would spend ₦37,650 on meals for the month, accounting for over 53% of their salary.

While many state governments are negotiating with their respective labour councils on the implementation of the minimum wage, Enugu state is yet to begin formal negotiations but has started a provisional payment of ₦80,000 minimum wage to its workers. The state’s negotiations are expected to proceed soon.

The update on the implementation of the national minimum wage also shows differing dates for the wage’s application across states. As of July 29, 2024, when President Bola Tinubu signed the 2024 national minimum wage bill into law, inflation stood at 33.4%. Although inflation slowed to 23.18% by February 2025, prices of basic food items and household goods remain high.

In states like Abia, Adamawa, Anambra, and Bauchi, the agreed ₦70,000 minimum wage has already been implemented. Akwa Ibom and Bayelsa, which negotiated ₦80,000, commenced payments in November 2024. Despite this, the National Minimum Wage Act does not apply to part-time workers, workers on commission, seasonal workers, and those in establishments with fewer than 25 employees.

While some labour leaders have praised the reduction of the negotiation cycle from five years to three, they have also expressed concerns about the current wage’s inadequacy due to inflation. Peters Adeyemi, General Secretary of the Non-Academic Staff Union (NASU), said that the previous five-year cycle was too long given the volatile economy.

He hopes that the reduced cycle will allow for wage adjustments that better reflect the current economic realities.

He argued: “I have always argued that the five-year period was too long in a volatile economy. Prices of goods and services go up almost daily, which renders the take-home pay of workers inadequate. Devaluation, price of PMS and inflation are the real enemies of the working class in Nigeria because these are what consume a large chunk of their salaries. With a year renegotiation period, hopefully, the figure that will be arrived at will be pocket-friendly.”

The President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Joe Ajaero, also expressed dissatisfaction with the wage, stating that the increasing costs of living, particularly the deregulation of the downstream oil sector, have made the ₦70,000 minimum wage insufficient.

He accused the government of going back on its promise not to increase the pump price of petrol, which had been a key condition for agreeing to the ₦70,000.

However, he believes that agreeing to a three-year negotiation cycle, which will be due in 2027, presents the movement as unique to further push for a wage that will be closer to the reigning economic reality.

Emmanuel Onwubiko, National Coordinator of the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA), argued that no governor deserves commendation for implementing the minimum wage, claiming that ₦70,000 is far too low, especially with the devaluation of the naira. He emphasized that the real value of the wage has been eroded by inflation and the high cost of living.

He argued that a wage that is below $50 for 30 days is one of the lowest in the world.

Speaking to Guardian, he said: “The minimum wage is too low at ₦70,000. In these states, no one knows the number of workers they have. How can we then arrive at how much they are paying from what they get? We simply take whatever they tell us. The argument that the compliance level is high is not tenable to me.”

Onwubiko added that for a currency that has lost more than 100 per cent of its value in the last year, ₦70,000 is not enough to sustain a family of three for one month, saying: “The cost of living has skyrocketed by at least five folds in the last one year. What the former minimum wage of ₦30,000 could buy, ₦70,000 of today cannot buy it.”

He urged the tripartite bodies to gear up for another round of negotiations before the 2027 date.

Tolulope Alayande, an investment banker, acknowledged that while ₦70,000 is inadequate, it is a step in the right direction considering Nigeria’s economic constraints. He pointed out that the removal of the petrol subsidy was necessary, despite the economic burden it has placed on Nigerians.

As the country faces persistent inflation and high costs of living, labour unions and government officials are expected to continue discussions on how to adjust wages and improve the living conditions of Nigerian workers.

[NaijaNews]

The Police have arrested controversial singer, Habeeb Okikiola Badmus, popularly known as Portable over allegations of criminal defamation, threat to life, incitement, and character assassination against renowned Yoruba Fuji musician, Mr. Okunola Saheed, popularly known as Osupa.

Portable’s arrest followed a petition filed by Osupa with the Kwara State Police Command where he accused the Zazuu crooner of using abusive and defamatory language capable of inciting violence and damaging his reputation.

Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO) of the Kwara Command, SP Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi, in a statement released on Sunday said the Command acted in accordance with the law after receiving credible evidence to support the petition.

“The petition borders on serious allegations which include criminal defamation, threat to life, incitement, character assassination, conduct likely to cause a breach of peace, and the use of abusive and insulting words,” the statement said.

With the approval of a valid arrest warrant secured from a Magistrate Court sitting in Ilorin, officers of the Kwara State Police Command proceeded to Abeokuta, Ogun State, where Portable was arrested on Saturday, April 13, 2025, at approximately 7:25 pm.

The police spokesperson added that Portable was immediately brought to Ilorin for further investigations. “Upon his arrival, the suspect’s statement was taken in the presence of legal representatives from both parties”.

SP Ejire-Adeyemi confirmed that Portable remains in custody and would be charged to court without delay.

The statement noted that the Command remains committed to upholding the rule of law and ensuring that justice is served in a fair and transparent manner.

“We urge members of the public to remain calm and refrain from spreading unverified information,” the statement added.

Former INEC Chairman and current Chairman of the Governing Council of Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, Prof. Attahiru Jega, has criticised the growing trend of Nigerian universities awarding honorary degrees to individuals without academic merit.

Speaking at the 14th convocation lecture of the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) in Abuja on Friday, April 11, Jega described the act as a betrayal of the academic system.

He applauded the graduating students for their hard work and commitment, noting that it was deeply unfair for a student to spend four or more years studying, and a lecturer to devote time to research, only for someone with no formal education or classroom experience to be honoured with a degree for political or selfish reasons.

He said: “Whenever we mention being found worthy in learning and character, people tend to wonder whether learning and character necessarily go together. Well, they do not. One can be learned, but with no good character. Moreover, one can be certificated without learning anything, yet have a good character.

“The expectation is that university graduates are positioned for the ideal of having both learning and character. Now, this ideal has been approximated in Nigerian universities in the past and is now a mere aspiration. In most cases, our universities offer certification to illiterates and award degrees, in many cases, to persons without worthy character.

“This is a stain on the integrity and respect of Nigerian universities.”

Jega further emphasised that such practices were undermining the value of education in the country. He urged students, educators, and institutions to stand firm in protecting academic excellence and resist the politicisation of honorary awards.

He said the purpose of the convocation lecture was to inspire and motivate students, faculty and staff to celebrate milestones and address important issues of ills relevant to the academic, community and society at large.

He described the guest lecturer, Dr Akinwumi Adesina, President of the African Development Bank, as an outstanding Nigerian doing the country and Africans proud.

In his lecture, Adesina, reminisced about a time when Nigerian education was globally respected. He noted that while the country still maintained a level of prestige, political influence would erode it if caution was not taken.

[Guardian]

Inmates at various correctional centres across the country have alleged that they are being poorly fed.

Many of them, who spoke to our correspondents, decried that they were dying of hunger.

This is as the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS) and the independent panel raised last September by the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, to probe allegations of corruption and abuse of office against officers of the Service, disagreed over the inmates’ claims of hunger.

While the panel confirmed that inmates were dying of hunger, the acting Comptroller-General of the NCoS, described it as an exaggeration, saying there was no statistics to prove the allegations.

Our feeding pattern regimented – Ikoyi prison inmate

Inmates at the Ikoyi Custodial Centre alleged that the meals served them were worse than dog’s food.

Speaking to Daily Trust, one of the inmates, who simply identified himself as Tony, described life inside the facility as regimented.

“The pattern of feeding itself is regimented. We eat three times a day, but even a dog will reject the food served to us. Our saving grace is that some of us are allowed to buy food from the staff canteen. If anyone depends solely on the food served by the authority, I bet you that such a person will die.

“A lot of inmates suffer from malnutrition and are often rushed to the sick bay. Our usual pattern of food is beans in the morning, eba served with watery soup without meat or fish in the afternoon and dry garri in the evening. The cooked beans are usually full of stones, bean shells and weevils since it is not properly picked before cooking. One can count the number of beans inside a bowl of water served as a meal.

“Inmates are served just one or two spoonfuls of beans, which they call a portion, along with dry garri. I usually mix my beans and garri as the garri will soak up the entire water.

“The food is not even enough to feed a chicken. I hardly eat when eba and egusi soup or okra are served. I vomited on my first day at the Ikoyi custodial centre, but I eventually got used to it when the reality of where I was dawned on me.

“The sight of the soup can make one throw up. One can separate the water from the egusi. The beans look like something they scooped from a nearby drainage,” Tony said.

Another inmate, remanded in 2023 for allegedly bolting away with his master’s money, corroborated Tony’s claims, saying, “At some point after eating the often badly cooked beans with stones inside, I would be having a running stomach for most of the day. “The food is terrible. Sometimes, I prefer enduring hunger to eating the meals they serve us.”

An officer at the Ikoyi custodial centre, who also spoke to Daily Trust on the condition of anonymity, disclosed that inmates were fed twice daily, “contrary to the three-square-meal approved by the government.”

Recounting his experience at the Ikoyi prison facility, an inmate told our correspondent at the Igbosere High Court, Lagos, that inmates do not cook their own food, but that meals are prepared by warders or those contracted to prepare food and served.

“I wonder who eats the fish, as we are not served fish or meat. Only the inmates who have constituted themselves into authority in the different cells get to eat heads of fish.

“You are considered lucky if you get to see pieces of fish inside the watery soup. However, inmates who get to work in the kitchens are lucky because they get to eat what they want aside from the normal rations,” he added.

The source stated that those serving their jail terms usually receive two meals a day – breakfast and dinner, adding that the food served include beans, rice, eba and garri.

He stated that the soup is usually watery and that one can separate water and egusi from the bowl.

“Inmates typically fund their purchases through money sent to them by families and friends or by begging when they go to court”, he stated.

‘Hunger killing inmates at Kirikiri Maximum Prison’

“Hunger is killing people. It’s killing a lot of inmates in Kirikiri Prison. Whenever an inmate dies there, if you check, you will realise that there’s an element of hunger”, said Ibrahim Babangida, who was recently released from the Kirikiri Maximum Security Custodial Centre, Lagos State.

Babangida, from Adamawa State, who told RFI Hausa that he was arrested for sleeping under a bridge in Lagos, said: “There was neither food nor portable water. The food was like poison because it caused you to have rashes. I now have rashes all over my body, which is caused by the food, which is also so little. Each inmate’s ration is measured in a tin of milk; imagine if that is enough. People are dying due to a lack of food.”

“The food is too small, not more than three morsels, which cannot sustain someone even if he is given three square meals,” he said.

Babangida described the food at the facility as as “poison” and alleged that a certain chemical was being added to their meals to make them weak and prevent them from revolting.

“If you eat the food today, the next day you will have rashes. They cook with a chemical called ‘scattering’ powder.

“When you eat that substance, you lose strength for anything. You become lazy and as weak as a 100-year-old, and regardless of the remedy you get, you can only regain strength after the effective period of the chemical has elapsed. That is why the powder is added to our food because when we eat, it weakens our body as if we were seriously beaten,” Babangida said. 

Inmates served raw food at Kano facility

Daily Trust was told that inmates at  the Goron Dutse Medium Security Custodial Centre were served raw food. The facility, established for 500 inmates but later upgraded to accommodate 700 inmates, currently houses over 1,000 inmates.

A freed inmate, who spent about 18 months at the facility, said inmates were served raw food.

“We began cooking our food while serving because the food wasn’t enough, and it wasn’t nice.

“The only inmates that seem to be enjoying their stay are those on death row and those serving life jail terms,” he said.

Sources at the Kano Central Custodial Centre, Kurmawa, told Daily Trust that inmates on death row were given double rations and their meals, usually beans, pap, kunu, rice, garri and tuwo, prepared specially.

‘Calabar inmates fed with half-cooked beans once daily’

Investigations by Daily Trust have shown that inmates in the custodial centres in Cross River State are being fed once a day.

It was gathered that the inmates are being poorly fed with half-cooked beans, sandy rice and “soup meant for dogs”.

Findings showed that the inmates are fed with a few spoons of rice, which were not de-stoned and stewed without meat or fish on Wednesdays and Sundays.

They are also given garri and watery soup once daily.  But the inmates are reported to be rejecting the soup because it is always without salt or spices.

Some non-governmental organisations and churches that access the Afokang facility in Calabar weekly to support inmates with food and drugs also confirmed poor feeding at the facility.

‘Edo inmates need external help for survival’

Edwin Asibor, Executive Director, Securing the Creative Goldmine in Youths Initiative, said inmates in custodial centres in Edo State needed external help to survive hunger.

“What they are getting is not up to three square meals, and for anyone to survive in the prison, you need external help in terms of feeding.

“Parents of inmates in prison augment their children’s feeding as they have to give them money and also buy food items for them, Asibor said.

Speaking to Daily Trust, an ex-inmate at a custodial centre in Edo said: “Though the government provides feeding and drugs, among others, for the inmates, the officers were not allowing us to enjoy them. Some of the drugs provided for inmates are being used by the correctional officers.

“The food can’t take inmates anywhere. For instance, if the government says it is feeding an inmate with N500, what they (officers) are giving the person is not up to N100.

“Recently, I was in prison for standing as a surety to a suspect who absconded, I still meet the same treatment. In the morning, we were given a spoonful of beans (medium) and a tin of garri”.

‘Inmates get unhealthy meals in Benue’

Inmates at the Maximum Custodial Centre in Makurdi, Benue State, are fed twice in a day, mainly morning and evening, with unhealthy meals, sources told Daily Trust.

They said the inmates are mostly fed with pap in the morning and given maize flour meals with poorly prepared watery soups in the evening.

“The meals are not healthy,” a source said.

Of the sources said inmates are fed with pap, rice and beans at different times twice daily.

“Sometimes, they are served with rice, pap or beans in the morning, while in the evening, they eat maize flour or garri with any kind of soup.

“The food given to inmates at the Maximum Custodial Centre in Makurdi is generally of poor quality and insufficient quantity. The meals lack nutrients, often consisting of watery soups, small portions of beans, rice or garri and minimal protein,” the source added.

‘Inmates in Borno get meager portions of food’

Inmates at the Maiduguri Maximum Custodial Centre are served “meager portions” of rations, Daily Trust was told.

A source there said: “Government is treating these inmates like animals, not as human beings.

“The contractor feeding the inmates always complain of the high costs of food items, therefore, cannot provide sufficient food items to cook for the inmates.

“What they do now is rationing. At the end of every month, they cut down the number of times inmates eat.

“For instance, in a week, if the inmates are eating rice four times and beans three times, they will reduce their consumption to two or three times a week and replace them with less expensive stables like garri. At times, they will even skip meals to cope with the situation.”

The source said the use of firewood to cook for the inmates was adding to the cost of feeding.

“We expect that when the federal government reviewed the feeding amount, the contractors would switch to a gas cooker, but they didn’t,” he stated.

Hunger killing inmates – FG panel

An independent investigative panel assembled by the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, to investigate alleged corruption and other violations against the Nigeria Correctional Service (NCoS), had recently confirmed that inmates were dying from hunger.

The secretary of the panel, Dr Uju Agomoh, while briefing the media last month, said their findings showed that many inmates in most custodial centres were facing death from hunger due to poor feeding and rampant food racketeering.

She said, “During our inspection visit as a panel, in February 2025, there was no food up to the approved weekly standards by the Service. The stock they are supposed to have for at least seven days, as is the practice, is not being implemented.

“This is about being open to knowing where the problem is because many inmates are dying due to a lack of food.

“I have personally been going to correctional centres for more than 30 years, but I have never seen what we see these days. There have always been problems, but it has never been the way it is now.’’

Agomoh, who is also the founder of the Prisoners’ Rehabilitation and Welfare Actions (PRAWA), said that transparency was crucial for the investigative panel’s goal of enhancing efficiency within the NCoS.

She warned that starving inmates poses a danger, as hunger could fuel aggression.

She said the panel’s investigation also revealed that prison officers in charge of food supply prioritised profit-making.

She stated: “First, the quantity that is provided is small. Second, this drive for profit-making worsens the process. The officers in charge are one of the checks and balances for the contractors.’’

The panel’s secretary requested a response from the Nigerian Correctional Service regarding the implementation of Section 14, Subsection 4 of the NCoS Act.

No proof shows hunger killing inmates – Ag NCoS CG

Reacting in an exclusive interview with Daily Trust, the NCoS’ acting Controller-General, Sylvester Nwakuche, said the panel was exaggerating the situation.

He said there were no statistics to show that inmates were dying of hunger.

The CG alleged that the panel could be making assumptions.

He disclosed that a prison ration committee had been established to monitor the quality and quantity of food served to inmates.

Nwakuche said the team regularly conducted routine checks.

 [DailyTrust]

The Nigerian Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, said the addition of 700 megawatts to the country’s national grid may bring an end to grid collapses.

Adelabu disclosed this when he received the EU Ambassador to Nigeria, Gautier Mignot, in his office in Abuja.

According to a statement released on Sunday by the minister’s spokesperson, Bolaji Tunji, Adelabu said the transmission capacity was achieved through the implementation of the Presidential Power Initiative, known as the Siemens project, which secured $2.3 billion in financing to revamp and transform its transmission segments.

Giving an update on the project, Adelabu said the pilot of the initiative is 90 percent complete.

“We have installed almost 90 percent of this, and they are working.

“And that has improved transmission capacity by over 700 megawatts, which is the result of what we are seeing now in terms of relative stability in the transmission grid.”

He further said that, “We have almost completed the pilot phase of that project, which involved the importation, installation, commissioning, and energization of 10 power transformers across the country and another set of 10 mobile substations.”

He explained that before the installation of the 700 MW electricity capacity, whenever the national peak reached 5,000, it became unstable and led to collapse.

“Before now, at the time the supply to the grid entered 5,000, the grid was unstable; it shook, collapsed, and all that.

“Now, we are having an average of 5,000, 7,000, and 8,000 megawatts. So, it’s not by accident. It’s because of these activities of the government.”

He added that the country in recent times has achieved two milestones: the highest average of 20,000 kilowatt-hours of daily power consumption and the highest distribution of energy at 5,801 MW.

“Over 20,000 kilowatt-hours it achieved, which has never been achieved before.

“The Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry has transmitted and distributed the highest energy of 5,801.63 MW as the latest feat.”

The development comes as the nation has plunged into partial darkness at least two times this year over grid disturbances. Although the Transmission Company of Nigeria said there have not been grid collapses in 2025,

Meanwhile, TCN confirmed that the country experienced at least twelve grid collapses in 2024 alone.

[DailyPost]