OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

It is in our character as human beings to turn every anniversary into a celebration. There is dancing and rejoicing. Easter is here and what will happen in Christendom was already foreshadowed last Sunday during Palm Sunday processions. Tomorrow which is Good Friday, except in places some young men act the crucifixion of the Lord to remind the world of the brutality and horror visited on the Son of God, Jesus, hardly would seriousness this time calls for be demonstrated. The Palm Sunday is yearly a re-enactment of the enrapturing reception for the Lord during Passover in Jerusalem. Passover was a thanksgiving celebration of the liberation of the Jews by Moses from Pharaoh’s Egypt. The occasion is described as the triumphal entry of the Lord into Jerusalem for the Passover. The reception was, to an unsuspecting great many, deception to entrap the Saviour. The elaborate plan laid out was that His entry would be hailed amidst cries in celebration: “Hosanna! Blessed is the King of Israel that cometh in the name of the Lord.” (John 12: 13).

It all began from Judas Iscariot who made contact with a Resistant Movement who had been agitating to remove the Roman yoke on the Israelites. They believed rebellion against Caesar, Emperor Tiberius was the answer. Members of the movement were to come for Passover Festival disguised as pilgrims so as not to arouse any suspicion, particularly that of the Romans. The resistance members persuaded themselves that since Christ was the one generally believed to be the Messiah, he perfectly fitted the bill to lead them in the rebellion against Rome. The Romans were to be driven away. By their own understanding the mission of the Messiah must be political. Whether he liked it or not, Jesus was to be proclaimed king.

 

The grouse of Judas was that the Lord Jesus had no interest in material things. Everywhere Christ spoke His audience was always deeply moved; they watched His healing miracles with awe and in disbelief: The blind received their sight; the lame and infirm walked and He raised the dead. Because of His own love for the material, Judas was always ill-at-ease watching Jesus turning down gifts. Those healed offered their wealth which He always declined. How Judas wished such wealth or sundry gifts were his. He could not understand why in the face of opportunities they, that is, the Lord and His Disciples, could be living from hand to mouth and wandering about like vagrants when as the promised Messiah royal dignity should be His lot. He saw how Jesus held His audience spell-bound and exercised power over them through His Person and His Word. Judas was convinced such power could be converted into pursuit of earthly affairs and made to manifest in an earthly way. It would, in his reckoning, be history fulfilling itself and he being part of that history.

The day of the Lord’s entry into Jerusalem with fanfare came, and the reception by the multitude was as the members of the Resistant Movement wished it with the hailing: “Hosanna! Blessed is the King of Israel that cometh in the name of the Lord.” It surprised Jesus and He felt uneasy with it, seeing through it all. He went to the Temple where He addressed the congregants who were ostensibly pilgrims for the Festival. He called for peace and love for and among fellow men. He spoke of submission to the Will of God, the Father. He then went on to command them to love their enemies. The battle-ready pilgrims were astounded by what they heard and their leaders pressed to meet and speak to the Lord personally, knowing the risk they had taken upon themselves. How could they be asked to love their enemies, the enemies they wanted driven out of Israel? The enemies were the Romans. They wanted to seek confirmation from the Lord of what they had laid out as His role to lead the Jews to battle and also receive words of encouragement from Him. But Judas could not arrange it as the danger to which he had exposed the Lord and fellow Disciples dawned on Him. His breach of loyalty would be exposed. His intellectual superiority among his fellow disciples would have proven to be in vain. He alone among the rebellious group knew that the Lord would not allow Himself to be made an earthly king. He could see that the Lord was far distant from the role penciled down He would play.

 

Before the Passover, the Son of God had raised Lazarus from the dead in Bethany. It was widely believed, not the least by the political establishment that, acts of raising people from the dead were veritable signs that the time of the promised Messiah and concomitantly the liberation and triumph of Israel was at hand. In Jerusalem, the Great Sanhedrin was totally perturbed by the development. They had a special meeting session where they asked themselves: “What do we? For this man doeth many miracles. If we let him thus alone, all men will believe on him: and the Romans shall come and take away both our place and nation” (John 11: 47-48).

Realizing that his conspiracy had blown up in his face, Judas suffered from inner turmoil and engaged in a fierce inner struggle with himself. He got greatly confused and his turmoil got to the point he grew in hatred for the Lord. He fell into the hands of Caiaphas who soon got persuaded that the hatred Judas had developed for his Master was genuine. The plan was hatched as to how Judas would report the movement of the Lord to the authorities. He pledged that as soon as an opportunity for the arrest of his Master presented itself he would alert Caiaphas, the high priest. When the arrest was effected town–criers went round the streets in Jerusalem to announce it, calling the Lord the fake prophet of Nazareth and a blasphemer. The same crowd that hailed the Lord as the blessed King of Israel asked that He be crucified. It was reported that they had placed all their hopes of national greatness and liberation on the Lord and believed that they had been betrayed whereas it was they that did not have a clear recognition nor the understanding of who Christ was and what His Mission on earth was. He did not come to lead mankind to war, but to show them the way out of chaos and confusion as well as out of the burden of entanglement of the web of sins and wrong-doing. It is revealed in the enlightenment of these times spreading on earth today that “coming from the Highest, from the Luminous Heights of Eternal Truth, in order through His message to draw the human spirits’ attention to their wrong way of living, and to show them the only way leading upwards, the Son of God had no understanding for such futile, fleeting earthly desires as national pride, political influence or the craving for power.

 

Ernest Schmitt, in his work: ‘The Son of God—Birth and Trial of Jesus (in its Historical, Political and Religious Aspect)’ says: “But when in fulfillment of Divine promises He really did appear, it was just the leading religious circles who, having treated the prophecies about His coming so cheaply in order to make the people tractable for themselves, became his embittered enemies. Every word uttered by the Envoy of God exposed the emptiness of their doctrines, and the arrogance of their claim to leadership. With their power threatened, and seething with hatred, they only schemed how they could silence the troublesome admonisher.

“But even among those who honestly longed for the coming of the Messiah, many a one still passed him by unsuspecting, not being sufficiently alert, and in false expectation dreaming of a different fulfillment. Only a few were able to rise up to a divining of the greatness of the sacrifice that lay just in taking upon Himself the hardship and difficulties of an incarnation. Since also the Divine on earth is subject to the eternal and unchangeable Laws of God, It shows purely outwardly no striking difference from men.

“The impending expectation which should have created the soil for a speedy, joyful recognition of the Promised One actually formed a dividing wall, because those who awaited Him had, in the way of men, pressed it into the demand of their earthly-political worldly wishes. Thereby a connection with the Son of God and His Light-Message was made impossible.”

At the time of the Passover Festival, the priests had sentenced the Son of God to death but they could not have Him arrested because of the throng of the admiring crowd. Members of the priestly establishment unceasingly met to deliberate on an unbearable situation of crowd milling round Jesus, all a threat to their power and influence. They felt that there was no way they would attempt to arrest him and it would not trigger serious disturbances. The chief priests and the Pharisees had given orders that if anyone knew His whereabouts, the person should report to the authorities for His arrest. (John 11:57). Judas knowing where the Lord could be found with His Disciples –Kidron Valley garden—in line with his promise to Caiaphas, led soldiers and police from the chief priests and the Pharisees armed with lanterns, torches and weapons to arrest the Lord. They tied Him up. He was kicked, scorned, and mocked and a crown of thorns was placed on His Head.

The Nazarene was taken to Pontius Pilate, the representative of Tiberius Augustus. Pilate, who did not see Christ as constituting any threat to Rome, thought of setting Him free. His wife too had warned him not to have hand in any harm to an “innocent man.” She said to her husband: “Have thou nothing to do with that just man: for I have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him.” (Matthew 27:19). He was determined not to yield to the pressure of the Jews. The Jews had said in reply to Pilate’s questioning on why Jesus was brought before him: “We found this fellow perverting the nation and forbidding us to give tribute to Ceasar, saying that he himself is Christ, a King.” (Luke 23: 2). But Pilate returned the verdict of not guilty in favour of the Lord Christ. “I find no fault in this man.” But the crowd instigated by the priests further pressed the case which Pilate had thought was closed after his pronouncement. When the rabble would not give up, he referred the matter to Herod. He was again later to turn to the crowd, saying to them: “I find in him no fault at all. Will ye therefore that I release unto you the King of the Jews?” And the rabble said they would prefer the release of Barabbas a gang leader being held over accusation of murder. Pilate said for the third time that he found no fault in Jesus the Lord. The crowd answered the appeal for their compassion with an even more hateful and dreadful outcry: “Crucify him!” At this point Caiaphas stepped in, employing political blackmail said to Pilate: “If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar’s friend: whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against Caesar.” (John 19: 12).

 

In the end the death sentence on the Lord was supported with the invocation of Section 82 of the Jewish law which states: “Even the execution of an innocent person can serve in the maintenance of law and order, and the salvation of God’s people.” Pontus Pilate not wanting to offend Rome and lose his position, washed off his hands, believing that after all it was the people who would bear responsibility for their actions.

I have recounted these developments to show that the Lord Jesus did not come, descending from the Highest Heights, to die in order to take away the sins of humanity. He was dastardly murdered through the conspiracy of the Jewish priestly and political establishments of the era. The Almighty Father could not have sent His Son, to be sacrificial lamb for the sins of us mankind. Even in normal human law it would be totally strange, indeed horrifying and considered a great act of injustice to have an innocent man seized and executed in place of a criminal. The Lord brought peace and love as the Prince of Peace and the Love of God the Father, but was repaid with searing hate and most brutal cruelties and gruesome death simply because the priests and political authorities feared for their hold and influence on the people which might slip off their hands with the presence of the Envoy of God Whom they did not recognize as the Messiah. They whipped up hatred among the people against the Lord Jesus. There is nothing inscrutable about the perfect Laws expressing the Holy Will of the Almighty Creator which is All-Justice and perfection from the very beginning, governing the whole of Creation. Easter Festival, therefore, calls for nothing other than deep reflection and remorsefulness, not revelry. (NEXT WEEK: WHAT DOES IT MEAN WHEN IT IS SAID: Behold there goes the Lamb of God that beareth the sins of the world”?).

Today is President Bola Tinubu’s 72nd birthday. Instead of rolling out the drums to celebrate the day, the President directed there should be no celebration of any kind, including placing newspaper, radio or television advertorials in his honour. He urged anyone wishing to do such for him to donate the money to charity organisations. The decision was taken in deference to the present challenging times. It is a mark of good leadership for a leader worthy of that name to have compassion for the people, identify with them and demonstrate he shares in their pain. Showing empathy for the people and the emotional intelligence of identifying with the weak and vulnerable are in President Tinubu’s DNA. This character trait has become a remarkable feature of his birthdays over time.

In March 2020, on the cusp of his 68th birthday, he cancelled his birthday colloquium over the outbreak of coronavirus, explaining that the decision was important amid the overriding public concern over the pandemic.

What happened in respect of his 70th birthday on March 29, 2022 was even more touching. He called off an impressive birthday colloquium, right in the middle of the event at Eko Hotel & Suites, Lagos with all the dignitaries in attendance, to honour victims of Abuja-Kaduna train attack. And last year, even after he had convincingly won the February 25, 2023 election, President Tinubu did not celebrate his birthday, saying he would devote the moment for reflection on the huge task ahead.

This year’s birthday is the first by President Tinubu on the saddle. His administration is in its 10th month. This period, therefore, offers a veritable opportunity to interrogate his personae, character and administration thus far. There is little doubt that the time we are in is a challenging one indeed.

On assumption of office, the President was greeted by a dire economic situation; the economy almost prostrate. The bold reforms the President instituted, notably the removal of the ruinous fuel subsidy and the unification of the multiple, even dubious foreign exchange rates, though bold and necessary decisions applauded by economic experts, did not immediately produce salutary outcomes with a sudden rise in foreign exchange rates, and the consequential serious impact on other sectors. The cost of petroleum products particularly Premium Motor Spirit and diesel went up with its attendant effects on transport fares. Prices of goods and services particularly staple food items also skyrocketed including prices of other items not dependent on foreign exchange. Inflation rose, hitting 31.70% in February from 29.90% recorded in January 2024, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.

However, it’s no longer a depressing story. A combination of courage and determination to change the tide on the part of the President, the employment of the right calibre of economic managers who deployed the right fiscal and monetary policies and perhaps a dose of good fortune helped to gradually change the downward economic curve. As President Tinubu would now say, the headwinds are already giving way and there is light at the end of the tunnel. This heartwarming development is evident enough, but I will soon return to elaborate on the issue.

It is important and relevant to point out that President Tinubu is no stranger to this kind of trajectory in his chequered political career. As Governor of Lagos State (1999-2007), his administration was off to a bumpy start with security issues rearing their ugly heads, roads littered with potholes and heaps of refuse taking over the Lagos landscape, amid poor revenue. There was also the protracted crisis between his administration that inherited a practically insolvent economy and the trade unions as a result of the initial inability to pay the then new National Minimum wage of N7,500. The Tinubu administration confronted all of that and many more crises headlong, successfully altered the situation and left behind important milestones at the end of his tenure.

 

 

 

 

Writing in his insightful column “Illuminations” on March 16, Segun Ayobolu, surmised that it would appear that President Tinubu thrives more when confronted with crises that compel him to draw on his inner psychological, spiritual and strategic political resources to navigate treacherous terrain and come out triumphantly again and again. “For instance at the end, in 2007, of his eight-year tenure as governor in Lagos State, the mega city had evolved into a bastion of security of lives and property, rapid infrastructural transformation, and provision of social services especially to the vulnerable segments of the population.”

Perhaps the trajectory of the Tinubu administration in the unfolding Nigerian story in the Fourth Republic is following that route. The initial seemingly gloomy situation is gradually giving way. Indeed, light is not only assured at the end of the tunnel, it is presently beginning to shine brighter and brighter through the tunnel. There is plenty evidence for this as I previously indicated.
For instance, naira has continued its streak of rebound and steady appreciation. The Nigerian currency had gained considerably against the dollar with the exchange rate standing around N1, 200 to $1 on Wednesday as I was rounding off this piece. The Green Back is expected to fall even further following the decision of the Central Bank of Nigeria, through a circular on Monday, to offer $10,000 to each eligible Bureau De Change operators at N1, 251/$1 with a directive that they sell to eligible end users at a spread of not more than 1.5% above the purchase price. This is likely to impact the prices of many products.

 

And to further tighten liquidity in the country and shore up the value of the Naira, the CBN Monetary Policy Committee, at the end of its second meeting in 2024, raised the monetary policy rate by 200 basis points from 22.75% to 24.75%. The Cash Reserve Ratio, CRR, and Liquidity ratio were retained at 45% and 30% respectively.
There are other developments and unprecedented data on the economic front indicating the country is turning the corner. One is the marked improvement in the value of capital importation into the country, which NBS put at 66%, while the recent clearance of the backlog of foreign exchange by the CBN, demonstrating a new regime of trust and confidence at the apex bank, which should help push down high air transport fares in the country, is another.
Additionally, the country’s external reserves increased by $347.53 million to $34.11billion as at March 7, 2024 from $33.016 billion it was on January 2, 2024, recording a 2.83% year-to-date accretion following inflows from foreign capital and remittances.

Perhaps more remarkable is the courage, political will and personal commitment to effecting a change and improving the quality of life of the people in line with his Renewed Hope Agenda that President Tinubu has brought to the fore. This shone brilliantly in his handling of hydra-headed problems. This determination and taking bold decisions, in my view, are contributory factors in the changing Tinubu governance narrative.
Take for instance the recent abduction of 137 schoolchildren from a school in Kuriga, Kaduna State. The President categorically ruled out paying ransom for the release of the children from the hold of the bandits. Mercifully, they were released through the collaborative efforts of the Federal and State Governments and their security agencies. Paying ransom is akin to giving ammunition to the bandits to acquire more sophisticated weapons for their evil activities.

To speedily effect changes in the country’s security architecture to enhance safety of lives and property, the President, working in collaboration with the state governments, has set up a high powered committee to draw up modalities for the introduction of state police. Last week, Vice President Kashim Shettima asked states which are still dragging their feet on the issue to urgently submit their proposals so that necessary legislation could be forwarded to the National Assembly towards this objective.

There is also the Pulaku initiative, a non-kinetic effort aimed at addressing the root causes of farmer-herder conflicts and fostering national unity. President Tinubu quickly ordered the release of N50billion as operational fund for its immediate take off. The initiative, expected to revitalise the communities through the construction of residences, roads, schools, and essential facilities, will initially focus on seven states that have been disproportionately affected by farmer-herder conflicts. They are Sokoto, Kebbi, Benue, Katsina, Zamfara, Niger, and Kaduna States.

In this regard, shortly after the removal of the fuel subsidy, the Tinubu administration released a first tranche of N2 billion each to the 36 state governments and the Federal Capital Territory to provide palliatives to ease the pains of their people as a result of the economic reforms. The President also recently urged state governments to seize the opportunity of increased Naira revenues from the Federation Account to issue and pay salary awards to their workers just as the Federal Government has been doing through its N35,000 wage award to federal public servants. Indeed, many state governments have recently stepped up the introduction of palliative measures to provide succour for their people in critical areas including agriculture and food affordability, education and healthcare among others.

There are many more. An executive order to further boost investment, create jobs and business opportunities in the oil and gas sector is in place while the Federal Government in collaboration with states again are engaging in mechanized agriculture. It is also noteworthy to state that, though the prices of goods may be high, the claim in some quarters that Nigeria is facing food crisis is not supported by facts. Those insinuating this are merely playing politics. President Tinubu had since ordered the release of 42,000 metric tonnes of grains to the states from the National Grain Reserves. And with what I witnessed last week, along with the National Communication Team led by Information Minister Idris Mohammed Malagi, in respect of massive planting of wheat and maize in Jigawa State, even in dry season, the state is set to meet this year’s target in respect of domestic consumption of the two commodities and exports.

The Tinubu government is thinking and working frantically to ensure all of that and more so that governance remains impactful and enduring. It has become compelling that as citizens, we must continue to play our part. The example of Lawyer and Businessman Allen Onyeama’s Air Peace and its gallant intervention, which helped to crash the airfares on the lucrative Lagos-London route, is there for all of us to emulate.

Rahman is a Senior Presidential Aide

 

IT is in the genre of fairy tales. A virtually unknown 43-year-old in 2023, makes a Facebook post alleging that Macky Sall, the ubiquitous President of his country, Senegal, was trampling on the fundamental rights of citizens. His post was in support of jailed opposition leader, Ousmane Sonko and the manipulation of the judiciary to send him to prison for allegedly colluding with terrorist groups, instigating insurrection and endangering state security.

Now, Sall, backed by the power and might of super power, France, was not a man to annoy. For his insolence, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, was seized and thrown into jail like Sonko. It was to intimidate those who opposed the autocrat.

 

Then, events began to move at a dizzying pace independent of those who sat in prison or the Presidential Palace. Sall was following in the footsteps of fellow French stooge in Africa, Alassane Ouattara of Cote d’Ivoire. The latter is on an unconstitutional and illegal third term in office. However, Sall failed in his bid to run for an unconstitutional third term. He then devised an insidious way to remain in power; simply postpone the presidential election indefinitely. That was his greatest undoing.

 

Although backed by the Senegalese parliament, state power, external forces and the quiet acquiesce of many West African Presidents, he could not impose his will as power had left the Presidential Palace for the streets. The dictates of the streets as expressed by popular mass protests was that the election must hold and, Sall must leave at the expiration of his tenure on April 2, 2024.

The parliament, bowing to the pressures of the mass, on Wednesday, March 6, 2024, granted amnesty to political detainees. Clearly in order to reduce the electoral chances of Diomaye and give the ruling party candidate and former Prime Minister, Amadou Ba, better chances, Sall did not release the opposition leaders from prison until Thursday, March 14, that is ten days before the Sunday, March 24, 2024 presidential election. Diomaye was on the ballot as Sonko had been barred. His message to the people was simple: “Diomaye is Sonko”.

The campaign against him that he never held any high office, was never a parliamentarian, minister and as such, has zero leadership experience, counted in his favour. He has never been part of the rot that saw Senegal to its underdeveloped and malnourished state. He emerge as a ‘Mister Clean’. Who better to midwife change than a person who has not been part of the rotten past?

The man who was sitting in prison while other candidates were campaigning, and whose face was virtually unrecognisable, emerged from the shadows and was given a one-way ticket to the Presidential Palace by the electorate. He received more than 54 per cent of the vote, while Amadou Ba came a distant second with over 35 per cent and, third placed candidate, Aliou Mamadou Dia, won 2.8 per cent. Diomaye said: “By electing me, the Senegalese people have chosen to break with the past. I promise to govern with humility and transparency.”

Diomaye is now set to send President Sall packing for the good of the Senegalese and African people and to the glory of humanity. For me, in order to strengthen democratic principles and make dictatorship unattractive, Sall should be tried for his manifest crimes. First, he endangered Senegal by subverting democracy, including the fundamental rights of the people to freedom of movement and fair hearing. Secondly, he illegally detained people without a right to have their day in court. Thirdly, his government reportedly murdered at least 20 Senegalese for daring to protest against growing dictatorship. Fourthly, he illegally dissolved the opposition, Patriots of Senegal, PASTEF, party. Fifth, for unilaterally, unconstitutionally and illegally postponing the February 25 presidential election. Sixth, for illegally attempting to extend his presidential tenure by postponing the presidential election and handover date indefinitely.

The Senegalese did not vote for Diomaye, a man they hardly knew or could recognise. Rather, they voted for an idea, for hope and for a desired future. The pathway to that future, according to the Pan Africanist President-elect, include constitutional changes which will separate the judiciary from the executive, drastically reducing the powers of the President, including creating the office of the Vice President. It includes an uncompromising war against corruption and drastic reduction of the 20 per cent unemployment in a population of 17 million.

But the ultimate goal, is to snatch the sovereignty of the country from France; a sort of second independence that would transform the flag independence Senegal was given on August 2, 1960, to a real independence that would include economic, financial and social independence from France. The plan of the emergent powers in Senegal include a currency change from the French-controlled CFA Franc because, as Diomaye argues: “There’s no sovereignty if there’s no monetary sovereignty.” Although the proposed currency transition might have been made easier by the September 16, 2023 decision of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger to exit the Franc and establish a new common currency, the Eco, Senegal would need to be tactical as its funds are in the bowels of the French Central Bank.

 

Other plans include renegotiating mining rights as Niger recently did with spectacular economic gains and, revisiting energy contracts as Senegal is set to become an oil producing country this year.

These are the real issues that would define the Diomaye Presidency; whether it will be a success or a failure like that of Sall. The steps will also determine whether France and its Western allies would allow Senegal develop or try to strangulate it by little veiled sanctions, vile propaganda, falsehood, instigation or even coup.

Interestingly, Senegal is the only country in the 16 West African countries that has never witnessed a coup. But faced with real change and a shrinking neo-colony made smaller by the military revolts in Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger Republic, France would do anything to keep Senegal, a subservient neo-colony like Cote d’Ivoire.

Whatever it is, in the fog of uncertainty across Africa, including wars and dictatorship, Senegal has lit a fire to give us some illumination. As it is, Senegal itself has little time as Diomaye’s presidency begins on April 2, 2024 heralding a possible new age for Africa.

In the past two decades, West Africans have clamoured for change from the rotten past. In some cases, the change was stalled, in some, it was delivered through the barrel of the gun. However, what Senegal has shown us is that, despite the odds, true change can be delivered through the ballot box. But there is a caveat: as United States President John Kennedy said on March 13, 1962: “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent change inevitable.”

 

When Lt. Colonel Abdullahi Hassan Ali, 49, assumed duties as Commanding Officer of the 181 Amphibious Battalion of the Nigerian Army, all his mother, Hassana, could do was pray.

Three years ago, Ali’s younger brother, Jamilu, a captain, had been killed in action by bandits in Katsina State. As an officer in the North-east, Ali himself had escaped death a number of times in battles against Boko Haram insurgents.

His father had died after retirement from the Army. After his death, Ali’s ageing mother has been nursing her loss, in addition to coping with the death of her son in Katsina, and later, the deaths of her daughter and son-in-law in a road accident.

But Ali, a soldier’s soldier promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel in November 2020, knew better than to demur when he was moved from commander of the 63 Brigade Garrison in Asaba to head the amphibious battalion. The battalion was part of efforts by the military to restructure the Joint Task Force (JTF) in 2016, following widespread oil theft in the region which, according to the Financial Times, had reached $1billion monthly.

Task force dilemma             

In a statement at the time, the military said the restructuring of the JTF was to “tackle the emerging security challenges in the Niger Delta region such as piracy, bunkering, vandalism and other criminal activities prevalent in the area.”

The task force comprising other services, but led by the military, as expedient as it was, was also an official admission that the Police could no longer cope with the situation. Oil money, mixed with militancy and violent local politics in the area, has created and nurtured private armies with money, weapons and political clout comparable to rogue states.

The relationship between the state and some of these private armies is complicated, even incestuous. With revenues in billions of naira monthly, for example, a few are better equipped than the military.

But politicians don’t mind. In their desperate search for solutions to the problem of oil theft and also to consolidate their political hold, they have indulged the private armies. Officers deployed in the area are left to invent their own ways of serving two masters – the state and the communities on the one hand, and the powerful private armies on the other.

With a population of about 31 million and over 40 ethnic groups, the Niger Delta is a cauldron, radicalised by decades of poverty, agitation, militancy and violent politics. A quarrel between a husband and wife could spill into an intra-communal dispute; an intra-communal dispute could engulf the community.

On March 14, a lingering spark of dispute between Okuama and Okoloba (one Urhobo and the other Ijaw, two of the largest ethnic groups in Delta State) over a fish farm, erupted in violence.

More questions…

How did the officer from the amphibious battalion who led a team to Okuama on March 14 on what was supposed to be a peace mission understand and define his mandate? Was the mission to Okuama over the alleged kidnap of one Anthony Aboh from neighbouring Okoloba (in retaliation for an Okuama youth allegedly killed by persons suspected to be from Okoloba), his job as a soldier or that of a first responder, say, the police? Was the officer like many others, too embedded in the local politics to draw the line? Or did he anticipate that after the failure of the peace accord facilitated by the Delta State government, military mediation was necessary to quench the fire?

Media reports suggested that leaders in Okuama broke kola nuts with the officer (some accounts say he was a major) and his team when they arrived. At what point did murderous violence erupt? If people in the community were opposed to the officer taking their leader away for statements at the army base in Bomadi, as was reported, was murdering him and his team and seizing their weapons the answer? 

Meanwhile, back at the base on the same day, Lt. Col. Ali did not know what was happening in Okuama. He was in Kano only two weeks earlier to visit his ailing mother, his wife, Hauwa, and six children, and may have visited again at Sallah, if he got a pass. Okuama was the last thing on his mind.

And then, it happened. Soldiers who had been waiting in a boat at the Okuama creek escaped after the peace team was attacked and reported to Ali what had befallen the major and the three other soldiers believed to have followed him into the town.

Hindsight

Hindsight is 20/20. There has been no shortage of opinions about what might have been. Given the enormity of what happened to the major and his men, couldn’t Ali have done a recce, and possibly mobilised other services before going in? Did the alleged use by the military of boats belonging to a private security company perceived to have a vested interest in the conflict further endanger this mission?

In a conflict zone where the private armies have gunboats, specially fitted crafts, and relatively modern arms, while the military depends largely on improvisations, how is a commanding officer supposed to respond to an emergency like the one in Okuama, where his men had been murdered and their weapons seized?

Perhaps, out of a sense of holy rage, Ali took the plunge. He gathered his men and went to Okuama. Sadly, that was his last journey. He and his men were ambushed and brutally killed by people they had sworn to protect.

The savagery has called to question the humanity of the perpetrators. Okuama has been compared with Odi in Bayelsa State in 1999, and Zaki Biam in Benue State, two years later where military operations killed hundreds of people extrajudicially.

“Those who make such comparisons are mistaken,” a retired top military officer told me over the weekend. “In Odi and Zaki-Biam the communities were harbouring persons believed to have committed crimes against the state. Okuama was savage militancy.”

Perhaps one thing common to the three, however, is the increasing mismanagement, if not weaponisation of conflicts by politicians, a posture that has further damaged and compromised an undertrained, undermanned, underfunded and under-equipped military. Command and control is fuzzy.

In a crime scene like Okuama, for example, a commanding officer has to worry about what his chief would say and where Abuja stands with the private armies and local strongmen. Being in good standing with the host states, and of course, the morale of his troops, are also not far from his mind. The art of serving many masters, itself an enemy of a single-minded mission, complicates the terrain.

Tail wags dog

It’s hard to say at what point the tail of a savage few started wagging the dog of what by several accounts had been a largely peaceful community. It’s improbable that the major and his men who went first would have done so if the community had a reputation for collective savagery. Now, the entire community has a bad name and a difficult future.

The memory of the dead deserves justice and it’s just as well that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has made this clear. Perhaps, also, it is time to review the role of the military in domestic conflicts.

Sadly, the harvest of heart-wrenching violence in many parts of the country today, and in this instance, the Niger Delta, was largely seeded during Nigeria’s civil war. During the war, swathes of the region were ruined and radicalised by the extrajudicial killings of thousands of innocent civilians. We can’t afford to let the mission to Okuama haunt us 57 years from now.

If two wrongs don’t make a right, we’ll do well to avoid a third, not just for the sake of the dead and their grieving families, but also to break this cycle of violence and grief.

 

 

My Muslim friends know how much I enjoy Ramadan Iftar—the sumptuous meal with which they break their fast in the evening. I am therefore regularly invited to their homes to feast. There are even places where I have a ‘permanent seat’ at the table. Over the years, Hajiya Kulu Abba Kyari, Princess Hassana Onoyiveta and Hajiya Zulahatu Adamu Waziri have also made it part of their annual Ramadan agenda to send Kunu, Kose (Akara) and other delicacies to my family. But I had an Iftar with a difference on Tuesday atthe Al-Habibiyyah Mosque in Guzape, Abuja where I joined in serving packs of jollof rice and eggs to more than 2,000 underprivileged young men. It was done in a seamless manner that did not take away their dignity, thanks to the visionary leadership of Imam Fuad Adeyemi. But I don’t want to get ahead of myself.

In 2024, according to a 29 January publication of the World Bank, “food security is likely to remain one of the critical challenges for the world to face.” Anticipating this problem, putting in place the necessary structures and identifying sufficient resources, the World Bank added, are “essential for effective policymaking and developing responsive plans.” Unfortunately, there are no indications that Nigerian policymakers anticipated the current challenge of hunger, which has been worsened by government’s reforms on foreign exchange rates and petrol subsidy removal. Even if we assume the government anticipated the dire situation, it is doubtful that it has put in place serious measures to tackle the challenge. Today, we live in a country where desperate citizens are now needlessly dying in the process of trying to find something to eat. 

Last Sunday in the Bauchi State capital, no fewer than four people, including women, lost their lives along with scores of others who were injured in a stampede during food distribution at Shafa Holdings Company Plc. Ahmed Wakil, the Bauchi State Police Command spokesperson, who explained that the tragedy occurred when hundreds of young men and women scampered for the food being distributed, also confirmed that of the five people rushed to the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa Teaching Hospital Bauchi following the stampede, “four were confirmed dead by medical doctors.”

Less than 48 hours before the Bauchi tragedy, two female students at the Nasarawa State University in Keffi also died while 17 other students were injured following a stampede inside a hall on the campus where bags of rice were kept. At the instance of Governor Abdullahi Sule, students of tertiary institutions in the state were to receive two 7.5kg bags of rice and NGN5,000 each as ‘palliatives’ to cushion the effect of the difficult times in the country. The explanation provided by the National President of the Nasarawa State Students Association, Yunusa Yusuf Baduku, on last Friday’s stampede, depicts a high level of desperation. “After our arrangement for the distribution of palliatives to the students that was to be held at the university’s convocation square, they (students) suddenly arrived at the venue in their numbers and overpowered security,” Baduku told reporters. “They (the students) broke through the gate into the hall where the bags of rice were to be shared. Unfortunately, most of our female students sustained injuries. We rushed several students to the school clinic and Federal Medical Centre Keffi. I learned that two female students died from suffocation.”

This same desperation accounted for the death of seven people in Lagos State on 23 February during the distribution of 25kg bags of rice at a discounted price of N10,000 by the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS). Three days earlier, the NCS had announced that it would facilitate the direct disposal of food items forfeited to the federal government at NCS’s zonal headquarters in Yaba. That was what attracted the crowd. “Unforeseen challenges arose when we ran out of stock and announced the continuation of the exercise the following day, leading to a regrettable outcome,” spokesperson for the service, Abdullahi Maiwada, explained. “The crowd became desperate and charged through our barricades in search of rice bags inside emptied containers. In the stampede that ensued, some fatalities and injuries were regrettably recorded.”

Before I continue, it is important to stress that food insecurity is a global challenge. For instance, statistics from the 2022 Household Food Security in the United States released by the Department of Agriculture reveals that 44 million American people are food insecure while 49 million turned to food programmes in 2022. But we must accept the reality of our dire situation as a nation. In part because of recent economic reform policies, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) , which measures the rate of change in prices of goods and commodities, increased to 31.70 per cent in February compared to 29.90 per cent in the preceding month. Perhaps more troubling, going by the figures from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), is that food inflation rose to 37.92 per cent in February 2024 up from 35.41 per cent in the preceding month and from 24.35 per cent in February last year. In a country where citizens, on the average, spend about 60 per cent of their incomes on food and where more than 40 per cent live below the income poverty line, the continuous spike in food inflation should be concerning to policy makers and the rest of us.  

Ordinarily, one would expect a sense of urgency, especially from the federal government, but nothing seems to have changed in Abuja. According to a report by The Cable, an online newspaper, as many as 40 of the 63 government-owned enterprises have allocations for ‘welfare packages’ in their 2024 budgets. The sums so allocated by ten of these agencies collectively amount to N83,495,293,002. Here is the breakdown according to the newspaper: Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), N50,426,691,710.60; Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), N13,617,615,408; National Agency For Food And Drugs Administration Control (NAFDAC), N6,673,059,750; Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), N5,319,679,087.60; Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON), N2,512,603,454; Nigeria Export Processing Zones Authority (NEPZA), N1,224,697,757; Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), N953,729,000; Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), N950,000,000; Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NIMET), N925,976,298; Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS), N891,240,537. These welfare packages are mostly to augment the already hefty remunerations of just a few thousand staff members of these agencies and should not be confused with their salaries, allowances, pension and health insurance benefits. What this shows is that government can find the money within its present budget to provide succour to the increasing number of our citizens reeling under the pangs of hunger. If properly structured, the N83 billion welfare packages for a few staff of the ten agencies can make a world of difference to millions of people who would otherwise go to bed hungry. That much I learnt from the Al-Habibiyyah Mosque in Abuja on Tuesday. 

Based on the reports I had read about the ‘Al-Habibiyyah Society Food Programme’ and how organised they are, I decided to visit last Tuesday without notice. I arrived at exactly 6.15PM and mingled with the crowd within the mosque’s premises. Shortly before 7PM, I sought to see the Imam, Fuad Adeyemi, who I was meeting for the first time. He was most gracious to me. I was surprised to learn that the money with which they feed thousands of people daily for 30 days come from donations by individuals, including in some instances non-Muslims. But there are now three challenges. One, due to the economic situation in the country, the number of their donors (as well as quantum of donations) has reduced. Two, the number of people who come for the free meals (and since nobody is asked any question it stands to reason that beneficiaries cannot all be Muslims) has increased. Three, according to the Imam, the prices of foodstuffs have also dramatically increased. That was how they moved from chicken and beef to egg as the protein component for the jollof rice.

With the Maghrib prayer (to mark the end of the day’s fasting) concluded Tuesday evening, one of the volunteers (a prominent man who had identified me), asked whether I would like to join in serving the food. I didn’t hesitate. The mosque has seven doors. Six were used as serving points. I led the group that served in one. All the people to be served sat in rows and filed in a single line when it was their turn. Distributing the food packs was seamless and efficient. It took just 18 minutes from the beginning to the end to serve about 2,200 people. At the end, there were two other lines by the mosque’s main entrance door. That was for the ‘Oliver Twists’ who desired a second ration from whatever remained after everybody had been served.

Although the food bank has been on for the past 20 years, it wasn’t part of Adeyemi’s original plan. He had set out to teach mostly well-heeled Muslims and others how to read the Quran in Arabic within four months. The informal academy later expanded into regular Friday prayers, then reflections and teachings during Ramadan. The idea of the food bank started marinating in 2003 after a group of women said they needed food to feed their families. Members of the society taxed themselves to support the women. The Imam then set up a committee on how to formalise providing food for the needy during Ramadan, headed by Kunmi Olayiwola, (a former senior colleague at Concord newspaper now an insurance broker.) In 2005, the Imam (who graduated with a master’s degree from the Nigerian Defence Academy) was able to clarify the plan while participating in the American State Department International Visitors’ Leadership Program in Washington DC. After he encountered a Santiago-based Catholic Reverend Father offering a food bank to the needy. Back home, during the Ramadan of that year, the Al-Habibiyyah Food Bank became formalised. From a few hundreds, the beneficiaries have expanded to thousands who are served hot meals daily for the 29 or 30 days of Ramadan.

I commend Imam Adeyemi for what he is doing and call on public-spirited individuals and corporate organisations to support his efforts so he can expand their food programme beyond the Ramadan period. More importantly, relevant authorities should learn a lesson in food distribution logistics at the Mosque. You don’t have to dehumanise people or put their lives at risk just because you want to give them food – whether raw or already cooked.

I hope the authorities in Abuja and the 36 states are paying attention to developments around us. The United Nations World Food Programme has projected that no fewer than 26.5 million Nigerians will “face acute hunger in the June-August 2024 lean season.” It is described as “a staggering increase from the 18.6 million people food insecure at the end of 2023” even as “rising inflation, high food prices and food shortages across the country have left millions of people in Nigeria struggling to feed themselves.”

Enough said! 

Senegal, Faye and Destiny

Bassirou Diomaye Faye will on Tuesday be sworn in as the 5th President of Senegal. But it was the structure of his mentor, Ousmane Sonko, that has catapulted him to power. Sonko, a popular opposition figure and leader of Patriots of Senegal (PASTEF), had been disqualified from contesting on account of a contrived defamation conviction. He was subsequently detained with his 44-year-old protégé and tax inspector, Faye for leading the street protest that upended President Macky Sall’s attempt to self-perpetuate in office. With both ‘dissidents’ released a few days to the election and PASTEF banned, Faye contested as an independent with the endorsement of Sonko. The rest is now history.

It is remarkable that twice, the people of Senegal have thwarted attempts by an incumbent president to elongate his tenure. In 2012, President Abdoulaye Wade, then 85 (will be 97 in July) was defeated by Sall, after the former had tampered with the two-term limit, using the constitutional court. This time, the same court upended President Macky Sall’s move to postpone the election. Samson Itodo, Executive Director YIAGA Africa, a civil society group, has summarised the three significant lessons from the election in a brilliant manner. The first one is the strength of critical institutions in Senegal, a country that has never witnessed a military coup since independence. “Despite Macky Sall’s insistence on extending his tenure and changing the date of elections, the constitutional council stood up against the president and said, ‘no we must respect the constitution and the constitution provided that by April you ought to leave office’”, Itodo said.

The second lesson identified by Itodo is that of leadership anchored on public trust. “Leaders need to learn that when your time has come to an end, please leave because you are not the only one who can solve the problems.” I want to put the third lesson more graphically: A people united can never be defeated. “One of the things we celebrate about Senegal is the resilience of the people,” Itodo said. “The people of Senegal have taught us as people that we have power in a democracy, we just need to use that power and use it consistently.”

I congratulate the people of Senegal, but Faye must also understand that as the youngest elected president in Africa, he carries not only the hope of his people but that of a generation in a continent where there has long been an assumption that the wisdom of Solomon had something to do with the age of Methuselah!

The Message of Easter

Like it happened two years ago, Christians will mark Easter at a period Muslims are observing the Ramadan fast and I want to repeat a story that best exemplifies the message of Easter. It was reportedly told by the late Charles Wendell Colson, a former special counsel to President Richard Nixon, who resigned from office in the wake of the Watergate scandal in 1974. Colson was also jailed for his role in that scandal but following that experience, he became an Evangelical Christian leader who founded Prison Fellowship International. 

According to Colson’s story, during the Second World War, a group of American prisoners of war (POWs) were made to work in a prison camp. One evening, 20 POWs were lined up after the day’s work and when the shovels handed them were counted by the prison guard, only 19 were found. In rage, the prison guard demanded to know which of the prisoners did not bring his shovel back. When no one responded, the guard drew his gun and said he would shoot five men if the guilty prisoner did not step forward. After a moment of tense silence, a young soldier, aged 19, stepped forward with his head bowed down. The guard grabbed him and shot him in the head. He then turned to warn the others that they would suffer a similar fate if they exhibited the same carelessness. When the prison guard left, the 19 remaining POWs gathered the shovels only to discover there were 20. The guard had miscounted. 

In his commentary on the story, Pastor John Piper wrote: “Can you imagine the emotions that must have filled their (the remaining 19 POWs) hearts as they knelt over his (their slain colleague) body? In the five or ten seconds of silence, the boy had weighed his whole future in the balance—a future wife, an education, a new truck, children, a career, fishing with his dad—and he chose death so that others might live…” 

As I wish my Christian brethren Happy Easter, may the resurrection power of our Lord Jesus Christ avail for us all. 

• You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com   

 

Fortuitously, we now have some discordant voices coming from northern political elite, once united only by their opposition to our independence article of faith – “that each federating unit develops at its own pace without interference from others”. This is however coming after over 50 years of our nation’s nightmare, 15 years of Boko Haram’s mindless killings and devastation, nine years of terrorism by immigrant herdsmen and 10 years of banditry by subsistence farmers and cattle herders. 

For other federating nationalities held down by the conspiracy of the dominant, this was nothing but a betrayal of the ideals of visionary Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and the first Premier of Northern Nigeria who was assassinated in 1966 by misguided young soldiers.

First was the hypocrisy of Ango Abdulahi’s Northern Elders Forum who, after serially betraying the aspirations of the northern masses that look up to them for direction, like the proverbial Ostrich that hides its head in the sand, now turns around to find whipping dog in President Tinubu and his less than one year old administration. Speaking on the abduction and release of the Kuriga school children, it declared: “The Northern Elders Forum firmly declares that enough is enough… Unfortunately, just months into the Tinubu administration, there have already been clear signs of failure in providing the vital aspects of security of life and property to citizens.”

 

Of course no one should hold brief for President Tinubu. The buck stops at his table. But it is sad that the northern leaders continue to live in denial. Except northern leaders, every discerning person cannot but see the linkage between the self-inflicted crisis in the north and their feudal system which is ideologically opposed to any form of egalitarianism including sending children of the poor that are today on rampage to school.

 

 But it was just as well that there was the dissenting voice of Dr Shehu Mahdi, President Buhari’s former controversial executive Secretary of NHIS, who chose not to be economical with the truth. For him, northern leaders are the scourge of the north and they alone can find peace for their people. For him, “With northern vice president, northern Speaker, northern head of the military, northern NSC, Northern Secretary etc, it is time for northern leaders to lock themselves up in a room, look at themselves in the mirror and admit they have failed their people and resolve on how to bring peace to our lives”.

 

But sadly, it has not always been like this. Ahmadu Bello, the great grandson of Sultan Muhammad Bello, the second Sultan of Sokoto after Usmanu Dan Fodio, was proud of his ancestry. Some even described him as arrogant for referring to the Bantus of Benue trough as his great grandfather’s slaves. But he was a decent and selfless leader. His controversial northernisation policy was designed to protect his people. And it “reflects the cotemporary desires for modernization, struggle over who would direct and benefit from such changes and concern over the cultural and moral scaffolding of independence Nigeria”. (Douglas Anthony, Decolonization, Race and Region in Nigeria, Northernisation revisited (International Journal of African historical studies Vop.51, No.1 (2018)

Ahmadu Bello’s policies were never designed to impede the development of Nigeria but to make the north more competitive in an emerging Nigerian state where most of the ethnic nationalities wanted their own nation within the greater Nigerian nation state. If Ahmadu Bello and his northern pathfinders had insisted on 50% of membership of the national assembly in 1950, it was a survival strategy in an emerging Nigeria where the less educated north unlike other nationalities did not have their first doctors and lawyers until mid-fifties. 

 

He and his group copied what was good from other regions and strived to build a formidable northern bureaucracy and academic institution. We have no evidence that ABU that produced a world-acclaimed intellectual such as the late Professor Ayodele Awojobi, alias ‘the Akoka Giant’, whose PhD thesis from UK University was said to be responsible for off-shore oil mining on the high seas, and the famous architect, Fola Alade, the designer of abandoned Federal Secretariat, Ikoyi could not be said to be inferior to the nation’s other institutions.

 Ahmadu Bello, a man of great vision,  will today be probably troubled in his grave  to discover that beneficiaries of his visionary leadership have become ethnic irredentists collaborating with less endowed military soldiers of fortune who joined the military in order to climb the social ladder (many initial recruits were picked from motor parks in Kaduna while Buhari attested to the magnanimity of Ahmadu Bello who picked him up from his Daura village saving him from remaining a herdsman) to foist disruptive and self-serving policies such as quota system that kills meritocracy and creation of  more LGAs for the north without objective criteria beyond cornering resources of more productive members of the union.

 That the north at the beginning was not as economically endowed as the south, the major incentive for the 1914 British amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates was a settled issue. But there is no evidence that Ahmadu Bello and his northern political elite opposed revenue allocation based on derivation all through the constitutional debate leading to independence. Instead, he went on to supervise the groundnut pyramids, the sources of revenue for building the biggest business conglomerate in Africa as well as other infrastructures including roads, Ahmadu Bello Stadium and Ahmadu Bello University and was still able to provide security for the whole of the north.

The rain started to beat us after the civil war with the emergence of northern soldiers of fortune and self-serving northern politicians who found Bello’s shoe too big. Murtala Muhammed destroyed the academia and bureaucracy without which a nation decays; Shehu Shagari smoked while his NPN wrecked the economic ship of state despite Awo’s warning it was heading for the rocks. Babangida destroyed our budding industries by opening our nation to importation of goods from Europe and its satellite nations. He manipulated the religion sensibilities of the north by illegally taking the country into OIC. Abacha who according to Alli Mazrui was too unintelligent to know fears, stole the country blind while he waged a five-year war against Nigeria’s pro-democracy groups. Abdulsalami Abubakar authored the 1999 constitution derisively referred re to as ‘Decree 24’ by Nigerians. Finally, Buhari, caged by Fulani ethnic irredentists left the country more divided than he met it.

But it is not getting better with only 33% of Boko Haram infested Bornu in school, 70% of Nigerian out-of-school children from the north and with a large expanse of ungoverned territories spanning over 200 kilometres from Kaduna to Zamfara.

The question those who care about our country are asking is whether the northern leaders including NEF, Gowon, Babangida and Abdulsalami Abubakar, herders’ patron such as Lamido Sanusi Lamido, are aware of these ungoverned territories. And if they are, why did they not rein in Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders’ Association before they carried out their threat to make Nigeria ungovernable unless they were given license for open grazing in places like Rivers, Ekiti, Ondo and Oyo?

Why would they not persuade those who killed and confiscated their victims’ land to relocate to Kano following ex-governor, Abdullahi Ganduje’s undertaking to rehabilitate all herdsmen in Kano?  There was similarly not a whimper from northern elders as the battle line over attempt to export armed killer herdsmen from north’s ungoverned territories to Ondo’s reserved forest over which daggers were drawn between President Buhari’s ‘loyal gate keepers’ and the late Governor Akeredolu of Ondo.

Northern leaders not only betrayed Ahmadu Bello, their illustrious forbearer, they remain the nation’s cancer.

From the description of the VIP treatment given the two Binance executives abducted by the Nigerian government in a Mohammed bin Salman’s Ritz-Carlton style, one gets the impression that they did not think their tactic through. They detained the men (Nadeem Anjarwalla and Tigran Gambaryan) deemed economic sabotages, still allowed them several privileges, somehow forgot to put them on a watch list, and one of them managed to escape. Nigeria’s handling of the Binance affair suggests that their detention and proposed trial were half-hearted. So desperate was the government to find a scapegoat that they invited Binance officials, detained them, and demanded $10bn from their employers.

The government alleges that some unscrupulous elements use Binance for money laundering, terrorist financing, currency speculation and market manipulation, thus distorting the Nigerian economy and weakening the Naira against other currencies. Nigeria also accused them of offering taxable services without remitting taxes to the country. The government said over $21.6bn was traded by Nigerians whose identities were concealed by Binance. These accusations are grievous, and I agree that they should be addressed. However, it was foolish to arrest, detain the Binance officials, and demand money. Even the bandits that abduct schoolchildren for a living are far more tactical. By doing that, Nigeria overplayed its hand.

People like to come up with how the United States similarly extracted $4.3bn from Binance to justify the detention of Anjarwalla and Gambaryan, but seem to forget that the US—despite the leverage it has over Binance since the country is their major market— did not resort to abducting company officials and demanding payment. They spent years piling up evidence and going to court. Their prosecutors demonstrated that Binance violated federal anti-money laundering and sanctions laws through lapses in its internal controls. They failed to report more than 100,000 suspicious transactions involving designated terrorist groups including Hamas, al Qaeda, and ISIS. Prosecutors also alleged that Binance’s platform supported the sale of child sexual abuse materials and was among the largest recipients of ransomware proceeds.

Nigeria has relatively little leverage over transnational corporations like the US does, and we would have done far better by addressing the situation through the instrument of the law, diplomacy, policies, technical expertise, and moral suasions. If Binance has not been remitting taxes to Nigeria, we should create a policy framework and technical structure that facilitates it. The fact that they sent two of their workers to Nigeria suggests good faith on their part. We should have worked hand in hand with the company to resolve the issues raised.

 

But trust Nigerian officials. They like gragra. Thinking through situations can be too tasking for them, so they quickly resort to the sole weapon of their warfare: force. Everything must be remedied through a blatant show of force. What exactly did they think they would achieve by abducting two Binance officials and demanding $10bn?

Think about it: if you were the CEO of Binance and asked to give up information regarding transactions worth $21.6bn in exchange for two company officials, would you? You would consider that paying the ransom might not secure your company officials. Besides, if you allowed yourself to be blackmailed, what would stop other broke countries and individuals from seizing your officials and demanding payment you respond? So, how should you respond?

Well, you will first disconnect the men’s access to any of the company’s operating systems so that they will have no means of giving up valuable information, even under duress. You will make the necessary diplomatic and legal moves to get your officials released, but you will also steady yourself to wait out Nigeria. What you will not do is hand over money or information to the abductor.  Even if those men die in Nigerian custody, it would still be far cheaper to pay their families some compensation than to yield grounds. Even if you pay their families N100m each, it is still not up to one per cent of the sum at stake.

I listened to a television interview where a talking head said Nigeria should extradite Anjarwalla. Why keep escalating errors? It was bad enough that Nigeria started what it had no idea how to finish, it is imprudent to keep expending resources over inanity. Did anyone study the company organogram to determine that these “executives” are central to decision-making in Binance to the point that taking them hostage ever made sense? Even now, it is more than likely that their job with Binance has been terminated. If an abducted employee manages to return in a dramatic escape, you would rightly wonder if it were not a ploy by the abductors to get access to the company by other means. In case the abducted had been brainwashed, you would either place him on an administrative leave or pay him a severance pay. Of what use would further pursuing Anjarwalla be to Nigeria?

The trouble with the Binance affair is the Nigerian tendency to blame spurious factors for its economic woes. Nigeria vs. Binance is a recrudescence of that time when CBN governor Godwin Emefiele blamed abokifx—a website that reports exchange rate figures—for tanking the national currency. I thought that had to be one of the most thoughtless moves ever in the history of national banking until the present administration repeated it with Binance. At some point, they started arresting BDC owners for driving up forex through their speculative activities. There was also a time when the Emefiele clown also blamed the Nigerians who collected Business Travel Allowance and ended up not travelling abroad for driving up the exchange rate. Everything, except the real issues of our mono-economy as administered by our perennially visionless leaders, is to be blamed.

It does not seem these people think through the implication of blaming national woes on singular entities. Not only do you display imprudence by thusly broadcasting your vulnerability, but you also give yourself away as inept and lacking the capability to think through situations other countries face but choose to approach with reasonable solutions.

The Binance charade is another misstep by Nigerian leaders dealing with transnational corporations in the age of the internet. We are so wired into demonstrating forcefulness on issues that require rational judgment that we seem to forget that our local gragra ways go nowhere on the international market. Unlike our local cases where a tomato review gets a poor woman arrested, global capitalism is complex and cannot brook the puerility of the Nigerian extrajudicial methods. We did the same unsophisticated thing with the then Twitter (now X). We even inaugurated a committee of old men to go to Silicon Valley to negotiate with Twitter, but what came out of it? Twitter comfortably neglected Nigeria and their share price did not even drop. They proved that the Nigerian market is negligible in the global scheme of things. Binance too had no problem barring Nigerians from its app and that in itself is quite telling. If we were a profitable market, they would not have walked away from us so easily.

I hope the incident teaches our aged leaders who like to make a show of how much they support youths, digital economy, and global technology that the world is no longer what they know it to be. The internet has changed the world in such drastic ways that countries like Nigeria where lawmakers debate social media regulations waste their time. To succeed in the new world being unfolded, you must drop gragra tactics and commit to learning so you can propose reasonable solutions.

As for Gambaryan, they should let him go his way. That these men were labelled “executives” and sent to Africa does not mean they have any real power in the corporation. Even if you abduct their CEO for $10bn, you will be surprised how the company board of shareholders will rather give him up than give up money. Binance trades capital, not sentiments.

 
 

It comes to no surprise to hear the emergence of the popular crossdresser Idris Olarenwaju, popularly called Bobrisky, as the ‘Best Dressed Female’ at Ajakaju - the Beasts of Two Worlds - movie premiere that took place recently at Circle Mall, Lekki, Lagos State. However what is somewhat shocking is the reactions this award has sparked amongst some showbiz celebrities and other Nigerians.

The movie’s producer, Eniola Ajao, awarded ‘Best Dressed Female’ and ‘Best Dressed Male’ to Bobrisky and the ex- BBNaija housemate, Groovy, respectively. Bobrisky, who identifies as a female, was awarded N1 million, while Groovy also got N1 million. Bobrisky wore an all-black regal outfit with a cape and a staff, scintillating the aesthetic perception of the producer, Eniola Ajao and perhaps many others who attended the movie’s premiere.

Ever since this entertainment news filtered out, Nigerians from various strata of lives have taken to the social media to criticize the decision of awarding Bobrisky the ‘Best Female Dresser’ who isn’t ontologically female. Friday Omosola beautifully captures the reactions and criticisms in one of his recent articles in Premium Times, 25th March, 2024, Beasts of Two Worlds: Reactions as Bobrisky emerges ‘Best Dressed Female’ at movie premiere. According to Omosola, Actress Dayo Amusan, who attended the premiere, walked out after Bobrisky was named the winner. In a video on her Instagram page on Monday, the actress condemned the award. She expressed disappointment in the judges who picked Bobrisky, which she considered disrespectful to the women who attended the event.

 Amusan in her exact words said as reported by Friday Omosola - “I attended the premiere of a colleague yesterday, where they announced that the Best Dressers would be chosen, “one female and one male. Let me clarify: the winner could be anyone, but certainly not a Crossdresser. I mean, what’s the issue here? I don’t understand it’’.  She continues, “I can’t fathom the judges disrespecting every woman present. You had to select a winner, both a female and male, best-dressed, and yet you undermine the effort of all the women, thereby awarding the ‘Best-Dressed Female’ title to a Crossdresser. I don’t understand; what’s wrong with us?”

Expressing shock at Bobrisky’s emergence, actress Toyin Abraham questioned the event organizer’s decision. Abraham, in a video that captured her, Bobrisky, and others at the event, expressed shock that the Crossdresser beats all female celebrities and guests to emerge as the winner. She said, “Bobrisky as the Best-Dressed Female? If I give you an uppercut! Are you all insane that Bobrisky is winning ‘Best Female’? Are you crazy? Well, you better share some of that money with me.”

Similarly, the controversial singer, Habeeb Okikiola, alias portable, condemned Bobrisky’s win. The 30-year-old singer argued that awarding Bobrisky, a male, ‘Best Female Dresser’ meant that the judges were promoting homosexuality. He stated, “Is Bobrisky a woman? Doesn’t he wear an artificial bum and breasts? There were beautiful actresses at the event, but the judges deemed them unworthy, yet a male was awarded ‘Best Dressed Female’. “The Ogun-born singer criticized the judges for awarding Bobrisky, believing it had set a destructive precedent.

He expressed concern that children exposed to such attitudes might emulate the path of cross-dressing. “Our children will now imitate Bobrisky, a man who does not possess feminine features, simply because the judges honoured him with an award. Those who should be in prison or punished for disobeying religious commandments and the country’s laws are being celebrated,” Portable noted. The ‘Zazzu Zeh’ crooner labelled the judges who deemed Bobrisky worthy as a crazy set of people. He warned Bobrisky not to come to Sango-Ota, Ogun State, dressed in female attire because he would be dealt with.

Furthermore, social media influencer Daniel Regha stated that Bobrisky winning the ‘Best Dressed Female’ award insulted every female attendee at the premiere. Regha said the organizers were not the only ones at fault; those who joyfully or playfully acknowledged his win should also be blamed.

An X user, Oluwabunmi Micheal (@Harwolyehmi1), criticized actors Femi Adebayo and Odunlade Adekola for being at an event where Bobrisky won such an award.  He argued that presenting Bobrisky with such an award implies that Nigeria has lost its values. Another X user, Sir Dickson (@Wizarad10), supported actress Dayo’s anger, stating that it was valid. He emphasized that awarding Bobrisky with such an award was detrimental and sent a negative message to society, especially to the women at the event. “A man should not be winning ‘Best-Dressed Female’ for any reason.” (https://twitter.com/Harwohyehmi1/status/17721519)

Why isn’t it a surprise that Bobrisky won the ‘Best Female Dresser Award’? Bobrisky identifies as a female, one of the ‘gifts’ of relativism to our modern world. He has consistently and boldly pitched his tent with the female gender and has used the same energy to denounce muscularity. He announced recently that he has acquired the female genitalia and has successfully transitioned into womanhood. He advertises himself on most social media platforms such as Snapchat, TikTok, Instagram and Facebook. He has bold fashion choices, unapologetic self- expression and a fondness for controversy. ( https://guardian.ng> life> bobrisky) In other words, Bobrisky has worked for who he is today.

Eniola Ajao and all those responsible for the award understood this clearly. One core point those who reacted and criticized his award hinged their dissatisfaction on is his gender and not on the quality and sophistication of his dress and style. Let us not forget, he has the freedom to identify as whatever. Yes, it might not be the best choice or a morally correct choice, but that is his choice and most importantly for him, his brand. Perhaps the movie producer, the organizers and judges at the premiere respected his preferred identity; they focused on his feminine dress sense, which flawed all of the Toyin Abrahams’.

Nigerians shouldn’t forget that this is an event in the circle of entertainment industry where all modern and aberrant live styles are showcased. Why don’t we think it could perhaps be a strategy to advertise Ajakaju? The producer needs to trigger Nigerians to get to the Cinemas to check up this movie. Bobrisky’s award could generate that trigger because he is a controversial celebrity, like it or not. Boom, Portable has released a song, ‘’Brotherhood’’, to shade Bobrisky.  There is no time one would listen to this song without remembering the circumstance of its emergence. At the end of the day Ajakaju goes viral. 

I don’t claim to know the criteria for Bob’s emergency but I think his personality and style of dress for the premiere gave him away for the award. Ajakaju (Beasts of Two Worlds), Eniola Ajao’s debut movie, tells the story of a powerful lady named Ajalara, who lives in two worlds – who is both human and animal. In like manner, Bobrisky in his true self, lives in two worlds, masculinity –  physical strength and will power - feminity, ‘’a quintessential nature of womanhood that is ontologically in all women. It characterizes the finesse with which most women execute their duties.’’ (Timothy Etsenamhe, the Genius of Women, 2009)   Also, his style of dress depicts that of a warrior with mystical power, who slays and plunders like Ajalara, and a king like King Towobola, who ventures into the forest to confront Ajalara.

I am surprised that many Nigerians are batting on-eyelids because of Bobrisky’s award. The world of entertainment, especially Nollywood- a portmanteau of Nigeria and Hollywood, a sobriquet that originally referred to the Nigeria film industry, is a make - believe world. It is often imaginary, illusory, and delusional. Eniola Ajao and the judges did their job well, after all said and done,  by awarding a delusional brand like Bobrisky as the ‘Best Female Dresser’ at the premiere of Ajakaju in order to make their product controversial and sensational. Guess what? On Good Friday, 29th of March 2024, you would find people in cinemas for Ajakaju perhaps in proportionate numbers with those in the halls of Churches for the passion of Christ. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

When Henry Adams, the 19th century American historian, states categorically that “A teacher affects eternity,” he translated his observational experience into what millions of people all across the world today can relate with. According to him, either good or bad, “he can never tell where his influence stops.” Teaching is a vocational calling that radiates through many generations. And this is one grateful member of one generation demonstrating immense gratitude for the gift of many teachers who impacted my coming-of-age. I contend that there should be no memoir that does not dedicate a chapter, at least, to the immense influence of teachers in the formation of anybody that considers their lives worthy of autobiographical projection. I do, and my memoir dedicates such a chapter to the myriad of influences on my intellectual and professional maturation. Prof. Adebayo Okunade—teacher extraordinaire, distinguished professor, erudite academic and astute administrator—is definitely exemplary.

I could almost bet that my old teacher will turn 70 this year. Of course, he is one mentor that I have been looking for the best moment to celebrate for a range of reasons that will be obvious in a moment. It however turned out that his septuagenarian attainment is still one year away, as he clocked 69 and not 70 a few weeks ago. By the time I reached out to him to confirm this fact, I had finished penning this tribute. And why not, he deserves to be celebrated in advance. I am not just celebrating Prof. Okunade’s pre-septuagenarian achievement, I am also wrapping that together with our shared clan affinity. We both hail from Aáwé town in the Afijio local government area of Oyo State. For me, there is a way I read the hands of Providence in my sociocultural evolution, my intellectual maturation, my professional path in life and those that have been put on my paths in life.

It is not surprising that Prof. Okunade came from a teaching parentage. But his parents were not just school teachers, but they were one of those who brought the best of their sociocultural and moral experiences into the molding of their children and the wards under their care. Being an ọmọlúwàbì is the best moral and pedagogical framework that the Yoruba allows for the upbringing of children, and the molding of a good society. I benefitted from such an upbringing too, and I know what it means to see the world through that prism. Add that moral package to a sound pedagogy, and you immediately understand how influential Prof. Okunade was to my intellectual development.

I came into first contact with Prof. Okunade at the Olivet Baptist High School, Oyo, easily one of the best secondary schools (in my time) in the entire Oyo zone, stretching from Oke Ogun to Ogbomoso. I had just resumed for my Higher School Certificate (HSC) in 1978. And he was my Government subject teacher. With him, the study of government became by far one of my very best learning formative moments. It was with him that I first became conscious of the Socratic method of interlocution—a pedagogical engagement that enables students to grasp knowledge without assaulting their minds with facts. Okunade’s pedagogical excellence consisted in transforming our numerous engagements in and outside the classroom into seminal spaces for processing discourses, discussions and debates. Given my growing reputation as a bookworm, it was almost inevitable that I would be noticed by this smart teacher who was well-versed in both national and international politics and governmental processes. And so, it became something of a constant ritual for us to gather around him, especially outside of the classroom, to pick up significant items of public discourse or current affairs touching on government policies, national politics or international incidence.

The 1978/80 years were a most significant period in Nigeria’s political development, and the second republic was about to get underway. The study of government in secondary school was also animated by the prospect of a return to civil rule and the much-awaited Nigeria’s greatness. On the intellectual part, there was an ongoing ideological discussion on the nature of the Nigerian state. Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Prof. Billy Dudley were at the forefront of the attempt to unravel what it means to say that Nigeria, despite political independence, was still “a mere geographical expression.” This furthers our discussions in those upper secondary school seminal engagements around the nature and meaning of federalism and the role it could play in Nigeria’s unfolding political development. On the political part, we were witnessing a reprise of the pre-independence rivalry between the Action Group (AG), the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) in the shape of the Unity Party of Nigeria, the National Party of Nigeria and Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) and others. And Awolowo’s democratic socialism and Azikiwe’s neo-welfarism were already in the public domain as ideological templates.

And we have in the then Mr. Okunade an astute Socratic interlocutor who could play the devil’s advocate with the many contending and contrary political and ideological positions on offer by the different political parties. He would be a Zikist in one session, a robust leftist in the mold of Tunji Braithwaite’s National Advance Party the next, and then go on to defend Awolowo’s democratic socialism thereafter. This capacity to robustly engage with contending ideas and arguments left a very deep impression on me that would come in handy when I made up my mind to study political science at the University of Ibadan, and met him again as my teacher. While engaging us on the subject matter of Government, he had just his first degree in political science, and was already on the academic trajectory, studying for a master’s degree in the same department. By the time I would join the department as an undergraduate student, he was already on his way up the ladder that would eventually lead to his becoming a professor in due season. We did not miss a bit in picking up from where we left off in terms of critical engagement, and even more at an advance stage as an undergraduate student and even at graduate studies. His academic and research profile was already shaping up in terms of public administration scholarship and specifically local government studies, and was further broadened when he went to the University of Essex in the United Kingdom to study for a LLM in International Human Rights Law.

My lifelong relationship from Olivet High to the University of Ibadan means that I would keep drawing on his influence and wisdom all through my professional development. Apart from being critical to shaping my doctoral thesis and my post-doctoral research direction—including facilitating a path-shaping relationship with the late Professor of Philosophy, Olusegun Oladipo—he is also a significant influence and support in the establishment of my pet project, the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP) in 2016.

Prof. Bayo Okunade’s scholarship must have been taking shape since he began engaging us in discourses around Nigeria’s national political development in the twilight years of the 1970s. There is no political scientist in Nigeria who would not be drawn into Nigeria’s federal-federalism debacle, and especially those who were there from the beginning like Prof. Okunade. He is very emphatic, for instance, and contrary to the outcry, that restructuring does not constitute the expected panacea to Nigeria’s federalism predicament. For example, he argues, restructuring is not an ideological construct with one objective for Nigeria, conceptually speaking. Different power blocks and elite interest want the concept to achieve different things for them. And this speaks to the fact that even if restructuring becomes constitutionally entrenched, its success will be dependent on concessions that those who have the capacity to manipulate the system for their selfish interest give to the delivery of the Nigeria development project and purpose as give and take.

Here, we begin to see the outline of Okunade’s argument—the subject of is celebrated inaugural lecture—about the leadership challenge in Nigeria. According to him, the resolution of Nigeria’s national question is impossible without an antecedent determination through the recalibration of the leadership deficit. The leadership issue, which he calls on fellow political scientist to elevate to the level of curricular program, significantly encapsulates Okunade’s constructivist perspective on social engineering and how this impact the establishment of a well-ordered society founded on public administration, human right, the rule of law and good governance. The relationship between public administration, human rights and democracy therefore situates Okunade’s research portfolio squarely within the context of Nigeria’s political development. And we are able to see clearly why the leadership deficit constitutes, as his inaugural lecture’s title suggest, a big challenge. And for someone steeped in the studies of federalism and democracy, I suspect it was not too radical to opt for a federal system that empowers local governance as a critical arm of democratic governance that empowers the people. I have like him published lots of opinion pieces on how the principles of social capital and subsidiarity could enable the grassroots as the most proactive context for democratic participation and developmental mobilization. The leadership deficit therefore goes right to the very heart of Nigeria’s constitutional anomaly.             

The near-septuagenarian professor has an influence that spans many generation of students each of whom can write pages about the indelible humanity of Adebayo Okunade and his pedagogical direction. I struggle to accept Michael Morpurgo’s words that “It’s the teacher that makes the difference, not the classroom.” This is because a good teacher can be undermined if the classroom or pedagogical dynamics are not right. An Okunade placed within the classrooms of both the Olivet Baptist Hish School and the department of political science, University of Ibadan, significantly to my academic and intellectual endeavors. And as he climbs on to the seventh floor by God’s grace in the months ahead, I can boast that he does not just wear the medal for my teacher for all times he is also my friend, brother and co-conspirator in institutional re-engineering.     

 

It is imperative for me to start by expressing my profound appreciation and admiration for the author, Baba Basorun Seinde Arogbofa, OFR, PEN, who, at 85, found the time and strength to craft this diamond of a book as a worthy legacy to people across generations.

Not a fiction but a factual compendium fertilized by personal experiences that shine through its 166 pages like diamond, the author, in every chapter, proves that old age and, indeed, ageing is not about rickety bones, disappearing muscles and sunken eyes, but also the summation of how an individual spent his adolescence, youth and adulthood. 

This fact is attested to by another living legend of our time, Baba, Chief (Dr.) Reuben Famuyide Fasoranti, OFR, who, in his beautiful piece on pages vi-viii, entitled: A Centenarian on the Marble, concurs that: “I see the book as a vade mecum (always be with me) for all grades of life-young and old. It is not tied to only old age; it argues however that what we become in old age is largely a reflection or a continuation of what we started as young people. The seeds of old age, according to him, are sown during our younger days.”

0:2 The Review: 

Aptly titled: The Philosophy of Growing Old-A Personal Experience for both Young and Old,the book, published by John Archers (Publishers) Limited, Ibadan, richly recommends itself as a necessary companion for all ages, beautifullytaking off in Chapters 1 and 2 with the definition of old age and its onset.

The author, in subsequent chapters, devotes copious pages to comprehensive examination of the process of growing old, as well as the fears and myths that drive most people, including young people, to scary limits in their dread of ageing.

As the author explicitly discusses in Chapters 7 and 8, the fears include sliding from vibrancy to redundancy, demure disposition to most issues of life, fear of failing health (pages 90-103), cognitive decline, dwindling finance and associated problems (pages 81-89), shrinking population of friends and acquaintances, goals, responsibilities, and societal impacts often associated with ageing. 

But Baba, in this great book, does not leave the reader without hope. He discusses extensively how people can find and sustain happiness at old age (Chapter 6). In 13 pages in Chapter 9, the author also proffers ways people can develop the courage to accept and deal with old age.

He also explores the legacies people can bequeath to family and humanity, and the fulfillment old people must seek before theirinevitable encounter with death. But he submits that old age and ageing need not be all gloom and doom, emphasizing, however, that all depends on how the individual laid his bed in his/her youthful and adult years. 

As in everything, the author underscores the significance of positive attitude, discipline, adaptation, meaningful lifestyle, effective time management, socializing, worship, showing love, and more love, among others, as sine qua non(necessary condition) for enjoying the twilight of age.

On page 120, the author highlights the importance of working to bequeath worthy legacies noting that, “…as an elder in the family you must strive to leave something worthwhile…..It could be a good name, which, people say, is better than silver or gold, a good name that can open doors for your relations, and not close doors against them…” 

On page 123, Baba Basorun Arogbofa succinctly delves into various sectors of the society and lists the necessary virtues or legacies that could be left behind.

The author reflects on his own journey through life and shares the principles and steps he embraced to navigate the challenges of aging. The book encourages readers to embrace these principles and incorporate them into their own lives, as they shape personal growth and determine how well the individual copes with every stage of aging.

The author drives the point home on Page 102, citing one touching event that occurred when he author was 77, and he had to be operated on.“Just before the operation started,” he reminisces, “I took time off from them, looked up to God, my Creator for a communion, and went into a reverie. My action was infectious and everybody appeared silent for a short time I was in communication.”

The import of the above event, a core principle in navigating through life is: God is the author and the finisher of our faith. This Biblical principle, which the author’s father imbibed and stoutly believed in, pops up in the second paragraph of the book’s prologue of the book (page xv) wherein the author reveals how he envisaged the values passed on to him and his siblings, and soon naturally lived by them as he once hoped. The principle, he notes, is essential and will serve every ma/woman well throughout life-as toddler, adolescent, young adult, adult, middle age, old age and growing old.

One notable aspect of the book is its well-structured chapters, although I personally feel that the question of "when" should have been addressed before discussing "what is in old age." Nevertheless, the author's thought process is excellently presented in each chapter, with a particular focus on five cardinal values associated with old age.

These cardinal values include honor and respect, outstanding wisdom, discipline, high valuesystem, accord, as well as proper care and kindness. The book emphasizes the importance of these values in old age and how they are passed on from generation to generation.

03: Conclusion:

As already established, Baba Arogbofa’s book,The Psychology of Growing Old: A Personal Experience for both Young and Old, is a valuable read that provides real-life experiences and serves as a guide to sustainable living and financial security. The book highlights the bright sides of old age and underscore the avoidable challenges of growing old. Though the advice comes so early in the book, Chapter 3 to be precise, it gives a sterling conclusion and golden advice on the subject matter, when he quotes the saying that “as one grows older the sky gets darker slowly’, and counsels that, “every wise person must prepare for this critical stage of life, so as to meet its challenges. As in the philosophy of the scouts, the wise must always be prepared, and the preparation must begin by the age of 40, so as not to belong to the fabled fool at forty who becomes a fool for life.”

And to truly enjoy old age, the author recommends the timeless ideal of devoting time to inspiring things in the environment, things that promote happiness and increase prosocial emotions (like generosity and kindness), accepting death as inevitable and developing the right attitude towards that stark reality (Chapter 11), worship God and love all that is good and noble. 

Overall, the book, The Psychology of Growing Old: A Personal Experience for both Young and Old, is a great intellectual work brimming with wisdom. It is well researched, spiced with true life anecdotes, and written in elegant prose. The writing is as compelling as the message. The book recommends itself as a necessary companion for all men and women that desire happy old age regardless of the challenges; it is a precious resource for researchers on quality and purposeful living, geriatrics and gerontology.

The book is also an excellent gift to those of us in leadership positions as the issues espoused by the author comes with the cryptic message that the state must pay more to the welfare of the elderly. Though some states are doing excellently well in making ageing easy for the senior citizens, more states need to execute policies that improve the living conditions of the elderly in the areas of geriatric care, medications for the aged, transportation system that make commuting for the seniors enjoyable, as well as monthly allowances necessary to meet their most basic needs.

In my years of service in the temple of justice, I have been an advocate of better life for the vulnerable. And senior citizens, people who have given the best parts of their lives in dedicated service to Fatherland, have become not only vulnerable but are fast becoming endangered species of homo sapiens; suffering crippling deprivations, ill-health and poverty. 

Therefore, time is NOW for us to show love to the seniors by executing policies and programmes that make old age not to look like a curse or plague. And on this note, let me use this opportunity to acknowledge the Government of Ondo State for their consideration and inclusion of the elderly and physically challenged persons, as at today, the state has taken care of 12337 elderly from the Social Registry across the 18 Local Governments in Ondo State, I will however and nevertheless further ask that much more should be done by our governments, corporate entities and spirited individuals. 

I humbly and most respectfully urge all Your Excellencies here present to please, give a deep thought to this humble hint. Gbogbo wa ni a maa dagba, ti a si maa darugbo ni agbara Edumare. (We shall all grow old by the power of the Almighty).

In closing, and like I have said unequivocally, The Psychology of Growing Old: A Personal Experience for both Young and Old, by Baba, Basorun Seinde Arogbofa, is a great literary work by all standards. (I think Baba deserves a loud ovation). However, since there is nothing perfect under the sun, even the best of men, I would encourage the editors to be a little bit more thorough in their editing to avoid the minor typographical and punctuation errors observed in a few instances. I offer this advice because I am convinced this gem of a book will be a best-seller and it would compel reprinting over and again.

The author’s use of deep Yoruba proverbs is excellent, especially with the accompanying transliterations. This should make readers from other cultural backgrounds comfortable and very much at home in absorbing and interpreting the message. A little improvement could be useful. For instance, it would have been more beneficial to include references to other regions and cultures to enhance understanding and inclusivity. Even, without this, the book is still worth timeless offering to all those who seek knowledge.

Nobody must leave this hall without grabbing copies for self, family and friends.

Dr. Olukayode Abraham Ajulo, OON, SAN

Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

A Review By Dr Olukayode Abraham Ajulo, OON, SAN