OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

In 1975 Brigadier General Murtala Mohammed GCFR (November 8, 1938 – February 13, 1976), who was at that time a brigadier, approached Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams SAN (December 16, 1920 – March 26 2005) to be the chairman of the 50-man Constitutional Drafting Committee. Chief Williams told Brigadier Murtala Mohammed that he would accept the job on two conditions, among which is that Professor Benjamin Obi Nwabueze (December 22, 1931- October 29, 2023) from Atani in Anambra state must be a member of the committee. Chief Williams told me this story himself when I covered proceedings of the committee which were usually held in his residence in Ilupeju, Lagos. I asked why he insisted on his friend, Professor Nwabueze to be a member of the committee; his reply was “Who else but Ben?”.

Eventually, Professor Ben Nwabueze was appointed a member of the 50-man committee. The committee was inaugurated on October 18, 1975, at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Victoria Island, then headed by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi (82), from Ilesha, Osun state, who later became the Nigerian Foreign Affairs Minister under General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR.

 

The committee was inaugurated before Brigadier General Murtala Mohammed was assassinated on February 13, 1976. The Secretary of the committee was Alhaji Gidado Idris, who was then the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture in Kaduna state. He later became secretary to the Constituent Assembly and later Secretary to the Government of the Federation under General Sani Abacha GCFR (September 20, 1943 – June 8, 1998).

At the Constitution Drafting Committee, Alhaji Gidado Idris was assisted by Mr R.C. O. Nwokedi, Senior Assistant Secretary, Cabinet Office, Lagos, Mrs O.O. Onajide, then Head of News and Current Affairs Mid-West Television, Mr A. Obilade, Lecturer in Law, University of Lagos and Dr O.A. Obozuwa, former Lecturer in Law, Lagos State University and a Commissioner, Public Service Commission, Bendel State.
Other supporting staff of the committee by then were Mr E. Omofuma, Mr O. Ogunade, Mr J.O. Oyefeso, Mrs A. T. Kole, Mrs M.M. Wuraola, Mr J.E. Ikebude, Mr R.O. Akpabio, Mrs J.O. Adeyemi-Wilson, Mrs V.O. Odunuga, Mrs M.M. Albert, Mrs P.C. Adiele, Mr A. O. Iyiola, Mr E.O. Ajiboye, Mrs J.T. Okechukwu, Mr E.I. Ojogwu, Miss A.E. Anwana, Mr J. A. Adesanwo, Mr Ben Enahoro, Mr N. Orekan and Mr P. Nwajei.

 

After the inauguration of the committee, Professor Nwabueze was made a member of the Legal Drafting subcommittee headed by Chief Rotimi Williams. Other members of the subcommittee at that time were Chief Richard Osuolale Abimbola Akinjide SAN(4 November 1930- 21 April 2020), who later became the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation in 1979, Alhaji Olufemi Lateef Okunnu(90), former Minister of Works, Dr Tajudeen Olawale Ayinla Idris(June 6, 1940- August 30, 2018), who later became Commissioner for Education under Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande and Chief James Ajibola Idowu Ige, SAN(September 13, 1930 – December 23, 2001) who was elected the governor of Oyo state, 1979-1983 and Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, 2000-2001.

The rest members of the committee were Justice Muhammadu Buba Ardo(1930- October 5, 1991) from Fufore, Yola in Adamawa state, former Chief Justice of North Eastern state (175-1976), Justice of the Supreme Court(1978-1979), Mr. S.M. Liberty, Attorney General of Borno state and Mr. Kanmi Ishola Osobu from Ilesha in Osun state.

 

Mr Osobu was educated at the famous Ilesha Grammar School before proceeding to the University of London. Before he died in 1995, he had a flourishing bar practice in Lagos of which many lawyers including Wole Obayomi, currently a partner and Head of Tax, Regulatory and Peoples’ Service (TRPS) Practice of KPMG and Mr. Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika SAN, passed through. Till he died in Ibadan, myself, Toye Akiyode, Yinka Guedon, Gboyega Amoboye (The Governor), Femi Ogunleye (now the Towulade of Akinale in Ogun state), Labake Adebiyi alias Everything Labakus, Jimi Aderinokun, Dapo Aderinola, Tunde Fagbenle and other journalists were associated with him. Egbon Kanmi Ishola Osobu alias PEOPLE’S LAWYER, a human rights activist was also closely associated with Fela Anikulapo-Kuti
The last member of the subcommittee was Alhaji Abdulganiyu Folorunsho Abdulrazak (November 13, 1927 – July 25, 2020) from Ilorin. He was the first lawyer from northern Nigeria and the father to the present governor of Kwara state, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq.

 

Professor Nwabueze married in December 1961, Rose Achike, with three sons and three daughters. He had his education at the London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London, England, 1956-1961, lecturer, later senior lecturer, University of Lagos, 1962-1965, senior lecturer, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, 1965-1967, acting dean, University of Nigeria, Usukka,1967-1970, Professor, School of Law, University of Zambia, 1970-1976, also dean, School of Law, 1971-1976, joined United Bank for Africa, Lagos and awarded Nigerian National Merit Award in 1980.

In January 1993, under the Transitional Council, then headed by Chief Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan GCFR (9 May 1936 – 11 January 2022), he was Secretary (Minister) of Education and Youth Development). In October 2013, Professor Nwabueze was appointed to the National Conference Advisory Committee but withdrew on health grounds. He was replaced by Mr. Solomon Asemota, the Chairman of the Governing Council of the Christian Social Movement of Nigeria as well as Coordinator of the Ethnic Nationalities Movement (ENM).

 

Atani, his hometown, is the headquarters of Ogbaru Local Government in Anambra state. Atani is also the hometown of my favourite musician, Chief Stephen Osita Osadebe(March 17, 1936- May 11, 2007).
In 2004, I was in Atani when my friend, Chief Chris Nwabueze Ngige (71) from Alor in Idemili South Local Government of Anambra state, was the Governor of Anambra state. A very quiet town.

Professor Ben Nwabueze was later made the chairman of the sub-committee on National Objectives and Public Accountability of the Constitution Drafting Committee. Other members of the committee were Kanmi Ishola Osobu and Professor Emmanuel Uwamagbuhunmwun Emovon (February 24, 1929 – February 20, 2020) from Benin City, former Vice Chancellor of the University of Jos, who later became the Minister of Science and Technology under General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR. The rest members were Dr A.Y. Aliyu, lecturer of Public Administration, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Chief Paul Wanteregh Unongo (September 26, 1937, to November 29, 2022) from Jato Aka in Kwande Local Government Area of Benue state, who later became Minister of Power and Steel under President Shehu Shagari GCFR and Alhaji Ibrahim Imam (1916 – April 1980) a Kanuri politician from Borno, who was the secretary of the Northern People’s Congress and later became a patron of the Borno Youth Movement. He was elected into the Northern House of Assembly in 1961, representing a Tiv district. Before his election in 1961, he had represented his district of Yerwa in 1951 after supporting a strike of Native Administration workers.

 

It was in this subcommittee that Professor Nwabueze served his country best. His footprints are all over in the 1979 constitution. Professor Nwabueze’s subcommittee’s main objectives were

  1. To consider and make recommendations on the desirability of embodying National Objectives and Directive Principles in the Nigerian Constitution
  2. To suggest what such principles and objectives should be
  3. To consider and make recommendations regarding constitutional arrangements to ensure observance of and conformity to such principles and objectives including the procedure to amend this part of the Constitution and
  4. To examine and make recommendations on institutional and other arrangements to prevent corruption and abuse of power on the part of all persons holding public offices or exercising power (be it executive, legislative or judicial).

The committee recommended that the Federal Republic of Nigeria be one, indivisible and indissoluble, sovereign state based on the principles of democracy and social justice and accordingly,

  • Sovereignty belongs to the people from whom the government, through this constitution derives all its powers and authorities;
  • The welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government;
  • The government shall be responsible and accountable to the people;
  • Participation by the people in their government shall be ensured in accordance with the provisions of this constitution;
  • The press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this constitution and to ensure and facilitate the responsibility and accountability of the Government to the people;
  • The state shall not adopt any religion as the state religion but the freedom of every individual to preach, to teach and to practice the religion of his choice shall be respected and protected.

It was Professor Nwabueze’s subcommittee that recommended the fifteen codes which a public officer must adhere to. If those codes had been enforced, I am sure this country would have been a better place. The codes were “a leader shall not put himself in a position where his personal interest conflicts with his responsibilities as a leader, or which enables him to explore others; without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing paragraph, a leader shall not;

  • Hold more than one public office
  • Engage in any private, trade or profession
  • Receive any remuneration, gain or profit other than the emolument payable to him in respect of the specified office held by him.
  • A leader shall not, after he retires from public service and while receiving a pension from public funds, accept a remunerative position as chairman, director or employee of a public company or receive any other remuneration from public funds in addition to his pension.

Notwithstanding anything in paragraphs 3 and 4, a leader shall entitled to earn, in addition to his emoluments as a leader—

 

(a) interest on money deposited in a bank, building society or other financial institutions;

(b) dividends or other profits from stocks or shares held by him in any registered company;

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(c) interest on Government stock;

(d) gains or advantage derived through personal labour on land owned or occupied by him.

 

No person shall own or occupy more than one plot of State land throughout the country. Any person who at the coming into force of this Code owns or occupies more than one plot of State land shall sell the excess over one plot to the State. The price—(a) as regards the ground shall be at a rate at which allocations of State land in the area in which the plot is located are made by the Government at the time of sale; (b) as regards any building erected on the plot, shall be such as may be agreed or determined by the court in default of agreement.
A leader shall not ask for nor accept any property or benefit of any kind for himself or any other person on account of anything done, to be done or omitted to be done by him in the discharge of his duties, nor accept gifts of whatever nature other than from relatives and personal friends.
A leader who holds a position as President or Vice-President of the Republic, minister, permanent secretary or head of any public corporation, university, or other parastatal organization shall not accept. (a) a loan except from a bank, building society or other financial institution; (b) any benefit of whatever nature from any company, contractor, business or their nominee or agent.
No person shall offer to leader any property, gift or benefit of any kind as an inducement or bribe for the granting of any favour or the discharge in his favour of the leader’s duties; a leader shall not do or direct to be done in abusive of his office, any arbitrary act prejudicial to the rights of any other person; a leader shall not put to his personal advantage or to the advantage of any other person materially or otherwise any information acquired by him during his term of office as a leader; a leader shall not be a member of, belong to, or take part in the organization or management of the Ogboni or owegbe societies or any other secret society of a similar nature.

Every leader shall, (a) within three months after the coming into force of the code or after taking office, as the case may be, (b) at the end of each year (c) at the end of his term of office, submit to the Code of Conduct Bureau of the Government which employs him, a written declaration of all property or assets owned by, or liabilities owed to, him, his spouse or unmarried children under the age of twenty-one; any false information in such declarations shall be deemed to be breached of this code; any property or asset acquired by a leader after the initial declaration required by paragraph 13 (1) (a) above and which is not fairly attributable to income, gift, or loan approved in this Code shall be deemed to have been acquired in breach of this Code unless the contrary is proved.

 

An allegation that a leader has committed a breach of or has not complied with the provisions of this Code shall be made to the Code of Conduct Bureau, which shall, unless the person concerned makes a written admission of such breach or non-compliance, cause the matter to be heard and determined by the tribunal referred to in Article of the Constitution.

A leader who does any act prohibited by his Code through a nominee, trustee, or other agent shall be deemed ipso facto to have committed a breach of this Code”. By being the Chairman of the subcommittee, Professor Nwabueze automatically became a member of the Constituent Assembly. Other chairmen of subcommittees that became automatic members of the Constituent Assembly were Alhaji A.G.F. Abdul-Rasaq (sub-committee on the executive and the legislature, Alhaji Nuhu Bamali (sub-committee on the judicial system), Dr. Pius Okigbo (sub-committee on economy, finance and division of powers), Alhaji Aminu Kano (sub-committee on citizenship, citizenship rights, fundamental rights, political parties and electoral laws, Dr. Obi Wali (sub-committee on the public service including the Armed Forces and the Police) and Chief F.R.A. Williams (Legal Drafting sub-committee).

On November 1, 1977, Professor Nwabueze was appointed the chairman of the business of the Constituent Assembly. Other members of the business committee were Alhaji Abdul Razak, Dr Pius Okigbo, Chief Olu Awotesu, Dr K.O. Mbadiwe, Chief Samuel O. Mbakwe, Mr D.G. Vembeh, Chief Frank N. Inok, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, Alhaji Shehu Malami, Dr, Iya Abubakar, Dr. Mudiaga Odje and Dr. F.O. Nwator.

From October 6, 1977, when the then Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR, inaugurated the Constituent Assembly, till the assembly adjourned sine die in March 1978, Professor Nwabueze sat next to Chief Rotimi Williams. The two were inseparable. Despite his later years’ pronouncements on political issues, Professor Nwabueze should be judged on the preamble of the report of the sub-committee on National Objectives and Public Accountability of the Constitutional Drafting Committee which he co-authored in 1975. That preamble was his legacy. The preamble defined Professor Nwabueze.

In the preamble, he wrote “Government in Nigeria, as indeed in other developing countries, has tended to be preoccupied with power and its material perquisites. Given the country’s conditions of under-development, power offers the opportunity of a lifetime to rise above the general poverty and squalor that pervades the entire society. It provides a rare opportunity to acquire wealth and prestige, and to be able to distribute benefits in the form of jobs, contracts, scholarships, gifts of money and so on to one’s relatives, and political allies. Such is the preoccupation with power and its material benefits that political ideologies as to how society can be organized and ruled to the best advantage of all hardly enter into the calculation.

Perhaps the Constitution is in part to blame for this. The Constitution in Commonwealth Africa speaks only in terms of power and of rights, but never of duties. The latter are taken for granted. The Constitution assumes that those who wield the power of the state will be conscious of, and responsive to, its obligations and responsibilities. And so it says nothing of the duties of the government towards its subjects. Our experiences have shown this to be a wrong approach to constitution-making. As a charter of government and the fundamental law of the land, the Constitution should make it clear that powers are bestowed upon the organs and institutions of government, not for the personal aggrandizement of those who wield them from time to time, but for the welfare and advancement of the society as a whole. It should therefore cast on the State definite duties towards its subjects

 

A constitution should indeed do more. It should proclaim the principle on which the state is organised and spell out the ideals and objectives of the social order. Every constitution is set and operates in the context of certain organising ideas but these are often left unexpressed. Again this approach to constitution-making is outdated. A constitution should not be simply a code of justiciable rules and regulations; it is a charter of government, a government involves relations and concepts that are not amenable to the test of justiciability.

The objectives may be immediate, specific policy goals or long-term ideals. The former are not likely to excite controversy; they are the things Nigerians expect their government to secure for them—food, clothing, water, medical facilities, education, etc. Spelling them out in the constitution provides a yardstick for judging the performance of any government. It invests them with the quality of a constitutional directive to the organs of the state to inform and guide their actions by reference to the declared principles. It would also serve as a reminder to government functionaries that their position is one of trust involving powers as well as duties.

The latter implies ideology. Ideology arouses a certain mysticism and suspicion among us. Yet every new nation has a special need for a nationally accepted ideology. For unless the goals and the fundamental attitudes and values that should inform the behaviour of its members and institutions are clearly stated and accepted, a new nation is likely to find itself rudderless, with no sense of purpose and direction. By defining the goals of society and prescribing the institutional forms and procedures for pursuing them, ideology seeks to direct and concert the efforts of actions of the people towards the achievement of those goals. In this way, it seeks to unite the society into one nation bound together by common attitudes and values, common institutions and procedures, and above all an acceptance of common social objectives and destiny.

The need for an ideology in Nigeria is all the greater because of the heterogeneity of the society, the increasing gap between the rich and the poor, and the growing cleavage between the social groupings, all of which combine to confuse the nation and bedevil the concerted march to orderly progress. Only an explicit ideology which sets the parameters of government and informs its policies and actions can generate a spirit of cooperation, peace and unity.

If the national ideology is enshrined in the constitution, then this may make it appear less of a political slogan, investing it with the quality of a constitutional, albeit non-justiciable norm, and thereby making it easier for political leaders, and even judges, to establish and show the desired identification with it.
It may be argued that the aspirations, goals and values of a society are not unchanging for all times; they may not even be a true reflection of current values but only what the present generation of leaders believe them to be or think they should be; to enshrine them in the constitution would therefore be an imposition, and would create a false and unwarranted image of popular acceptance. These sentiments might equally serve as an argument for not having a constitution at all.

Whilst unquestionably values are relative to time and place, every society should attempt to formulate the values that are relevant to its time and place; their embodiment in the constitution does not entitle them to any more immutability than the frame of government instituted in the constitution. The important thing is that the values and objectives declared should be the fundamental ones widely shared in the community, and not the sectional objectives and goals of particular social and economic policies of a ruling party.

It cannot be disputed that the ideology that is most relevant to our society today and one that is accepted by most Nigerians is that of socialism operating within the framework of participatory democracy and the ideals of liberty, equality and justice. It is the only effective answer to the conditions of under-development, inequality and exploitation that exist in the country. The long-term objectives of socialism in Nigeria should be to place in the hands of the State and people the ownership and control of the means of production and distribution”.

Professor Obiefuna Benjamin Nwabueze served his country the best way he could.

My fellow compatriots, I bring you good tidings with an assurance that there's a silver lining behind every cloud. Of course, it is well-known, that ominous clouds are rumbling across Nigeria; we should never feel hopeless, because difficult times always lead to better days - difficult times are like dark clouds and silver linings resemble the sun's rays, meaning the path is beautiful ahead. In difficult times, we learn several things, we learn how to survive; the key is not to lose hope and never give up. Essentially, In my trajectory, I have faced very serious challenges in life. The fact that I have overcome so much adversity in my life helps me to have hope during tough times.
 
Although, to be brutally honest about Nigeria's predicament, it appears, like a dark cloud as evidenced, by the testimonials of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of Nigeria at the crucial convention a few years ago. In their postulations, the Bishops posited: "We are weighed down not only by uncertainties, but also by moral, economic and political problems … Our strength in adversity, Our health in weakness, Our comfort in sorrow” This is a Statement that reflects our current realities.
 
To put it bluntly, I am seriously concerned about us, Nigeria; our present predicament, our politics, our people, our economy, and our socio-cultural and infrastructural challenges. The Bishops’ prayers have never been more relevant than now. The "distress" and suffering caused by the exorbitant cost of living when it is becoming more and more difficult to secure even the bare necessities of life. The "distress" occasioned by increasing commodity prices and the accumulation of national debts must prove intolerable burdens for future generations to bear. Assuredly, the current multiple travails of Nigerians can be converted to positive uses, if we are so determined.
 
Again, the challenges of the darkest night are not peculiar to us in Nigeria, it is a global phenomenon. Nonetheless, our trust is in the words of salvation via the book Isaiah 60:19-22 "The sun shall be no more your light by day, nor for brightness shall the moon give you light; but the Lord will be your everlasting light, and your God will be your glory." 20: "Your sun shall no more go down, nor your moon withdraw itself; for the Lord will be your everlasting light, and your days of mourning shall be ended." 21: "Your people shall all be righteous; they shall possess the land forever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I might be glorified." 22: "The least one shall become a clan, and the smallest one a mighty nation; I am the Lord; in its time I will hasten it."
 
Throughout in His words, God tells us to choose joy in whatever we face, confident that He is working even through every trial and hard place, to bring us greater perseverance. We never gain greater strength and spiritual muscles simply by living an “easy” life. We can only build deeper faith by walking through the hard times that press us more closely into His Presence. Every biblical hero through the pages of the Word was tested and strengthened, not through simple, easy times, but through great times of suffering and difficulty. This should give us hope even today, that God knows our way, and the testing of our faith will produce endurance. It’s for far greater purposes than we may even realize.
 
To be honest, if there’s one thing our beloved country Nigeria needs right now it’s help from God. The good news–the great news–is that God is “a very present help in times of trouble.” (Psalm 46;1) This means God is a very present help in your times of trouble, the one you face right now. It also means his help is available for our nation. I think we can all agree we need it. ​As the saying goes, 'No man is an island' - everyone needs companionship and a shoulder to lean on. It is important to surround ourselves with family and friends for support and comfort in both times of joy and distress. Therefore, this is the time for support and sharing.
 
Additionally, in these uncertain times of hyperinflation and insecurities in Nigeria, all of us have been feeling disturbed, fearful, and anxious for a long time now. Hence, the a need to engage possible sources of resilience which is an orientation to promote good. An orientation to promote good is a disposition to take actions that contribute to the good of oneself and others across different circumstances, including challenging ones. This disposition combines two elements: an intrinsic inclination to act benevolently and in the interest of others and the goodness of will and disposition to conduct oneself in morally justifiable ways.
 
As a writer, I pen this contribution bearing in mind, that you can't ask someone to chew meat for you and restrict them from swallowing a bit of it. This is where we need to strike the delicate balance between personal relationships and the expectations of transparency, accountability, and integrity that come with public service. Therefore, we all have joint responsibilities in rebuilding our beloved country Nigeria.
 
In conclusion, permit me to share with you the profound words of Michelle LaVaughn Robinson Obama, an American attorney and author who served as the first lady of the United States from 2009 to 2017, being married to former president Barack Obama. Michelle says 'BECOMIMG' is not about arriving somewhere but evolving. The former first lady, eloquently posited: "The very idea of a black woman as the First lady of the US was unthinkable. This is a classic masterpiece from Michelle Obama's memoir 'BECOMING' reminiscing our current situation today as a nation.
 
The aforementioned underscores the very essence of 'Truth, a country’s history which always reminded the inhabitants that the place for black women and white women are different makes it beyond the bounds of possibility to imagine such a thing happening. In history, while there was constant discrimination, ‘white lady restrooms’ within a building and a separate one for ‘colored women’, colored was not called out honorifically and looked down upon for generations — Becoming, came close to decoding the last decade where Michelle becomes the First lady with the weight of this demeaning history.
 
Then, of course, whenever there are challenges, It is a sign that something good is coming but if only you overcome it. Nigeria will be great again if we adopt the principles of eternal vigilance in distressed circumstances. Let me, therefore, sign off with the phrase 'This Too Shall Pass'.
 
Richard Odusanya
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Laetare Sunday, along with its elder brother, Gaudate Sunday, serves as an interjection to the Lent and Advent seasons, urging relaxation and rejoicing as Easter or Christmas draws near. Today marks Laetare Sunday.

This Sunday, the fourth of Lent in the liturgical calendar, signifies the midpoint of Lent and is often observed with a lighter tone compared to the other Sundays. "Laetare," meaning "rejoice" in Latin, highlights the Church's hopeful anticipation of Easter, encouraging believers to reflect on their Lenten journey with optimism.

Fr. Maximus expressed his desire not to turn his sermon into lecturing but ended up mixing both to the admiration of the congregation. As Fr. elaborated on today's significance, memories of the song "Regina Ceali Laetare" flooded back. He explained that Sundays are not counted during Lenten observation. It is a day children eat rice and make merry. On the significance of Sundays, he referred to “Sunday is our Weekly Easter,” a pastoral letter by the late Bishop of Awka, before he became an Archbishop.

During his sermon, he elucidated that most Church and papal documents derive their names from their first words, citing examples like "Gaudete" and "Laetare." He explained that "Gaudete" takes its name from the entrance antiphon for the Mass of that day, while "Laetare" stems from the opening words of today's liturgy, "Laetare Jerusalem – Rejoice, Jerusalem."

Indeed, Fr. was, as always, right. A rough check shows that most papal documents and encyclicals, such as “Laudato Si,” “Humane Vitae,” “Ut Unum Sint,” “Rerum Novarum,” “Divini Redemptoris,” “Mater et Magistra,” among others, followed the tradition. Papal Bulls, such as “Unam Sanctam,” “Ineffabilis Deus,” “Inter Caetera,” “Exsurge Domine,” “Cum Occasione,” among many, follow the same pattern. Decretals, such as “Quod Cuique Sit,” “Perpauca,” “Cum Tam Divino,” “Decet Romanum Pontificem,” followed the same pattern. However, some papal documents, some of which Father alluded to, such as the “Constitutiones Apostolicae,” “Motu Proprio,” “Regulae Cancellariae Apostolicae,” “Rescriptum Apostolicum,” and “Bulla Apostolica,” do not always follow the same pattern as they are named to reflect the topics they address.

While exploring today's readings, especially the story of the graven serpent, Fr. Maximus referenced figures like Einstein, Euclid, and Napoleon Bonaparte to convey his message. As an admirer of Napoleon, I recall visiting his tomb on the banks of the Seine during a trip to France. Napoleon, though short in stature for a General, believed that command lay in the eyes. Legend has it that during the signing of the Concordat of 1801 between Pope Pius VII and Napoleon, Cardinal Caprara, the Papal Legate wore "an immense pair of spectacles" to soften the glare of Napoleon's eyes. He expressed part of his strategy as a general in a mathematical formula: "The strength of an army, like the amount of momentum in mechanics, is estimated by the mass times the velocity. A swift march enhances the morale of an army and increases its power for victory."

Through Napoleon's defeat and the peculiar odyssey that characterizes philology, the saying "to meet one’s Waterloo" has become part of English. It was in the Belgian city of Waterloo that he was captured that eventually ended his life while in exile at St. Helena . At St. Helena, he lamented that the bedbug, which makes no distinction of human ranks, bit him unrestrainedly.

What is clear from Fr. Maximus's sermon and lecture today is the rich history of the Catholic Church and the importance of preparation. Let this be a guide to our priests. The congregation must leave with one lesson from sermons, whether moral, historical, or otherwise. It enhances the spirit and expands our knowledge.

As some Nigerians are calling for revolution, what was Napoleon's attitude towards that? He held ambivalent views on revolutions. On one hand, he recognized their potential to unleash the violent passions of the masses, stating that "collective crimes incriminate no one," and acknowledging that "never a revolution without terror." He acknowledged that revolutions could bring about regeneration in public customs. However, he ultimately concluded in 1816 that "revolution is one of the greatest evils by which mankind can be visited." He described it as a scourge that embitters the lives of those involved, and he believed that any advantages gained from revolution could not outweigh the misery it caused.

But among nations like Nigeria that had exhausted all reasons, what becomes their fallback position when all else appears to have failed?

As the bank relationship manager of two leading agro-based companies in Nigeria, namely: Presco Plc and The Okomu Oil Palm Company Plc, I made several visits to the companies' plantations in Benin, Edo State between 2000 and 2003.

The sight of several thousands of hectares of oil palm plantation was always a beauty to behold. I particularly found the fully automated oil refineries of the two companies awe inspiring. At the end of each visit I came to appreciate the immense potential of the country as an agricultural powerhouse.

During one of my visits, I made an observation that the heartbeat of the companies' huge operations is the nursery. At the nursery, thousands of oil palm seeds are planted and nurtured into quality seedlings for about a year. The nursery serves to protect the seedlings until they can withstand harsh weather conditions. From time to time, oil palm seedlings from the nursery are transplanted to virgin or old plantations that have been cleared of bushes or old oil palm trees. The nursery guarantees the continuity of the business. To this end, the companies make an enormous investment in the maintenance of the nursery.

With the benefit of my plantation visit experience, I always wondered why we pander to the dictates of Bretton Woods Institutions along the line to offer no protection by way of subsidies to our fledging industries and vulnerable citizens but to open our economy to the vagaries of global economic conditions. Bretton Woods Institutions' economic pills fly in the face of the law of nature - the inherent attribute of all classes of animals to nurture and protect their young ones until such a time that they can stand and fend for themselves.

Also, the second-best theory of welfare economics states that if all distortions in the economy cannot be eliminated, you cannot tell whether eliminating or reducing a particular distortion will lead toward or away from equilibrium. Of all the distortionary factors there are, the most pernicious for our economy is corruption. Even in our administration of subsidies - introduction or removal - corruption is embedded. We carry on as if there is a corruption-embodied economic growth model to bequeath to the field of economics. Given our peculiar situation, what we need is help with taming the hydra-headed demon of corruption not the disproportionate preoccupation with subsidies.

The conclusion of the matter is that subsidy is an integral part of life, nobody pays the full cost of living!

Whatever happened to catchy governance phrases, of which this country had a surfeit in the last 50 years? Why are governments at all levels today regurgitating dry phrases such as “palliatives”, “reforms,” “it’s the fault of my predecessor” and “we see light at the end of the tunnel,” which could be an oncoming goods train? Maybe that is just as well because if one quarter of the catchy governance phrases spewed in the past had delivered on their lofty promises, Nigeria would have been an Eldorado by now.

Today, Nigerians are complaining about food. Governments at all levels are talking about palliatives. Some people are even looting warehouses and waylaying food trucks on the highways. Whatever happened to Operation Feed the Nation [OFN] that military Head of State General Olusegun Obasanjo launched in 1977? Nearly 50 years before a Farmer Governor surfaced in Niger, Obasanjo enjoined everybody to cultivate every little space around his house. The Head of State himself was seen on NTA slugging a hoe, cultivating a maize farm right inside Dodan Barracks. Three years later President Shehu Shagari launched the Green Revolution. How come, after 50 years, we cannot feed the nation and many of our farms are parched, not green?

Whatever happened to the Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure [DFRRI] of the IBB era, headed by Air Commodore Larry Koinyan? In the wake of his unpopular Structural Adjustment Program [SAP], IBB rolled out a palliative, not of free rice, but of rural infrastructure that will assist farmers to move their produce to urban markets. It was a classic case of teaching people how to fish rather than giving them fish.

Probably no peacetime program in Nigeria ever received quite as much trumpeting by government officials as Health For All by the Year 2000. Billboards, flyers, radio and TV jingles, endless interviews by government officials all trumpeted it throughout the 1970s and 1980s. How come that millions of Nigerians are still sick today, cost of many drugs has tripled in recent months alone and our health workers find a reason to go on strike every now and then? Not to be left behind, Federal Ministry of Agriculture, prodded by UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, promised us Food for all by the Year 2000. Federal Ministry of Housing followed suit with a promise of Shelter for all by the Year 2000. Twenty-four years after the deadline, millions of Nigerians are still looking for health, food and shelter.

In the 1980s, Federal Ministry of Health led by Prof Olikoye Ransome-Kuti promised to combat the “Six Childhood Killer Diseases” through the Expanded Program on Immunisation, EPI. Every mother in Nigeria was taught how to mix sugar and salt in the Oral Rehydration Therapy, ORT. Those two extremely important programs saved millions of children’s lives. Why are they not being trumpeted anymore? Where is the Rural Water and Sanitation [RUWATSAN] program that we heard so much about in the 1980s? It promised to deliver boreholes and running water to all towns and communities, a very good idea because water-borne diseases account for a large chunk of our health care budgets. Forty years since Ruwatsan, why are we still talking about open defecation in Nigeria?

One of the catchiest phrases in Nigerian history, which also fell very short after nearly 50 years, was Universal, Free, Compulsory Primary Education, UPE. In  the early 1970s, endless radio jingles and billboards trumpeted it. Although it was General Gowon who conceived it, General Obasanjo launched it with great fanfare in 1976. Twenty-four years later when he returned as civilian president, he expanded and relaunched it as Universal Basic Education, UBE. It turned out not to be universal because we have a guesstimated 15 million out of school children today. It was not free because millions of kids today are in high-paying private schools while public schools too found various ways to fleece parents. It was never compulsory because many parents do not send their kids to school. It is even doubtful if it is education, since many of its products today cannot read a book.

Where are the Gifted Children’s Schools that Education Minister Professor Jibril Aminu created in the 1980s? His idea was to pluck especially gifted kids out of the normal school system and concentrate them in special schools that could breed Nobel Prize winners. Pray, where is the Nomadic Education program that Aminu also created? All the pastoral kids that we see today rearing cattle, were they not supposed to have been injected into that program? By now the cattle must be in ranches for lack of herders.

Innumerable times, successive Federal Governments set target dates to end gas flaring from the oil fields, complete with threats of hefty fines and license revocations. One newspaper reported at one time that the oil giants found that it was cheaper to pay the fine than to invest in the technology to end gas flaring. What about the environmental cost of flaring and the health of people in the surrounding communities? These days, government’s economic team speak so much about “reforms”. Some people see these reforms as reincarnations of Babangida’s Structural Adjustment Program, SAP, only that it was not preceded by a Babangida-style “national debate on IMF loan.” CBN Governor Yemi Cardoso’s “merger of exchange rates” phrase is not as catchy as IBB’s “Second-tier Foreign Exchange Market, SFEM”.

Whatever happened to the 1980s phrase “local sourcing of raw materials”? In that era when foreign exchange was very scarce and you could get jailed for hawking dollars around, government officials spoke everyday about the need for industries to locally source their raw materials. Dr. Yusuf Bala Usman said in 1982 that the dollars and pounds spent by Nigerian industries to import raw materials exceeded the value of their produce, meaning they were simply siphoning funds abroad. In the 1980s government also propounded the phrase “export-led recovery.” Import-led collapse is more like it, with everything from toothpicks to razor blades competing for scarce forex.

Central Bank, where is your early 1990s program of “respect the naira”? CBN-sponsored radio and TV jingles admonished market women, butchers, taxi drivers and gamblers to stop mutilating the naira. A cartoon in The Triumph newspaper depicted a fat CBN official telling a crowd to respect the naira. One famished Nigerian in the crowd said, “Respect? Oya, release that one for your hand and see. We love the naira!”

Since the 1980s, successive governments have been promising us 10,000 megawatts of electricity. Some of them, such as Obasanjo II’s, Jonathan’s and Buhari II’s even fixed deadlines, only to breach all of them. Obasanjo’s first Power Minister, Chief Bola Ige, promised stable power within six months. President Umaru Yar’adua promised to declare a State of Emergency on Electricity, which he never did, instead he said his predecessor spent $16 billion on power “without commensurate results.” Poor me, I even offered Malam Umaru a [naïve] advice at the time, that why don’t you go to Ukraine, hire a 4,000 KVA floating power station, sail it to Lagos, of the kind they use off the coast of Arctic coast, connect it to the national grid, then you get a respite while you tackle the power problem?

Why is Nigerian society bedeviled today by kidnapping, banditry, child trafficking and baby factories? Wasn’t General Obasanjo’s 1977 Jaji Declaration supposed to have taken care of all these? When ace broadcaster Adamu Augie interviewed him on NTA, he said the goal was to make Nigerian society “fair, just, humane and African.” Unfair, unjust, inhumane and un-African is more like it these days. Shagari continue from where Obasanjo stopped by launching the “Ethical Revolution” in 1982, I think. He even created a Ministry of National Guidance in 1983, a concept borrowed from Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser. Buhari/Idiagbon regime capped it all with the War Against Indiscipline [WAI] in 1984.

Are we no longer doing “new breed politics” that Babangida promised in the early 1990s when he banned “old breed politicians” from participating in his transition program? Everyone who held a governorship, ministerial or other high political office was banned and only the young were allowed in. only that, new breed politicians ran behind the scenes to the old breed and sought for “endorsement,” very much like school and job applicants ask older folks to be their referees because neither school principals nor employers trust a new breed without a record of his own!

In 1991 when going to Hajj was cheap, the late Hajiya Bilkisu wrote a column titled “Hajj For All By the Year 2000. This year when a hajj seat costs nearly six million, Hajj For Few By the Year 2024 is more like it.

I said something earlier about the catchiest peacetime phrase. On the other hand, there was no catchier war-time phrase in Nigeria than the one propounded by General Yakubu Gowon in the late 1960s, “To keep Nigeria One Is A Task That Must Be Done.” Everywhere you turned, there was a large billboard with a picture of the youthful Commander-in-Chief Major General Yakubu Gowon, clean shaven except for his dark mustache, looking intently ahead at God-knows-what. Why don’t we have a catchy phrase to address Boko Haram, ISWAP, Ansaru, bandits, communal warriors, IPOB, Yoruba Nation agitators and secession advocates masquerading as “restructuring”?

Since 1975 when General Gowon and other West African leaders created ECOWAS in the mold of European Economic Community [EEC], one of the catchiest phrases in Nigeria has been “free movement of goods and persons.” After 49 years, what we had in recent years was free movement of coups instead, with constitutional rule overthrown in four ECOWAS member states. A fifth one narrowly escaped by postponing presidential elections at the last minute.

Our foreign policy too is now lacking in catchy phrases. Where is “Africa is the centerpiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy,” written into the 1999 Constitution? Look, where is “Concentric Circles foreign policy” launched by Foreign Minister Prof Ibrahim Gambari in 1984, or the “Concert of Medium Powers” launched by his successor, Prof Bolaji Akinyemi in 1985? Can’t we find another catchy foreign policy today, such as, “Knock the Sahelian bums” or “Throw out the Yanks, Limmies, Gauls, Russians, Nippon and Chinks”?

Moses

   When the children of Israel rebelled against God and the leadership of Moses and Aaron in the wilderness, God was angry and decided to destroy them.  But Moses ‘wrestled’ with God to change that decision.  He went as far as rejecting an offer to make out of him a great nation instead of Israel. Yes, an intercessor must always be selfless, unselfish. Moses argued and showed God the reasons why he should not destroy Israel at that point in time.  At last, he succeeded in convincing him.  Let us read it:    “And the Lord said to Moses, ‘How long will these people reject me?  Will they ever believe me, even after all the miraculous signs I have done among them?  I will disown them and destroy them with a plague.  Then I will make you into a nation far greater and mightier than they are!  ‘But what will the Egyptians think when they hear about it?  Moses pleaded with the Lord.  They know very well the power you displayed in rescuing these people from Egypt.  They will tell this to the inhabitants of this land, who are well aware that you are with this people.  They know, Lord that you have appeared in full view of your people in the pillar of cloud that hovers over them.  They know that you go before them in the pillar of cloud by the day and the pillar of fire by night.  Now if you slaughter all these people, the nations that have heard of your fame will say, ‘The Lord was not able to bring them into the land he swore to give them, so he killed them in the wilderness.’

   “Please, Lord, prove that your power is as great as you have claimed it to be.  For you said, ‘The LORD is slow to anger and rich in unfailing love, forgiving every kind of sin and rebellion. Even so he does not leave sin unpunished, but he punishes the children for the sins of their parents to the third and fourth generations. Please pardon the sins of this people because of your magnificent, unfailing love, just as you have forgiven them ever since they left Egypt.’   “Then the Lord said, ‘I will pardon them as you have requested.”  Numbers 14:11-20

  My God! Excellent and successful intercession! Great Moses! Look at the sweet result. This is a typical ‘wrestling with God’.  Some men are indeed great. Read the above passage over again. Moses did a wonderful job here.  He went on, putting forward every reason under the sun why God should change his mind on destroying the people of Israel through a plague for their faithlessness, disobedience and foolishness. He practically threw God’s words back to him. He achieved his aim by making God to rescind that judgement. Great success! Great Moses!  Listen,    God said, “Come now, let us argue this out.”  Isaiah 1:18.  Yes, he is looking for men and women that will hold him with reasons why he should do what we want him to do.  And this is what wrestling with him means. How many of us are ready for this? Can you stand between him and the people??

Jacob

   Another man that taught us that we can actually hold on to God and struggle with him in prayer until we receive what we want from him is Jacob.  Jacob is a perfect example of a man wrestling with God. They had the match at midnight prayer.  There is no situation that wrestling with God in the midnight cannot change. True!     I have repeatedly said this in my book / audiobook Power of Midnight Prayer that any man or woman that masters this act of midnight prayer will remain unconquerable throughout their life.  This does not in any way mean that challenges of life will not come, sure they will, but you will always be on top of the situation. I say this by personal experiences and also testimonies from others.  When Jacob was coming back from exile and was to meet an angry and well armed brother – Esau, he was afraid, confused and was trying every trick to escape the rage of a brother who was coming to pay him back for his (Jacob’s) treachery.  In that precarious situation, Jacob wrestled with God and changed the entire situation to his favour.  Praise God!  Please let’s go through this very interesting account of Jacob’s wrestling with God:

   “But during the night Jacob got up and sent his two wives, two concubines, and eleven sons across the Jabbok River.  After they were on the other side, he sent over all his possessions.  This left Jacob all alone in the camp and a man came and wrestled with him until dawn.  When the man saw that he couldn’t win the match, he struck Jacob’s hip and knocked it out of joint at the socket.  Then the man said, ‘let me go, for it is dawn.’ But Jacob panted, ‘I will not let you go unless you bless me.’ ‘What is your name?’  The man asked, he replied, ‘Jacob.’ ‘Your name will no longer be Jacob,’ the man told him.  ‘It is now Israel, because you have struggled with both God and man and have won.’ ‘What is your name? Jacob asked him.  ‘Why do you ask?’ the man replied, then he blessed Jacob there.’ Jacob named the place Peniel – ‘Face of God’ for he said, ‘I have seen God face to face, yet my life has been spared.’  The sun rose as he left Peniel. ‘Then, in the distance, Jacob saw Esau coming with his four hundred men.  Jacob now arranged his family into a column with his two concubines and their children at the front, Leah and her children next, and Rachel and Joseph last.  Then Jacob went on ahead as he approached his brother, he bowed low seven times before him.  Then Esau ran to meet him and embraced him affectionately and kissed him.  Both of them were in tears.” 

   What a reversal of fate! There are things I would like us to note about Jacob’s attitude towards this particular encounter with God.  Jacob was persistent; he made sure that the man (God) did not win the match and he also refused to let him go without blessing him.  And he got his blessings at last.   The sun rose upon Jacob and his fears were immediately tuned into favour. When we follow this same principle, we are sure to receive the same result.  This is exactly what wrestling with God is all about - persisting until you receive your blessing from him.   Find the above story in Genesis 32:22-31, 33:1-4.   Now also look at the way Hosea puts it, “Before Jacob was born, he struggled with his brother; when he became a man, he even fought with God.  Yes, he wrestled with the angel and won.  He wept and pleaded for a blessing from him.  There at Bethel he met God face to face, and God spoke to him – the Lord God Almighty, the Lord is his name!”   Hosea 12:3-4.   That is Jacob for you!  He started wrestling right from the womb. He wrestled with his brother, he fought with God and he also wrestled with the angel and won. And I want to add that he also wrestled with his father-in-law to get his wealth and wife of choice. He understood the game perfectly well. It is called wrestling Match! Yes, that guy was determined right from the womb to make the most of his opportunities. He was determined to see all the promises of God come to pass in his life. So, he wrestled! Fight for your destiny. Fight for your vision. Fight for the promises of God for your life. Don’t give up! We will continue. Share this message with others.

Nigeria is a blessed nation under the siege of mercantilist leaders. They assume office with nothing but leave richer than their states. Regrettably, our chalice of understanding and good reasoning has been poisoned by ethnic based politics when electing leaders. The prevailing hardship and suffering in the country is a convergence of greed, corruption and leadership failure. However, Nigerians deserve the worst they get from ho they chose as their leaders. They are aware of the consequences of their electoral choices but wilfully failed to make a difference everytime at the polls. Nonetheless, Nigeria is our country and we have no other. Yes, she deserves citizens' loyalty, support, patriotism, meaningful contributions to nation building, honour and respect even in dire economic situation like this one on our hands. While fulfilling the above obligations, citizens should not fail to hold government to account. Every citizen cannot but hope for a better and prosperous nation where justice, equity and fairness prevail. Where the above is obtainable, no citizen in his or her right frame of mind would antagonise his nation or pray for it’s downfall. However, Nigeria as a country has monumentally failed to adequately play her role to earn citizens' respect. Government should note that good governance ultimately gives rise to automatic citizens' loyalty and patriotism. 
 
How did we get here? It must be re-emphasised that the present crop of leaders are the architect of our national woes. Political offices are sold to the highest bidder. Most of them have rigged themselves into power and positions which they were/are never qualified to occupy. Embezzlement of public funds meant for critical infrastructures is the order of the day. Only a few has been made to bear the consequences of their reckless actions. We remain a stagnant nation on account of policies of government not driven in the interest of the people. Rather, they are designed to satisfy the avarice of a group of people within the corridors of power. Most Nigerian politicians are above the law. The institutions of governance are weak and largely compromised. This ultimately renders the law itself ineffective. The effect of this anomaly and insensitivity to good governance has resulted to the untold hardship Nigerians are subjected to right now. 
 
Majority of Nigerian leaders are simply dispensers of hope and motivational speakers. The very unpatriotic who always preach what they have failed to do and will never do. Pretenders take up new garbs of patriotism once they are occupying public offices forgetting the faulty lines that brought them to power while running a semblance of democracy. Nations gain the respect and admiration of her citizens when government positively touch the lives of citizens through people oriented projects and policies. What respect does one expect citizens to accord a nation which carelessly announced economic policies resulting to galloping inflation, free-fall of the Naira and exponential increase in high cost of living? What respect and honour do you accord a nation where security of lives and property is treated with levity? What respect do you accord a nation where professors assist politicians to rig elections and still blame their partners in crime for poor remuneration and good governance? Have you taken a critical look at how judges made a mess of the judiciary with their recent cash and carry judgments? 
 
When a country was deliberately wired to fail and leaders choose to serve as it's undertakers with nepotism and corruption like the one institutionalised during Buhari's era and currently perfected by Tinubu, what do you expect? Since you and I were born, we have been hearing repeatedly that Nigeria will be better. What has changed? Anyways, someone has opined that, if they tell you that Nigeria will be better, ask them when? The right answers to Nigerian problems can ordinarily be solved with sincerity, accountability and excellent leadership. It is a waste of time striving to motivate or give false hope to hungry, hopeless people and gullibly dwell in prayers for Nigeria to succeed. These are wrong approaches to resolving practical national problems. They can hardly work and it never worked anywhere in the world. Studies on how other nations pulled through periods of grave difficulties should be undertaken by those in government. Nigeria as a country has not shown sufficient determination to make a difference in leadership style. An average Nigerian does not think his country has treated him fairly. There is no consensus regarding peoples' views on  competence and leadership. Trust deficit between the leaders and the led is rife. How leaders came on board, how they manage our fault lines and diversity are contentious national discourse.
 
Suffering, unfortunately in the face of abundance has become the order of the day in the country. Many nations will cease to remain in one piece if they go through the level of hardship and the ugly leadership' experience Nigerians have been faced with since 2010. Bandits and kidnappers have taken over ungoverned spaces in the country resulting to major security crisis. People are living in fear, have been slaughtered on a daily basis while what government could only do is to issues statements without concrete action to salvage the situation. This is happening under governments whose major responsibility is security of lives and property of the citizens. 
 
Offering ridiculous palliative measures, hope, fake promises for better days ahead and admonition to be patient are lazy approaches or citizens’ reward from government towards resolving teething national crisis. Let those in position of authority who feel they are insulated from the shock occasioned by the hash economic reality on ground be told that, the broken, non-functional social system will find and expose them to danger if something urgent is not done to stem the ugly tide. Raising false accusations, intimidating and manipulating the citizens against critics who are critical of the critical situation or attempting to gaslight them for being unpatriotic will fail. 
 
The bulk of efforts aimed at redeeming Nigeria stops at the table of political leaders, legislators, ministers, governors - nay Tinubu. It is only when they have sufficiently-sincerely played their path that they can now turn to citizens for loyalty. The sky is very dark and cloudy as well. There is uncertainty, hunger and angst everywhere. Nigeria is rich and citizens deserve better than what government offers. People are tired of bad governance and the  antics of politicians. Obviously, Nigeria is in distress and slowly sliding into anarchy. It is the responsibility of government to take the right steps, make right decisions and put right economic measures in place for the good of the people. 
 
 
Sunday Onyemaechi Eze, a Media and Development Communications Specialist writes via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it., and can be reached on 08060901201
 
 
 

Yet, we remain here. To whom or to where shall we turn? “We must make Nigeria a viable place for people to stay, and not a place to run away from.” I heard that counsel from African Development Bank Group’s president, Akinwumi Adesina, last week Wednesday in his lecture after receiving the Obafemi Awolowo Prize for Leadership in Lagos. I heard him and asked myself who would make Nigeria “a viable place for people to stay.” Those who print money and steal what they print? Those who serenade banditry with negotiation? Where are the leaders? Adesina in that same lecture looked deep into the past and declared that “Nigeria missed its best opportunity to be great under a ‘President’ Awolowo.” I heard that truth and whispered to myself that Nigeria is an expert at missing ways. Yoruba musician, Ayinla Omowura, sings about the one destined to eat hideous vulture, forbidden bird of carrion. Omowura sings that “the head that will eat vulture will not listen. If we give him chicken to eat, he will reject it. 

“What is the State?” Louis Blanc, politician and historian in 19th century France, asks himself.

He answers:

“The State, under democratic rule, is the power of all the people, served by their elect; it is the reign of liberty.

“The State, under monarchical rule, is the power of one man, the tyranny of a single individual.

“The State, under oligarchical rule, is the power of a small number of men, the tyranny of a few.

“The State, under aristocratic rule, is the power of a class, the tyranny of many.

“The State, under anarchical rule, is the power of the first comer who happens to be the most intelligent and the strongest; it is the tyranny of chaos.”

 The lines above I took from Pierre-Joseph Proudhon’s ‘The State: Its Nature, Object, and Destiny’ (1849). Nigeria is a fine combination of four of the five Louis Blanc’s definitions of the state. In case you pretend not knowing what the four are, this should be a guide: Last week, Finance Minister, Olawale Edun, frontally accused the defunct Muhammadu Buhari regime of criminal printing of about N23 trillion naira. Northern senators on Saturday alleged a criminal infusion of N3 trillion into the 2024 budget of Nigeria by powerful ghosts in Abuja. On Friday, in one northern state, a judge sentenced two kidnappers to death by hanging but quickly undermined himself with an advice to the felons to seek pardon from the executive “since no life was lost in the process of kidnapping.” On Thursday, bandits abducted 287 students in Kaduna. On Saturday, bandits invaded a Zamfara school and stole 15 students. Before the school abductions, senior brothers of the bandits, Boko Haram, had kidnapped over 400 displaced persons in Borno. In Benue and Plateau, a murderous campaign against helpless people is on without ceasing. From the desert to the coast, agonizing cries of existential woes rend the land. What we have is chaos pro-max.

Yet, we remain here. To whom or to where shall we turn? “We must make Nigeria a viable place for people to stay, and not a place to run away from.” I heard that counsel from African Development Bank Group’s president, Akinwumi Adesina, last week Wednesday in his lecture after receiving the Obafemi Awolowo Prize for Leadership in Lagos. I heard him and asked myself who would make Nigeria “a viable place for people to stay.” Those who print money and steal what they print? Those who serenade banditry with negotiation? Where are the leaders? Adesina in that same lecture looked deep into the past and declared that “Nigeria missed its best opportunity to be great under a ‘President’ Awolowo.” I heard that truth and whispered to myself that Nigeria is an expert at missing ways. Yoruba musician, Ayinla Omowura, sings about the one destined to eat hideous vulture, forbidden bird of carrion. Omowura sings that “the head that will eat vulture will not listen. If we give him chicken to eat, he will reject it.”

That is the nature of destiny – determinist philosophers say it is inevitable; people of religion agree but add that it is also inscrutable. Should it be Nigeria’s destiny to be a jungle forever? It looks like there is nothing we can do about it. Arab folklore character, Nasrudin, walks with utmost innocence along an alleyway. He is deep in thought and careful about not putting his feet where he may have them injured. But a man falls from a nearby roof and lands on Nasrudin’s neck. The fallen man is unhurt; innocent Nasrudin has a broken neck. He is asked what lessons he learnt from that experience. Nasrudin tells his disciples to note the place of fate in his fate. He asks them to note that the other man “fell — but my neck is broken!” At independence, Nigeria had all the chances to be great, but it soon had the ill-luck of falling into the mouths of big cats of the jungle. They’ve finished with the flesh, they are cracking the bones.

Adesina’s lecture focused on what he called five critical areas that would save Nigeria and transform the people’s lives. He said the government should make rural economy work and provide food security. He said our rural areas “have become zones of economic misery.” He is right and correct. He said the city falters today because the village has been abandoned to faltering. The result is “the spread of anarchy, banditry, and terrorism” – what he called the “troika of social disruption” entrenching themselves to our collective sorrow. Adesina said our leaders should give health security for all, provide education for all, give affordable housing for all. He told us quoting data by UN-Habitat, that “in Nigeria, 49 percent of the population live in slums …That is a staggering 102 million people!” He exclaimed and told our leaders that what Nigerians needed “is decent housing and not upgrading of slums…There is nothing like a 5-star slum. A slum is a slum… ”

Then, Adesina reached the fifth of his points: Our leaders should be accountable: “If people pay taxes, governments must deliver services,” he said and quickly added that “taxation in the absence of a social contract between governments and citizens is simply fiscal extortion.” He stressed that Nigeria must enthrone fiscal decentralisation for a true federalism.: “To get out of the economic quagmire, there is a compelling need for the restructuring of Nigeria…Instead of a Federal Government of Nigeria, we could think of the United States of Nigeria.”

Those are great ideas. But in this country, the bush is the way – because the blind is the guide. Leadership will always make a difference. In a 2002 academic piece, psychologists Daniel Goleman, Richard Boyatzio and Annie Mckee speak on the imperative of societies enthroning leaders with positive emotions. They say the society achieves equilibrium when it is governed by leaders with a sense of accountability; leaders who know how to transform “the art of leadership to the science of results.” One writer said “the executive mind is impotent without power, power is dangerous without vision, and neither is lasting or significant in any human broad sense without the force of integrity.”

No enduring structure can stand on a faulty foundation. American singer and songwriter, David Allan Coe, asked us not to look at the beauty of a building. He said “it is the construction of the foundation that will stand the test of time.” British architect, Stephen Gardiner, was more philosophical about the place of foundation in people’s affairs. He wrote that “good buildings come from good people, and all problems are solved by good design.” We cannot solve Nigeria’s problem by ignoring the fissures in its foundation.

We tell the knock-kneed that what he carries on his head threatens a fall, he asks us to stop looking at the top. “Look at the base!” He points at his impairment, the awkward gait of his lower limbs. Think about how every road taken has led to nowhere. Think about our propensity to leave the vaults of our destiny open and complain about theft later. The Monday, October 10, 1960 edition of TIME magazine contained a report with the title: ‘Nigeria: The Free Giant.’ It was supposed to be a celebration of Nigeria’s independence which happened ten days earlier. But the author of the piece nursed a fear about the future of the brand new country. He wrote that “backward African nations inevitably must suffer the chaos of a Congo when the blacks take over.” Congo got its independence from Belgium on June 30, 1960. It fell apart on July 5, 1960 – less than a week after independence. The TIME magazine described that Congo as “a panorama of disaster.” How do we describe our Nigeria since independence?

A dark prophecy of inevitable chaos was published for Nigeria ten days after independence. To “inevitably suffer the chaos of the Congo” was a strong statement. The dictionary meaning of ‘chaos’ is “complete disorder”. If you like you can replace the word with “mayhem” or “bedlam” or “a mess.” There are a million other words that share meanings of madness with the chaotic. ‘Inevitable’ means “certain to happen.” Its other synonyms are ‘unavoidable’; ‘inescapable’; ‘fated’. In Shakespeare’s Hamlet we hear the protagonist, Hamlet, King of Denmark, seeing “providence in the fall of a sparrow.” In Romeo and Juliet, Shakespeare says the love birds are “star-cross’d” – stuck with their tragic end, their fate. It was the destiny of the Congo to explode within a week of its freedom from foreign rule. It has been Nigeria’s destiny to hop from disaster to catastrophe. But why?

If destiny will manifest itself in a disaster, it presages itself. It is not rain that falls without warning the blind and tapping the deaf. Thirty-eight years ago, Chief Awolowo himself spoke on the evils which dominated the hearts of Nigerians “at all levels and in all sectors of our political, business and governmental activities.” In his famous letter to the political bureau set up by the military in 1986, Chief Awolowo spoke about “the abominable filth that abounds in our society.” He said as long as Nigerians remained “what they are, nothing clean, principled, ethical, and idealistic can work with them.” He warned that unless we allowed our hearts to be impelled “to make drastic changes for the better,” Nigeria stood the chance of succumbing to what he described as “permanent social instability and chaos.”

The chaos is here. We feel it in the price of food and drugs and in the cost of life itself. It is overwhelming. Today’s government reacts by grumbling about the malfeasance of its predecessor. Yet, the past was a disaster that came dancing without a mask. After Muhammadu Buhari was declared reelected in 2019, the late Dr. Obadiah Mailafia said in his March 4, 2019 Nigerian Tribune column titled ‘A guide for the Perplexed’ that Nigeria faced “what amounts to a peace of the graveyard.” He said he saw “fear and alarm in the eyes of certified patriots.” He noted that “only Almajirai in tattered rags from the president’s home region are celebrating with daggers and bayonets spoiling for a fight that nobody is really interested in.” He called on “genuine statesmen to (come and) salvage our democracy from the jaws of catastrophe.” History should have guided the public intellectual. Mailafia should have read Chief Awolowo. Nigeria is not structured to have “genuine statesmen” as its managers. Vulture does not eat clean meat; its meal is carrion.

Adesina declared that “Chief Awolowo was bigger than Nigeria. He said Awo “was the pacesetter and forerunner for development in Africa.” He spoke about Awolowo’s “intellectual capacity, vision, pragmatic social welfarism (which) helped him accomplish what was seemingly unimaginable at the time.” Adesina listed Awolowo’s firsts: “He built the first skyscraper in Africa — the Cocoa House. He built the first television station in Africa, WNTV. He built the Liberty Stadium, the first of its kind in Africa. He implemented a blueprint for development that focused on building human capacity through massive programs to educate the people, develop skills, lift people out of poverty, provide massive rural infrastructure, and develop institutions that turned farmers into wealthy entrepreneurs…Chief Awolowo implemented the sustainable development goals decades before the phrase was coined. He was an inspiration for Africa, far beyond the shores of Nigeria. His philosophy…helped shape programs and policies in other countries.”

Where I sat was some seats away from where Adesina stood and spoke from. Where he stood was a few seats away from where the government of Nigeria sat, expressionless. I heard Adesina; I turned and asked a colleague who sat beside me if he thought Nigeria could benefit from the wisdom of the bow-tied. I told my friend that Adesina’s first four points rested on the fifth. Nothing positive will happen unless Nigeria’s crooked structure is worked on by surgeons. But, where are the physicians? Even if the surgeon is found and present, Nigeria is as difficult and dangerous as danger could be. The country is that mental patient who hates his doctor because he hates being cured of his ailment. Nigeria kills its prophets.

Adesina’s five pills are capable of healing Nigeria. But Nigeria won’t listen to him. It did not listen to Awolowo. It doesn’t listen to the wise. It is a conundrum – an abductee of its crooked structure. In the 1999 Yoruba political film, Saworoide, we hear the old man Adebayo Faleti (Bàbá Òpálábá) chanting the praise name of his Jogbo Kingdom: “Jogbo bí orógbó, Jogbo bí orò (Jogbo, bitter as bitter kola; dangerous as oro cult). With two eyes, you can cope at the riverside; with two eyes, you will survive Kaduna; but you need twelve eyes to survive in Jogbo. With two mouths, you get by in Ibadan; with two mouths you get by in Lagos; but you need 18 mouths to survive in Jogbo…” Nigeria is that Jogbo – a sick, deformed, bitter country in need of a surgeon.

THE Students Loan scheme, planned to be floated in the next few weeks, is an ingenious creation of a problem that does not exist. I explained this as the Lead Discussant at the Federal University of Technology, FUTA, Branch of the Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities, SSANU, Colloquium on Wednesday, March 6, 2024 in Akure. I had begun my submission by enquiring if a citizen has a fundamental right to be an illiterate. I did not think so, but argued that even if he does, the collective rights of society supersedes such an individual right.

I pointed out that it is in realisation of the indispensability of education to society, that Chapter Two of the Constitution directs that: “Government shall strive to eradicate illiteracy and to this end, Government shall as and when practicable provide free, compulsory and universal primary education; free secondary education; free university education; and free adult literacy programme.”

So, if education is so fundamental to human existence, and if societies need an educated citizenry to run, why should it not invest in education? Why should the citizen take a loan to be educated?

 

I took the audience through the trajectory of the loan and my observations. The Students Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act 2023, was signed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on June 12, 2023, exactly 14 days after he came into office. This gives the impression that the bill was signed in a hurry. On the other hand, it might have been signed on trust since it was introduced by former House of Representatives Speaker, Femi Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff to the new administration.

The June 12 date was also Democracy Day, marking the commemoration of the June 12, 1993 annulment of the presidential election by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida. So, did President Tinubu, who played a role in the de-annulment struggle, see a correlation between democracy and the Students Loan Bill?

The title of the new law, ‘The Students Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act 2023’, gives the impression that it is meant to grant ‘Access to Higher Education’ in the country, which is not the case.

Nigerians access to tertiary education is limited primarily by available admission spaces. This led to the 1978 establishment of the Joint Admission and Matriculation Board, JAMB, to manage the admission process. So, the introduction of the loan scheme would not lead to increased admission slots.

Given the fact that, generally, tuition fees are not paid in public tertiary institutions, coupled with the reality that nearly all those who send their wards to tuition fee-paying private universities can afford to do so, it is curious why the Student Loan Scheme is being introduced. This is more so when Section 3 of the Act states that the loan is “only for payment of tuition fees”.

My conclusion was that the Tinubu administration intends to introduce tuition fees into public tertiary institutions through the backdoor. I also pointed out that the challenge students face in our tertiary institutions is primarily upkeep. More so with hyperinflation. But the Act forbids students from accessing the loan for anything other than payment of tuition fees that do not exist in public schools.

If the loan is for only tuition, how will indigent students feed and accommodate themselves in the campuses? How would they buy books and other materials for their studies? How would they carry out necessary research? So, I submitted that the interests of the students and the government do not coincide. Also, the Act disqualifies a loan applicant if “any of the parents had defaulted in respect of students loan or any loan granted the person”. This is like visiting the sins of the parents on the children.

Another aspect is that the new law grants beneficiaries a two-year post National Youth Service Corps moratorium before the repayment begins. Working beneficiaries who dodge repayment risk a N500, 000 fine or two-year jail or both fine and imprisonment.

I pointed out that given the reality of mass unemployment , many beneficiaries are likely to default as unemployed graduates will be unable to repay the loans. I pointed that in the United States, students loan has become like an albatross. The outstanding debts in 2021 stood at $1.7 trillion. Secondly, some youths are not getting married because of the burden of the students loan. The sociological implications of this include the promotion of depopulation, burden of single motherhood and increase in absentee fathers. Also, some American youths do not go to college because they want to avoid the loan trap. This partly informs why some developed countries are seeking professionals from the underdeveloped countries to run their system.

I concluded that the scheme may endanger the future of the students and, by extension, society. As alternative, I submitted that government should live up to its responsibility of funding education. This I pointed out it can do, amongst other ways, by restoring the scholarship and bursary awards to students which used to be provided by all tiers of government.

Professor Bayo Aborishade while also opposing the scheme, narrated his experience in the scheme in the country before it was abolished in the late 1970s.

“I took a students’ loan scheme in 1974.It was N400 per annum. I paid back to the last Kobo, but most students never paid back a Kobo. Many of them were children of rich Nigerians who had the means, but saw the scheme as free money. On the loans form, they filled fake guarantors, the state never checked, and the loans were never repaid.

“In my days, the loan was for upkeep. There was no tuition fee, nor is there tuition fee today. The intention of the government is quite obvious: that it is going to introduce tuition fees. But there are enough funds in Nigeria to fund education in a country where a single minister could within weeks of being in office, have access to billions of Naira. The politicians know how to take care of themselves. It is a class issue; if you don’t belong, you are finished.”

Dr Olawale Bello, concurred that government is trying to introduce tuition fees, adding that it has commenced the process by pushing the universities to increase sundry fees.

FUTA Vice Chancellor, Professor Adenike Oladiji, said government should not be judged by what people assume are its intentions. She is confident that the Act will be revisited in line with the intentions of government.

The FUTA SSSANU led by Comrade Felix Adunbi conferred ‘Labour Friendly Award’ on Ondo State Governor, Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa, who was represented by Head of Service, Bayo Philip. The union also conferred the Labour Activist Award on me.

 

 

On October 15, 1965, as political uncertainty and violence raged in Western Nigeria, Ladoke Akintola, the regional Premier, was due to deliver a primetime radio broadcast to his people at 19:00. Some minutes before the appointed hour, an armed, unmasked and bearded young man appeared in the studio and required Akinwande Oshin, head of the newsroom at the Western Nigeria Broadcasting Corporation (WNBC) to substitute the recorded broadcast of the Premier with a tape provided by the gunman. At the appointed hour, the entire region – including the Premier – listened as the voice from the gunman’s tape exhorted the Premier to spare the region further turmoil and go. 

His mission accomplished, the gunman promptly vanished into the night, leaving Mr. Oshin and his crew in the newsroom with some questions to answer. The incident would later result in criminal proceedings against a suspect, later identified as Wole Soyinka, at the time a lecturer at the University of Ibadan. In his defence, Mr. Soyinka set up an alibi, claiming that he was in Enugu in the then Eastern Region of Nigeria at the time of the incident. In his testimony, Soyinka’s Head of Department at the university, Professor Axworthy, said that they had both attended a departmental meeting in Ibadan less than two hours before the incident but the Wole Soyinka with whom he attended the meeting, according to the professor, was clean shaven.

 

The mystery of how a clean-shaven man could grow a bushy beard in less than two hours was too much for the trial Magistrate, who felt obliged to acquit the suspect. Kayode Eso, the trial Magistrate, who would go on to a storied judicial career within and beyond Nigeria, immortalized this story in his book fittingly titled “The Mystery Gunman.”

The mystery gunman is a figure of considerable antiquity in the history of crime and impunity in Nigeria and of myths about both. A mere 11 and a half years after that incident in Ibadan, soldiers brutally attacked Wole Soyinka’s aunt, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, in the Kalakuta Republic base of her famous son and Afrobeat musician, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti. A judicial commission of inquiry established to identify the perpetrators and recommend suitable measures of accountability concluded that the attack was the handiwork of the “unknown soldier”. With the act attributed to so ghostly a figure, suggestions of accountability became illusory.

 

In south-east Nigeria, where a metastasis of murderous violence is widely perceived to have held sway for the better part of the last five years, responsibility for this state of affairs is laid at the feet of the Unknown Gunman. Tired of having to repeat the name with the frequency with which murders, abductions, and violence occur in and around the region, many people have taken to abbreviating the nomenclature to “UGM”. With no memory of what transpired before, the UGM is mostly seen as a novelty in the contemporary ecosystem of violence in Nigeria generally and in the south-east more particularly. In reality, he is neither new nor indeed unknown.

Nearly 10 years ago, when he disappeared on his way to his community in Nanka, Orumba North Local Government Area (LGA) of Anambra State in May 2014, it was reported that former Anambra State Commissioner for Science and Technology, Chike Okoli, had been “abducted by unknown gunmen.” But one month later, the Anambra State directorate of the State Security Service (SSS) arrested a 10-man kidnap-for-ransom gang, whom they alleged was responsible for the kidnap and disappearance of Mr Okoli. It was led by one Kingsley Chukwuemeka Eze, a local politician from Enugu state.

 

The abduction and disappearance of Igwe Oliver Nnaji, traditional ruler of Ogwu Aniocha in Ogbaru LGA in November 2021, was similarly reported at first as the handiwork of the “UGM”. However, at the beginning of January 2023, a raid by a Special Forces assault team on the Ochan Forest in the community reportedly led to the killing of ten members of a crime gang led by one Victor Ibenegbu (alias “Network”), who claimed that “his group was behind the serial killings and arsons in the community”, including the abduction of the traditional ruler.

 

With the police decimated and devoid of confidence, the investigation of the violence does not receive the kind of assets or commitment it deserves. Most victims and witnesses are not unaware of the authors of the violence in their neighbourhoods. But they are equally mostly unwilling to go on record for fear of suffering reprisals. The use of “unknown gunmen” to describe the perpetrators is a misnomer. In most cases, they are known but the expression, UGM, describes a tyranny of despondency in the face of widely held perceptions of state incapacity or impunity for these atrocities.

Over nearly 20 months of leading the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJPC) into the violence in the south-east of Nigeria, it has become evident to me that the UGM is one of the narrative myths and constraints in the crisis of violence and insecurity in the region. It is by no means the only one. You also have the reality of a population forced by the violence into a habit of fear of candour on the subject; an absence of public or bureaucratic infrastructure of both memory and records of victimisation; a narrative space at both national and state levels unwilling to look beyond separatism as the explanation for the violence; and a policy space attuned only to expeditionary and kinetic responses.

 

These myths have sustained the misbegotten idea of a unified field theory for the violence in south-east Nigeria. Anyone interested in addressing this situation must be prepared to look beyond the myths. For whoever is prepared to do so, the pursuit could prove both revealing and richly rewarding.

In Anambra state, for instance, the political economy of land is central to understanding the crisis of violence. It is both property and identity and the supply of land in the state is shrinking under the combined assault of fragilities from both nature and of intense land use. Revenues from land, are the focus of an intensity of competing interests. In this competition, cults and organized crime gangs are recruited. These cults and gangs bring with them guns, drugs, and even transactional idolatry. Over time, they also develop a seasonal and entrepreneurial orientation to violence, selling it to whoever is interested, from artisanal rustlers of solid minerals or hydro-carbons to private persons using it to settle scores; from community factions disputing over the stool of the Igwe or positions in the Town Union to politicians seeking offices in the state.

 

From the political economy of land, other shorter-term factors radiate out, including the mismanagement of transhumant pastoralism; (mis-)appropriation of a narrative vacuum created by official government policy concerning memory from Nigeria’s past; intra-state and inter-community boundary crises; transactional idolatry; the franchising of agitation by criminal cults and gangs; as well as the deployment of violence for artisanal extractive and mining activities and electoral politics.

For both politicians and security agencies, the focus on mobilizing kinetic responses preoccupies itself overly with the symptoms at the expense of addressing the real causes. The implicit idea that the country or the region can shoot its way out of the violence and its causes and consequences is in one word, delusional. Tactical options must always be on the table but, for durable solutions, the country and the region must dispense with the myths and govern their way out of the disease. That is the only way to make the symptoms finally disappear.


A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.