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“If we are going to get equality, if we are going to get adequate wages, we are going to have to struggle for them.” - Martin Luther King, Jr.
One of the great tragedies of Nigeria’s political history is that, when they become the nation’s President, former military dictators pretend to be born again democrats while former democrats pretend to be courageous military dictators. PBAT threw an unprovoked vicious jab at the labour unions. He said, “ You are not the only voice of Nigerians.” This is like poking lions in the chests and declaring that their roars are not the only voice in the jungle. It is politically unwise to throw jabs at labour unions in an inflationary economy. The last time a Nigerian government threw such an unprovoked jab at labour was in 1945 when the colonial government insisted that Nigerian labour was not the only voice in Nigeria in the midst of a raging WWII inflationary economy. Labour responded with a national general strike of 1945. We will examine the 1945 national general strike in order to learn what labour must do now.
On May 19, 1945, Nigerian waged workers held a mass meeting at the Glover Memorial Hall in Lagos. The workers established a Joint Executive consisting of trade union leaders. They demanded a 50% COLAs and a minimum daily wage of 2s. 6d. for unskilled public sector workers. In a letter forwarded to the colonial government, the workers promised to go on strike, if their demands were not met by June 21, 1945. In the midst of this potential industrial conflict, Mr. Michael Imoudu returned to Lagos. The Defence Regulation, under which Imoudu had been banished to Auchi, had expired with the end of WWII. Hence, the colonial government had to release him. The workers used the occasion to mobilize for the proposed strike. A massive workers' march and rally was arranged for June 2nd to give Imoudu a hero’s welcome. In the June 2nd welcome rally, Herbert Macaulay, the president of the NCNC and Nnamdi Azikiwe, the NCNC secretary, both spoke in favour of the proposed general strike and Imoudu's leadership. So also did Madam Alimotu Pelewura, the Alaga of Ereko market and president of the Lagos Market Women Association. The colonial government was concerned about the turbulent marriage of nationalist politics and industrial struggle. Hence, it immediately made an official response to the workers' demands.
In a June 11th letter, the colonial government argued that it could not grant the workers' demand for a COLAs revision and minimum daily wage because such wage awards would lead to wage-push inflation. The colonial government proposed instead that unemployed workers should return back to the rural farms to increase food production. Workers were advised to cooperate with the government's price reduction measures and concentrate on making the Pullen market scheme a success. Finally, the colonial government argued that its revenue was small and therefore, it could not afford to pay increased wages and COLAs to public sector workers unless it also increased taxes. The workers did not accept the colonial government's arguments. Therefore, they began to agitate for higher wages.
The colonial government reminded the Joint Executive that the proposed general strike was illegal under the Defence Regulation banning strikes before all arbitration procedures had been exhausted. The Labour department threatened that the law would be followed to the letter if an illegal general strike occurred on June 21st. In the face of this threat, the Joint Executive proposed the postponement of the general strike to the workers. A militant group led by Imoudu refused to postpone the planned strike action. The rank-and-file workers supported this militant position. In a mass workers' meeting on June 21st, the workers decided to execute the general strike action as planned. On June 22nd, they organized a mass rally in the railway locomotive workshop. The general strike began as Imoudu and the militant trade unionists consolidated the rank-and-file workers. The workers independently moved to ensure the success of the general strike action. The colonial government declared a No work No Pay policy and promised to sack workers who went on strike. The workers ignored the government. The general strike spread throughout the nation, starting from Lagos. The news was carried along the railway line by locomotive drivers. In the provincial centers, railway workers also led the general strike. All the members of the Joint Executive resigned to avoid arrest as the general strike began. The strike lasted for 44 days from June 21st to August 15th of 1945.
The 1945 general strike brought about the temporary unity of all labouring classes. The Daily Comet and the West African Pilot supported the strike and were later banned by the colonial government. The NCNC also supported the striking workers as did the market women and other unwaged workers. In Eastern Nigeria, the landlords refused to collect any rent and the market women sold food at reduced prices. A strike fund was organized and market women donated to it generously. In northern Nigeria, the market women also donated to a strike fund. Lagos market women reduced their food prices and attended the mass workers meetings to give moral and political support to the workers during the duration of the strike.
The colonial government did not take the general strike lying down. It employed tactics of misinformation with the aid of the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM). Dr. Akintola Maja, the NYM President, set up a “Maja Peace Committee” to convince workers to end the strike. Trade union leaders were arrested. When this failed to stop the strike, the colonial government reaffirmed its decision to sack all striking workers after August 1, 1945. A mass workers meeting was called to discuss the government’s latest threat. The ex-Joint Executive members and their supporters who wanted to terminate the strike action were a minority. Hence, it was determined that the strike would continue despite the government's threat of dismissal. However, the actions of the moderate trade union leaders was leading to disunity among the workers. Hence, on August 4th, the general strike was terminated in Lagos. Workers in the provincial cities refused to believe that the strike action had been terminated by Lagos workers because of the prior misinformation by the colonial government. In Zaria, the workers refused to go back to work until Michael Imoudu traveled down there himself to inform the workers that news of the termination of the strike action was not just another government propaganda designed to make them capitulate. The general strike finally ended in all parts of the country on August 15, 1945 and resulted in more than 2 million mandays lost.
In the negotiation following the general strike, the colonial government rejected the workers' demand for 50% COLAs. Instead, the government offered a 20% increase in COLAs to Lagos public sector workers, smaller COLAs increases to public sector workers in the provincial cities and a minimum daily wage of 2s. 3d. for unskilled public sector workers. It told the workers' representatives that if they rejected this offer, then it would withdraw the offer and refer the matter to a commission of enquiry. The workers' representatives rejected the offer after consultations with trade union leaders and rank and file workers. The colonial government therefore established a commission of enquiry in October of 1945. This commission became known as the Tudor-Davies Commission. The government did not withdraw its initial offer after the workers' representatives rejected it. Rather, it granted the workers a 20% increase in COLAs and a minimum wage of 2s. 3d. backdated to August 1, 1945. The mandays lost during the strike were discarded as leave days without pay by the colonial government. Thus, the workers won a COLAs and wage increase after the general strike. These gains increased after the Tudor-Davies Commission finished its enquiry into the effects of the war inflation.
The terms of reference of the Tudor-Davies Commission were: “To consider the representation made by the Nigerian Government and Native Authority employees concerning an increase in the Cost of Living and, having regard to the present cost of living and all other factors, to make recommendations as to whether any action should be taken by the Nigerian Government, whether by variation of the Cost of Living Allowance or by controlling the cost of living or any other way, and to make recommendations as to the future compilation and computation of cost of living indices in Nigeria.”
In its report, the Tudor Davies commission stated that the colonial government should have kept its 1942 promise to review the cost of living. It rejected the government's arguments of wage-push inflation and limited government revenue. It decided that the limited nature of the government revenue did not negate the validity of the workers' claim for increased COLAs. It advised the government to change its priorities with regards to the allocation of government revenue so that it could pay the increased COLAs without raising taxes. It pointed out that the government has paid COLA to European workers. The commission recommended a 50% increase in COLAs for all public sector workers (African Staff) with annual wages of less than £220 and a review of COLAs every two years. Finally, the commission concluded that “It is apparent that the influence and power of the Nigerian Trade Unions for good or ill should not be underestimated, for if their organizational strength - financial and numerical - is small, what may be termed their operational strength is great.”
The colonial government accepted the recommendations and implemented them. It also established Wage Councils to determine future wage awards and a National Negotiating Committee to settle industrial disputes in the public sector by arbitration. Rent Assessment Boards were given more powers to enforce stricter rent control measures. The government appointed a Registrar of Trade Unions to supervise the growth of the trade unions and hired a former British TUC member as a labor officer. The 1945 general strike thus brought economic gains to the Nigerian working class. The initial 20% increase in existing COLAs and a minimum daily wage of 2s. 3d. were followed by a 50% increase in COLAs. The income of workers increased and this gave them the means to actualize their economic self-development at a higher level.
A national general strike as a weapon in the arsenal of Nigerian workers in struggle. It is the historical response of labour to unprovoked jabs from the Nigerian government in the midst of an inflationary economy. Given the prevailing harsh economic conditions facing workers in the country, Nigerian workers should be organized to do the needful.
THE Tinubu administration picked up the courage to implement the Oronsaye Report on restructuring the federal public service and cutting cost of governance. It was a courage lacking in his two immediate predecessors.
The Report recommends the merger of 220 of the 541 agencies, reducing agencies from 263 to 161. In all, 31 agencies are to be abolished, 54 merged, and 14 reversed to their previous status in the ministries. It is not clear yet how much of the Report will be implemented, but it is off to a good start.
The architect of the reforms is Stephen Osagiede Oronsaye, a rather conservative public servant who was appointed Head of the Civil Service of the Federation in June 2009 and left office on retirement on November 16, 2009. As Head of Service, he had pushed through a new policy limiting terms of permanent secretaries and directors to eight years. Armed with this, he forced nine permanent secretaries and some directors to retire from service.
Impressed by this unprecedented reform in the service, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan appointed him to head a team that would reform the public service. His team turned out an 800-page document that became known as the Oronsaye Report. But Jonathan found it too hot to handle and dropped it like hot potato.
President Muhammadu Buhari came into power singing an anthem of change. After a number of declarations and vows to implement the report, he dropped it.
Oronsaye, himself, might not be too happy with the country. He supported an Executive Bill presented to the National Assembly in 2013 for the creation of an Independent Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit outside the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. A visibly angry EFCC opposed the bill. Shortly after, it accused Oronsaye of carrying out a N190 million pension fraud back in 2010-2011. Two years later, he was hauled before the courts and, for the next eight years, dragged before two different judges before a third, Justice Iyang Ekwo discharged and acquitted him.
The judge ruled that the entire investigation and subsequent arraignment of the reformer, was a witch-hunt. He had wondered how, over the years, Oronsaye was not even availed a copy of the petition against him, so he had no way of responding or defending himself against the charges.
In a sense, the commencement of the implementation of his 12-year Report is a further vindication of the 74-year-old Oronsaye.
There have been some controversy about the decision to implement the Report with some accusing Tinubu of seeking to divert attention from the punishing economic crises Nigerians are going through. However, for me, the issues of reform, change and effective service delivery to the populace, should not be wished away or thrown out purely on such basis. I also do not buy the argument that rather than implement Oronsaye, the administration should concentrate on creation of more jobs. I do not see both as being mutually exclusive. Again, those who argue that we need more, not less agencies, have missed the point because the multiplication of bureaucracy does not translate to more government.
If anything, so long as the implementation does not result in job loses, I think it is not even going far enough. For instance, I do not see the reason for the existence of the Police and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps as two distinct civil security bodies.
It makes a lot of sense to me that the Directorate of Technical Cooperation in Africa and Directorate of Technical Aid Corps are merged under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission also brought under the Ministry. Why should the National Metallurgical Development Centre and National Metallurgical Training Institute be different agencies or, the Nigeria Army build a university separate from the Nigeria Defence Academy?
I think those who claim that with the implementation of the Oronsaye Report, the Tinubu administration has begun the much- needed restructuring and cutting cost of governance, are widely off the mark. It is like claiming that because the domestic cat and the lion share a common ancestry and belong to the same feline family, they can be interchanged. In comparison, the Oronsaye Report Implementation is cosmetic.
To begin with, the Presidency is so ubiquitous, with so many officials and aides, that they can in themselves constitute a country. A supposed Federal Government has 68 items on the exclusive list, including fishing in local waters, police, marriage and divorce!
Despite being the economic capital of the country and housing a mega city, Lagos State is not allowed to create local governments that can service its populace. To be able to do so, is what true restructuring means.
Cutting cost of governance includes states being allowed to run only the local governments they need and not maintain the number imposed on them by military fiat.
Cutting the cost of governance includes making the legislative houses part-time. It should also include paying them basic allowances and total emoluments not higher than those of an assistant director in the ministry. To pay a senator N14 million monthly is the equivalent of the wages of 466 workers on the monthly National Minimum Wage of N30,000.
In a country like Cuba, senators receive no payments at all, and if they need to research, they approach the tertiary institutions to assist.
No serious country gives a single senator N21 billion as ‘constituency projects’ for which there are no competitive biddings, no specific projects approved and no proper accounting system. If we were to be serious with cutting cost, the Bicameral Legislature would give way by the scrapping of the 360-Member House of Representatives. Its duplicated functions can be carried out by the Senate.
An agency of massive wastage is the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC. In some Third World countries like Venezuela, all the voter has to do is show up with his national identity card at any voting centre, cast his vote by touching the symbol of his preferred party as provided on the secluded screen. His vote is automatically counted.
In contrast, INEC developed temporary voters card which is then replaced by permanent voters card, display of voters list for every polling station, printing of voters cards, movement of non-sensitive electoral materials, followed by the sensitive materials which are escorted by armed security men. At the voting centre itself, it has deployed card readers, the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, BVAS,and the INEC Result Viewing, IREV, portal. All these rigmarole, only to produce inconclusive or hotly disputed results.
To be serious about restructuring and cutting the cost of governance, we need to retrieve the Report of the 2014 National Conference just as the Oronsaye Report was dusted up.
There is no disputation that Naira abuse or more specifically the act of spraying money at social events has become an acceptable norm or cultural practice in Nigeria. Nigerians have a cultural affinity for lavish social gatherings. Many people regard these occasions as a means of displaying social status and wealth. Spraying Naira notes, and other currency notes, at events progressively appears to be the ultimate way to flaunt your social standing.
Even burials that are supposed to be sober moments have been turned into considerable fanfare. This has created a new industry of mint note trading and events management. All of these constitute the social infrastructure of Naira abuse. A new dimension of the social infrastructure of Naira abuse is the arrival to the scene of the nouveau rich. Society has labelled them with all sorts of terminology: Yahoo Boys, Yahoo Plus, and 419.
Nigeria has since recognised the dangers of Naira abuse but that is not the focus of this piece. The government has made rules and laws to check it and provided enlightenment campaigns to educate people. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) gave Naira abuse as one of the reasons why it is pushing for digital-based financial transactions. Naira abuse, like its ancestor-mother social epidemic of corruption, has remained stubborn and refused to go away.
There is ambiguity about what constitutes Naira abuse. Section 21 of the CBN Act 2007 clearly defines Naira abuse and prescribes various punishments to deter citizens from abusing the Naira. They include – spraying banknotes at events; writing on banknotes; stapling banknotes; tearing banknotes; dancing or stamping on Naira; defacing the bank notes with substances or ink, oil; selling currency banknotes; mutilation of the Naira note; money bouquets. However, law enforcement has been lax. It is commonly believed that the laws against Naira abuse are either symbolic or desuetude because no one is held accountable, everyone gets away with it, and things have normalised.
The social phenomena of Naira abuse, especially the spraying of money, have become an epidemic in Nigeria. Lately, it is of significant concern. We have exported this to many parts of the world, and social media is replete with evidence of this in weddings and other social events attended by Nigerians in different parts of the world.
Malcolm Gladwell’s book, “The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference” explores the idea that social phenomena, like trends and epidemics, often reach a tipping point where they suddenly become widespread. He identifies three key factors that contribute to this tipping point: the Law of the Few (the idea that a small number of people have a disproportionate influence), the Stickiness Factor (how messages or ideas stick in the minds of people), and the Power of Context (how the environment influences behaviour).
Through engaging anecdotes and research, Gladwell illustrates how understanding these factors can help individuals and organisations create or manipulate trends and epidemics. The book emphasises the importance of attention to small details and understanding the social dynamics behind spreading ideas and behaviours. The fundamental concepts of the book about Naira Abuse are twofold. First, the cultural context or external environment provides the soil for bad or good behaviour to grow and spread. Second, key people with remarkable personalities can cause or stop social epidemics because of their social profile or social network.
There is a link between the recommendation of Malcolm Gladwell and the arrest and prosecution of Idris Okuneye better known as Bobrisky, a cross-dresser and social influencer, for Naira abuse, and the arrest and ongoing prosecution of Cubana Chief priest Pascal Okechukwu in connection with Naira abuse. Why selectively arrest the duo when everybody is involved in some form of Naira abuse either by trampling, spraying, mutilation or rumpling? It is nearly impossible for any law enforcement organisation to find and apprehend every perpetrator. Resources exist in limited supply. It is simple wisdom to begin with people who have disproportionate influence. This is perhaps what EFCC has done.
The first common ground is that both of them enjoy considerable social media influence whether for positive or negative reasons depending on your value system. These two cases, though similar, are following different paths. Bobrisky, in court, pleaded guilty and has since been handed six months imprisonment. Cubana Chief Priest did not plead guilty, so his case will go to full trial, putting the law to the test. This court case will assist us in providing answers to some critical questions: what are the societal ramifications of Naira spraying, and how can Naira misuse be proven? Is there a need to amend the existing law and make it more relevant to the challenge? Will this fresh wave of enforcement stop the epidemic of Naira abuse? Regardless of how the legal proceedings turn out, they have highlighted how important it is to take the triplet societal plague of poor social behaviour, Naira abuse, and their ancestor-mother corruption very seriously.
I have identified six pillars to control or stop Naira abuse: Fight corruption because it is an enabler for abuse of the Naira. The incestuous relationship between corruption, illicit financial transactions and Naira abuse is well established. Second, the government should deepen knowledge and change people’s orientation by embarking on mass enlightenment, people must understand clearly what constitutes Naira abuse and what the punishment is for such offence. Third, address cultural issues relating to Naira abuse through community engagement. People gifting money to celebrants on occasions is no crime but the manner of gifting is the issue. Fourth, the government should renew the push for digital transactions. Fifth, the government must strengthen the structures of law enforcement. It is not just a police and EFCC matter. The judiciary must upend its knowledge of the subject matter. Sixth, the government must be impartial and objectively enforce the law to change cultural norms and public behaviour that defaces the Naira. This may entail revisiting and improving the law.
The CBN, Police and the EFCC should study different models of changing public behaviour in the past and draw up a model and strategy to deal with the issue of Naira abuse, especially since it has become embedded in some cultures. Good examples abound abroad and in Nigeria. The British government employed various strategies to change public behaviour regarding spitting and other personal vices. Spitting in public places was prohibited by local bylaws or municipal regulations but it is social persuasion that gave the result. These laws serve as deterrents and can result in fines or other penalties for offenders. They launched public awareness campaigns, collaborated with community stakeholders, and monitored and enforced the law. However, most of all, they leveraged social norms and peer pressure to influence behaviour and encourage individuals to conform to accepted standards of behaviour by highlighting the societal consensus against spitting and certain destructive behaviours and showcasing positive role models who embody desirable conduct. Today, the practice of spitting publicly, urinating on the road corners, and other public nuisances are controlled to the barest minimum.
In Nigeria, good examples of efforts to change public behaviour can be seen around us. Most were successful to a greater degree. The government should revisit some of these campaigns and learn from them.
A model that seems to be working in Akwa Ibom State is the State Ethical and Attitudinal Reorientation initiative. Before 1999, the Akwa Ibom people experienced a severe social epidemic, “The Pervasive and prevalent House help Syndrome,” which gained widespread notoriety and led to the dubbed moniker “Ekaette” for nearly every female domestic helper. The administration of Obong Attah took up the task of reorienting the Akwa Ibom people’s mindset. He established the Ethical and Attitudinal Reorientation Commission (EARCOM) in Akwa Ibom and gave them the responsibility of raising public awareness about the importance of “minoring” vices and “majoring” in moral principles.
The struggle has persisted throughout the regimes, and Pastor Umo Eno’s present administration appears to be taking it to newer, more profound heights by hiring assistants for each ward and unit and charging them to carry out the commission’s work of value reorientation in remote areas. As bait, he is using the incentivisation and social support model, drawing on the country’s current food and hunger crisis to reach out with the message of value reorientation. Today, a negligible number of Akwa Ibom daughters are house helpers, and the majority are highflyers in the professions and business.
The success story of Akwa Ibom is a model that the federal government can replicate. Changing public behaviour requires a multifaceted approach that combines legislation, education, community engagement, social support and enforcement efforts. By addressing the underlying factors contributing to undesirable behaviours and promoting positive alternatives, governments can effectively shape public attitudes and foster a more socially responsible society.
[TheCable]
Every law in force in every jurisdiction; be it religious or secular law forbids and frowns upon the act of killing another man and this act of killing another man is dealt with the most serious punishment available which is killing the killer in return. But there is only one instance when a person is permitted to kill another person and he will not be punished for it. The only time you are permitted in law to kill another man is in self-defence; i.e. you are in a kill-or-be-killed situation and you killed your attacker in defence of yourself; you just have to do it to save your own life, ie in the defence of your person or self-defence.
In the case of Ekeozor V State (2016) LPELR-40951(CA) the court of appeal held that for an accused person to rely on the defence of self-defence, “it must be seen that the life of the accused was so much endangered by the act of your adversary that the only means of escape from imminent death was to kill the attacker”. See the case of Okordudu v state (2014)LPELR -23210(CA)
This legal permission to kill another person has qualifications and these are some of its qualifications;
Firstly, It must be in a kill-or-be-killed situation. This is to say that you are only permitted to kill in the defense of your person or your property.
Secondly, your response to the attack must be commensurate or equivalent to the force or threat by your attacker. For instance, you are only permitted to defend yourself with a gun or other deadly weapons if someone attacks you with a gun or other deadly weapons but you cannot defend yourself with a gun or with other deadly weapons against an attacker who is only confronting you with a fist or without any weapon. This second qualification therefore implies that your reprisal attack must be commensurate or equivalent to the perceived threat/ attack by your adversary if not you have committed murder if your adversary dies from the reprisal attack and therefore will not be permitted to rely on the defence of self-defence.
Thirdly, the reprisal attack or response to the attack against your adversary must be immediately or at the moment of the attack. For instance, if someone shoots at you, you must shoot back in that instant for it to amount to self-defence, if you have to wait later or to catch the person unaware before you shoot the person, it is no longer self-defence. Therefore, the response or reprisal attack must be in the heat of the moment for it to qualify as self-defence
Stan Alieke is an Abuja based legal practitioner and managing partner at Law Capitol, Abuja.
I attended the second Annual General Meeting of Access Holding Plc last on Friday mainly to discern the direction of its new leadership and pick up the strategic focus of the institution in the years ahead. The return of Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede to the Board as chairman last month created quite a buzz in the industry and within the institution. I take interest in studying leadership styles and so I was bent on attending this AGM. As a former staff, shareholder and student of strategy, I took in every moment of the two-hour meeting, listened to every word spoken, drew conclusions and and came away with six takeaways. Number 1: In all the comments, including the opening and closing prayers, it was clear that the shareholders have deep-seated faith in their new chairman, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, and the company’s leaders, Bolaji Agbede, the acting Group Chief Executive and Roosevelt Ogbonna, the managing director and chief executive of the bank, as well as others.
There were loud cheers from the shareholders as the directors walked in, an understandable exhalation after a painful and mournful period. Aigboje himself went around shaking hands and hugging the shareholders. It was clear that the investors habour no apprehensions about the direction of their company; not a sense of it veering off from its time-tested traditions and the foundation that created the financial powerhouse which it has become. No doubt that they backed and passed all the resolutions overwhelmingly, thus paving the way for the bank to meet and surpass the N500 billion minimum share capital base.
Two, I could glean deliberate efforts on the part of the chairman to project Bolaji and Roosevelt as the new leaders of the banking group; or should I say, he was careful not to overshadow them. I will mention an incident to buttress my point. After the meeting, Aigboje and Bolaji were facing two different cameras simultaneously, talking to two different group of journalists. In fact, I think Bolaji had even started her press conference before the chairman was ready. The bank’s communication team moved back and forth between the two to ensure that everything went well. I took it all in, remembering my days as a reporter. I was a business journalist covering events like this for many years and later, a PR executive managing things of this nature for a long time. I can’t recall seeing the chairman (least of all, an owner-chairman) and the CEO facing different cameras for post-event media briefing. In fact, it is the CEO that would be running around gathering the press for the chairman, who would first appear uninterested, before he saunters in with a magisterial arrogance! I think Aigboje just wants to encourage and build confidence in the team as emerging global leaders, even if he has to step behind.
Three, and this is very important. Raising capital has never been a problem for Access Bank, and I can’t see it as one this time. Between 2004 and 2007, the bank raised an equivalent of $2 billion when Aigboje was the CEO in his 30s, leading the same team which is in charge today. Now, the bank is seeking to raise an equivalent of $300 million (N365 billion) from a significantly larger base. With a more visible brand and bigger footprint across Africa and beyond, I don’t foresee Access not meeting this milestone within a record time. Speaking to journalists after the meeting, Aigboje disclosed that Access Holdings will deploy digital technology in raising its capital. ‘’In 2004, we went around Nigeria and it led to the democratization of the capital market. Other banks followed suit and the number of banks’ shareholders increased in manyfold and our capital market grew immensely. This time, we have the digital technology that we would deploy fully’’, he said.
Four, the Group’s decision to go by Rights Issue signals the its inclinations to protect the retail shareholders from dilution, and this is the promise Aigboje and Herbert made to them in 2002. They duo had told the shareholders then that they would always be carried along as the bank grows. Integrity is key in life. Five, there was a noticeably active participation of women shareholders at the AGM. In fact, the meeting commenced with the chairman requesting a shareholder, Mrs Bisi Bakare, to step forward and decorate him with the bank’s lapel pin to symbolize his assumption of duty. That simple, but touching task essentially set the tone for the rest of the event as the women shareholders participated fully and actively in the meeting. The roving microphone got to them more often than the men, or at least in equal measure, and the women expressed themselves loudly and clearly. The bank continues to lead in gender issues, just as in issues of sustainability and diversity.
Six, and this is my final takeaway, Access continues to dream big and Access people sure believe in their dreams. When I joined as a staff in 2008, the dream then was to make the bank one of the five biggest in the country. It appeared as a pipe dream then. But only four years after, it was achieved! Now, by reiterating to the shareholders that Access Holdings will become Africa’s best banking group (benchmarked against the South African giant, Standard Bank Group), the chairman noted that the company will be Nigeria’s best stocks in terms of returns in the nearest future. Another big dream! As a onetime US First Lady, Eleanor Roosevelt said, the future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams.
“Our advocacy should be to begin to develop the people and the land , make our youths productive ,initiate Agric projects that will engage our youths so food can be plenty and we can produce for the world , train them to acquire skills in thousands , free our women from the bondage of poverty by improving their trading skills into production .Afenifere ,led by Fashoranti ,Adebanjo and Akintoye and all Yoruba groups must be tuned to this new campaign for our land”
Self determination , Restructuring or even parliamentary style of governance will collapse or will be impossible to achieve with the present political class of leadership .
From ward level , in the different parties ,to the Local Government ,state and National Assembly membership ,we don’t have good quality minds that think of the populace like in the early days of Western Region .
Until we consciously especially in YORUBALAND begin the process of insisting on good governance , accountability in office ,and rapid promotion and development of the minds of our people and their environs in a glaring and commendable way and fashion to the admiration of other nationalities we shall spend a long time in the trenches and maybe be buried there.
Our advocacy should be to begin to develop the people and the land , make our youths productive ,initiate Agric projects that will engage our youths so food can be plenty and we can produce for the world , train them to acquire skills in thousands , free our women from the bondage of poverty by improving their trading skills into production .Afenifere ,led by Fashoranti ,Adebanjo and Akintoye and all Yoruba groups must be tuned to this new campaign for our land
Churches and Mosques must be made to have a production and human development skill acquisition centres to assist in the rapid development envisaged .
Another election mood will start in 8 months time and we won’t have been able to achieve anything by the time a second tenure campaign starts .
It is only when we on our own develop our land and free our people from the bondage of poverty can we begin to galvanise our Yoruba populace to see the value in the true and real Nation we dream of .
We should consciously and deliberately improve her land to be the envy of other nationalities ,it is only then that an overwhelming groundswell of support will truly emerge to demand for a true Yoruba Nation not the one built on this corrupt ,crime infested skeleton of our present political leadership that are groomed to loot ,trained to plunder ,and taught to ignore the wailings and ,cries of their people.
The people remain hopeless and defenceless in their hands as they continue to hammer the poverty nails in our heads and in the process extinguish our middle and upper class citenzry.
You need the People before you can have a Nation and right now we don’t have the People yet .let us start now or forever complain while we remain and die in the trenches .You can force a horse to a stream but cannot force it to drink water ..
He wore a grey goatie. The term “goatie” dates back to the ancient Empires of Rome and Greece, with Pan (a god) depicted as wearing a goatie. Our departed National Icon popularised it in Nigeria. He carried the goatie with admirable grace and panache. It exuded wisdom, intellect, patriotism and service. The series of events marking the transition of the erstwhile Governor of the old Anambra State (1992-1993), Chief Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife, bears eloquent testimony to the towering stature of a man who stood head and shoulders above most of his contemporaries in Nigeria’s political and social landscape. Yes, it is not an exaggeration to say that the Okwadike Igbo Ukwu was a colossus among men. He was many things all rolled into one: patriot; Harvard-trained development economist; public administrator; bureaucrat; civil servant; school teacher; consultant; politician; political activist; public affairs analyst/commentator; and many more.
The week-long programme of events which his political associates, admirers, kinsmen and family members organised in his honour is therefore befitting for a man who is honoured in his homeland. It cannot but be so, because Dr. Ezeife lived an impactful and richly fulfilled life. Julius Caesar’s wife, Calpurnia, was right when she said, “when beggars dies, there are no comets seen; the heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes” (Act II Scene II, Julius Caesar by William Shakespeare). He came of age when Nigeria was on the cusp of political independence and was, therefore, a child of circumstance. But, that opportunity could and would have been wasted had he not seized it – and more importantly – were he not equipped to do so.
In this case, that preparation came in the form of education – Western-style education. Austere and Spartan-like Ezeife proudly benefitted from the best that was available, both in Nigeria and beyond: a first degree in Economics from Nigeria’s premier University – Ibadan – followed by Post-Graduate Ph.D degree in Harvard on Rockefeller foundation scholarship. And he certainly put them to good use: joining the newly-emerging (nascent) federal civil service in post-colonial Nigeria as an Administrative officer in the Federal Ministry of Economic Development, where he rose steadily to become a Permanent Secretary before he voluntarily retired in 1984. I first met him in 1984 (shortly before his retirement) when my late mentor, fiery Chief Gani Fawehinmi led me to him in his office to protest certain issues being handled by the Federal government.
Ezeife had acquired valuable consultancy experience with the Arthur D. Little Foundation. All these were to prove invaluable when Dr. Ezeife emerged somewhat surprisingly – as the 2nd elected civilian Governor of the Old Anambra State, with the partial return to democracy in December 1991, beating seasoned politicians in the process. From all indications, his tenure as Governor was a resounding success, as he brought his unique wealth of experience and sound academic expertise and pedigree to bear in moving that state to a much higher level than he had met it. Subsequent, governments have merely built on his inerasable legacy.
Following the unfortunate termination of that Republic with the criminal annulment of the presidential election held on the 12th day of June, 1993, Dr. Ezeife stood up to be counted as one of those who courageously called for its validation and respect for the popular will as expressed by the Nigerian people in that result. He actively associated with and joined other patriots in agitating for the release from political detention of the winner of that election proverb-smith, Chief Moshood Abiola.
Chief Ezeife is renowned for the historic “Handshake Across the Niger” which he and his Kinsmen (fellow Igbos) initiated by reaching out to their compatriots in the South-West in forging a Pan-Nigeria alliance which contributed in no small measure in easing the military from public space, thereby ushering in the democracy which we presently enjoy. The newly elected president of that Republic, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, needed little prompting and wasted no time in appointing Chief Ezeife as his Political Adviser; a position he served meritoriously to the admiration of all. His mature, calm, quality and informed advice on that beat has been severally acknowledged by his then principal, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. This is to Chief Ezeife’s eternal credit.
However, beyond his public persona Chief Emeife was, in his lifetime, a man of God, a devout Christian and a man for all Seasons. Indeed, these beliefs and ideals were reflected in his choices as a public administrator and politician, ensuring that he always governed with a human face. He was never insensitive nor inconsiderate, and he always put people first in all his policies and programmes. This was aptly demonstrated when he successfully lobbied the Babaginda Administration to take over two State-owned institutions, the Anambra State University of Science and Technology as well as the State-owned Polytechnic, later renamed the Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, and the Federal Polytechnic, Oko, respectively. The objective was to ensure their survival through access to the obviously deeper Federal purse.
Chief Ezeife’s retirement from politics did not draw a curtain on his public engagement. He continued to preach good governance, transparency, accountability and the rule of law, which he articulated with his characteristic eloquence, erudition and wit. He had the gift of the garb and it was always a pleasure listening to the orator whose goatie gyrated slowly with the rhythm of a sage. We participated together at all the National Conferences since 2005 (2005 National Political Conference; Vision 2020; and the 2014 National Conference).
At these National Conferences, aimed at rejigging the weak fabric of the Nigerian Nation, I worked closely with the Okwadike as one of the leaders of thought of some Pan-Nigerian advisory teams that emerged from the conferences. The job of these select groups was to discuss very hot, emotive, controversial and divisive matters that threatened to tear the conferences apart. Along with these select leaders from all the geopolitical zones and different strata drawn from high profile delegates, we engaged such touchy issues, discussed them dispassionately and nationalistically and agreed on how best to steer the ships of the conferences during plenary sessions. This strategy helped douse emergent acrimony, mutual suspicion, religious nuances and ethnic misgivings during plenary debates. We broke down artificial barriers and agreed to work for one Nigeria. Dr. Ezeife was simply a marvel to behold when marshalling out his well-researched opinions. Nigeria in general and Ndigbo in particular have lost an irreplaceable gem.
Adieu, Okwadike, man of the People; man of letters, patriot, advocate for good governance, Bureaucrat, Pan-Nigerian; more!
Bye bye till we meet again on the final day.
In his days as governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello assumed the nickname ‘the White Lion’. Many people thought it was befitting, in an ironical sense, for an elected governor who saw his fellow men – his constituents – as prey. He hunted and haunted them to no end during the eight years of his tenure.
His favorite pastime was boxing. He never tired of showcasing himself in the gym with different makes of boxing gloves, and with those huge biceps of his, one could imagine he packed some deadly punch. Behind the faćade, however, Bello is a coward who lacks the courage of a lion and the strength of a boxer. While his tenure lasted, it was convenient to intimidate the people around him. Recent events pertaining to the inquisition into his tenure have put him on the run and exposed him for the lily-livered bully that he truly is.
Kogi has not been blessed with great leaders since 1999, but Yahaya Bello takes the biggest price in ineptitude. For the eight years he was in office as Governor, he did little to lift the spirit and circumstances of the poor and hapless people of the state and improve the deplorable condition of its infrastructure. And like I wrote elsewhere, on his watch, Lokoja the state capital, remains like a fishing settlement.
Bello ran Kogi State like an emperor: aloof, self-centred, boastful, overhearing, clannish and intolerant of dissent. He arrived full of promise and at a relatively young age of just 40, but he turned to be a huge disappointment to the youth that looked up to him. Civil servants stagnated, businesses and commercial activities collapsed and governance was reduced to a close circle of family, friends, and political acolytes. The political space in Kogi was literally shut down, and those who raised voices against the emperor ran a risk with their lives in a state where terror was believed to be state-sponsored.
He superintended a state where billions of Naira were diverted to private pockets and projects existed only on paper.
Yet, after what was a listless performance, Bello single-handedly nominated and succeeded, against the odds, in installing his former Chief of Staff, Ahmed Usman Ododo, as his successor. It runs against the grain of understanding that, in a state that stands on 3 legs, so to say, the Okun people would produce the governor after the Igala and the Ebira have taken turns. Trust Bello to fight tough and dirty; in the end he beat most of the dissenting voices into submission and got his kinsman into the seat.
Those who guessed that he wanted to continue ruling the state by proxy were right. From every indication right from the start, Ododo was adjudged fit-for-purpose and well prepared to ensure his (former) boss survives the imminent turbulence that many predicted would follow him after office.
The official declaration of Ododo as governor is still being contested in court, but the governor, in his short tenure so far, has proved useful, defending Bello’s inglorious tenure, offering him shelter and recently, turning himself and his office into instruments of obstruction to his arrest from the law.
Considering the litany of financial indiscretions while in office, Bello’s ongoing travails are to be expected. And when the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) came up with charges that N80.2 billion developed wings under Bellos nose in Kogi State, not many people were surprised. I wager that, humongous as the amount is, N80.2 billion is still a tip of the huge iceberg. A full inquisition into the tenure of the 48 year old man who allegedly owns one of the most exquisite private jets in Nigeria, would reveal so much more.
What we didn’t expect was that the sturdy muscular feet of the boxing enthusiast would turn to jelly so soon. The boast that he was ready to face any inquisition into his tenure in office has turned empty, after all. Bello, the lily-livered lion now lacks the courage to stand in his own defense, preferring to hide, literally, under Governor Ododo’s bed.
In the face of revelations by the EFCC, ‘the White Lion’ became cowardly. Reports since he left office, and since the EFCC inquisition started, make mockery of the man’s famed boldness. He allegedly holed up for months somewhere in Lugard House, seat of the state government in Lokoja, from where he occasionally sneaks out of town and into his Abuja mansion.
Ododo is also learning from the feet of his predecessor. He has not taken off on any resounding start since being inaugurated last February, but he has spent precious time either defending or covering up Bello’s malfeasances. Last week, he deployed his official vehicles and security details to Bello’s Abuja home to rescue him from imminent arrest by the anti-graft agency’s officials and drive him out of the city. How wrongly does a governor use tax-payers resources to thwart the course of justice?
Like the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN) described the clear obstruction to the arrest, Ododo’s act is “insufferably disquieting”.
Bello can only run for a while. He will ultimately face the law since the EFCC has declared him wanted, placed him on the watch list and mounted a manhunt for him by the security agencies. The hunter is now being hunted like a common felon.
It is still morning in what may be a long manhunt and subsequent trial to reveal one man’s greed, avarice and financial indiscretions. Yahaya Bello will surely have his day in the law courts. After the EFCC trials, hopefully, we can raise questions about the sordid acts that led to many questionable killings in Kogi State and other acts of the state government that ensured that the political space in Kogi State was closed for all of eight years.
Bello has enjoyed his day in the sun, plundering such a poor state and victimizing millions of its inhabitants while satisfying his avarice. He will surely have his day with the cold hands of the law.
[OPINION] ‘Reflections on Nigerian public service: An outsider’s perspective’ (6) - Martins Oloja
AdminAs I was saying, 'Even in South Korea, rated as No.5 in the world, in terms of budgeting and funding for research and development, the brand maker of Samsung, there is a separate Ministry of Knowledge Development apart from the Ministry of Education - all in a bid to use quality in education of their citizens and public servants weapon of country and global competitiveness.
What is more the United States that often boasts of its exceptionalism in the world order, has been recorded as having subscribed to a scientific way of producing unknown geniuses for both public and private sectors.
In a ground-breaking work, David Plotz, a professor in 2005 wrote about how in 1980, an eccentric American millionaire launched a Nobel Prize Sperm Bank, intended to create a new generation of super-kids. Stocked with the seed of gifted scientists, inventors, businessmen and thinkers, including several Nobel laureates, the 'genius factory' produced more than 200 children before it quietly closed its doors in 1999. The book titled, 'The Genius Factor: Unveiling The Mysteries of The Nobel Prize Sperm Bank hints at a fact that the project 1980, which traced some of the sperm donors could have produced the brilliant progeny that the founder expected -and that reveals why America has been producing more Nobel laureates and remains Number One in economy and inventions.
That shows clearly that you cannot make progress with a policy instrument that elevates the illiterate of the 21st century who Alvin Toffler, a futurist says cannot learn, unlearn and relearn wherever they are. Toffler says: 'The illiterate of the 21st century will not be those who cannot read and write, but those who cannot learn, unlearn and relearn'
Let's continue on the way forward for a new public service: Senior citizens need to speak some truths to power at this time that development is no longer a mystery but a well understood process that a fair number of countries have successfully undertaken. What is more, the foundations for success lie in getting the politics right. After that important lessons learnt by other countries can be implemented. As it is recorded in 'Making Africa Work: A Hand Book' (Mills, et al, 2017), Central to the turnaround of many countries, enabling them to implement pro-growth policies was creating a sense of urgency, a realisation that business as usual would lead to disaster.
Several Asian countries, including f Singapore, Indonesia, South Korea and Taiwan, were able to use their crises to create a narrative that allowed leaders to implement difficult policies and to explain why changes were needed. Leaders were able to show first that the state itself, protector of the current population, would be threatened if difficult decisions were not made immediately.
By implementing good policies, leaders will be able to convince their citizens that the sacrifices demanded would not be in vain but would, in fact, result in a better economy and society for their children because the government is a competent steward of the economy. Experience in national planning highlights the fact that it is both possible and necessary to distinguish between cross-cutting and specific sectoral actions when planning reforms. Moreover, despite being founded on solid analysis of the constraints, African reform initiatives are often characterized by sweeping, big-picture reforms with unrealistic goals.
There is a need to break these down into deliverable actions such as: There has to be a premium on getting things done. To tackle national priorities, there needs to be a ruthless prioritisation that focuses available government capacity on delivering the essential elements of a reform programme on Quality education for progress: there must be compilation of reliable education statistics to know where we are in the world of technology beginning with STEM subjects in post primary education
Opportunity for devolution of educational development as suggested by Adamolekun (2022). The UBE Act 2004 should be amended or repealed and such responsibilities should be transferred to sub national governments. Besides, the fact that only the National Universities Commission (NUC) and Joint Admission and Matriculation Board are setting standards and regulating about 266 universities of federal, state and private ones can't work The agencies were set up when there were only 22. universities.
There should be robust funding for education at all levels as a matter of priorities. When corruption is stemmed, funds saved should be available for remarkable investment in education including ICT infrastructure in universities: Google in 2018 took its Al Centre to Ghana when no Nigerian University was equipped enough to play host to the Centre because of poor equipment in Computer Engineering Schools.
There should be a concomitant opportunity for university autonomy, which has been legalised. There should be more serious meetings and elite consensus on how we can use education quality to produce our genius factories.
There should be focus on control of public finance so that political leaders can't just waste and spend public funds arbitrarily on election petitions and other personal matters including purchase of real estates and investments. For instance, how do we prevent members of the families of our leaders from hijacking procurements? What happened to the old policies of Permanent Secretaries as chief accounting officers?
How do our leaders get billions they allegedly pay big lawyers for their elections petitions? When can the Public Procurement Council, a 2007 Act established be inaugurated? How can the senior civil servants in National Assembly reduce opaque accounting system there? Another take away from this construct here is in the conclusion here: The primary purpose of government in any modern state is goods and services delivery to the public and so the primary instrument of government for the service delivery is the Civil Service. Therefore, any reform should be capable of tackling bureaucratic delays and reduce opportunities for corruption as these are essential elements for setting up the business environment for success. Foreign direct investments will continue to be a mirage if we can't produce ethical civil and public servants who can reduce opportunities for corruption.
There is a need to keep government costs (and overheads) low and match ambition with pragmatism, and growth will follow quickly as the examples of Ethiopian and Emirates airlines have shown around us in Africa and the Middle East.
This is why civil servants should be made to ensure that the implementation of the 2012 Oronsaye Panel Report isn't what Shakespeare calls another 'tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury again, signifying nothing' after the report of yet another committee by President Tinubu.
So, the deliverables again:
The federal character principle should not trump merit if we are to lead the black race. The education sector must be reformed and well funded to be able to produce
the best brains for the public and private sectors too.
Such institutions need autonomy and investment in a devolution that will allow them to prosper.
There is a need for reform of public finance management system; the office of the Auditor General of the Federation and the 36 States and Abuja should be made to work to prevent media trials that some anti-graft agencies do. If the Civil Service works as the old federal and regional ones, opportunities for corruption will be reduced.
There should be audit of the system to flush out corrupt officers from the system.
But before I draw the curtain, what happened to the February 25, 2001 remarkable document called The Kuru Declaration, which set out to settle all the challenges that we have gathered here to discuss? Let’s revisit the declaration:
We Ministers, Special Advisers and Permanent Secretaries of the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, having participated at the 4th Retreat for federal Ministers and Permanent Secretaries, hosted by His Excellency President Olusegun Obasanjo at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, 23-25 February 2001 and having discussed, analysed and fully considered the new Orientation as proposed and presented by His Excellency, Olusegun Obasanjo, HEREBY DECLARED THAT:
(1) We subscribe to the New National Ideology, which is, to build a truly great African democratic country, politically united, integrated and stable, economically prosperous, socially organised, with equal opportunity for all, and responsibility from all, to become the catalyst of Black Renaissance, and making adequate all- embracing contributions, sub-regionally, regionally, and globally.
(2) We adopt the New Orientation as an agenda for: dealing with immediate and future issues of governance of Nigeria; Removing impediments to efficiency and effective implementation and execution of programmes initiated by the Federal Government; and Expeditious actualisation of Government objectives and vision of national renewal and re-construction.
(3) We rededicate ourselves and those who serve under us to the values of patriotism, honesty, hard work and diligence, merit and excellence, trustworthiness, personal discipline, tolerance and mutual respect, justice and fairness, love, care and compassion.
(4) We pledge to eschew corruption, slothfulness, nepotism, indiscipline, bitterness, prejudice and other manifestations of anti-social behaviour.
(5) We shall undertake a critical review of practices and procedures in every Department of Government, so as to rapidly increase their productivity and service delivery to the public;
(6) We shall foster a culture of efficiency in the management of funds and other resources; maintaining high standards of resource management; and reducing waste at all times.
(7) We shall efficiently supervise all Government Departments and Agencies, ensuring timely returns and reports, and undertaking regular spot-checks;
(8) We shall abide by the terms of the Code of Conduct, which we all have signed as expression of our commitment to the crusade against corruption, and working; with all relevant agencies such as the Independent Corruption Practices and other Related Offences Commission, the Code of Conduct Bureau and the Public Complaints Commission;
(9) We undertake to strengthen the partnership in working with the private sector, since this partnership translates to a better appreciation of the wealth- creating capacity of this sector, and the need for Government, through its various ministries and legislative processes, create an enabling environment for the sect to function efficiently as the major driver of the economy.
(10) We shall strive to strengthen and inculcate the culture of working closely and in consultation with the leadership of labour and Civil society organisations.
(11) We shall mobilise, involve and promote the interest of all stakeholders, namely, the society in general; since, in the ultimate, all decisions and actions of Government are aimed at the promotion of public welfare, there is also the need for a new attitude that has that welfare permanently in focus, as the only goal, a1 the economic well-being of all citizens, under unfettered freedom, is of cardinal importance;
(12) We shall design strategies and techniques of implementation for the New Orientation so as to ensure that the values being inculcated permeate all levels of Management and staff".
We can see that the demon we need to kick out is the one that has always prevented us from implementing policies that will define change. So, the nation waits for the public sector to help the present government to renew its strategy for development. And looking at The Kuru Declaration (2001) again, that should be the starting point.
Concluded!
Na as goat stand for market dem dey price am.
For Naija, make we yarn about correction,
Wey dey needed for dis our nation.
E go better make we face di truth,
And tackle corruption wit strong resolution.
From top to down, e don dey enta bone,
Government people dey flex, dey chop alone.
Money wey for develop, e dey disappear,
Na so e dey happen year after year.
Election time, na so we dey see,
Politicians dey share money, dey do jamboree.
But wen e reach to serve di people right,
Dem dey vanish, dem no dey in sight.
From police station to di highest court,
Corruption dey reign, e dey carry clout.
If you no get money, you no go fit win,
Na so many innocent people dey enter bin.
E don do, we need to make correction,
Fight corruption, make we no dey fear action.
Make we join hand, make we stand as one,
Make we tame the lions, the snakes and monkeys
If not the wildlife go dry…
For Naija to better, e go take correction.
Corruption in Kogi State, Nigeria, has been a longstanding issue that has hindered the state’s development and progress. Like many other states in Nigeria, Kogi has grappled with corruption at various levels of government and society, impacting sectors such as infrastructure, education, healthcare, and public services.
One of the significant challenges is the mismanagement of public funds, where government officials, both elected and appointed, have been accused of embezzling public resources meant for development projects. This mismanagement has led to the deterioration of infrastructure and basic amenities, further exacerbating the living conditions of the residents.
Political corruption is also prevalent, with reports of vote-buying, electoral fraud, and manipulation during elections. This undermines the democratic process and erodes public trust in the government.
Furthermore, there have been allegations of nepotism and favoritism in government appointments and contracts, where individuals with connections to those in power are awarded lucrative deals at the expense of merit and transparency.
The lack of accountability and transparency mechanisms exacerbates the problem, as there is often little oversight or consequences for corrupt practices. Civil society organizations and anti-corruption agencies have highlighted the need for stronger institutions and enforcement of existing laws to combat corruption effectively.
So, away from the English above, Kogi state is the land of the white lion, turned lame goat…if you know, you know. It is the land of Dino Melaye, the land of Lugard. The only state in Nigeria to border ten other states. For those that do not know, economically, Kogi State is largely based around agriculture, mainly of coffee, cashew, groundnut, cocoa, oil palm, and yam crops. Other key industries are crude oil extraction and the livestock herding of cattle, goats, and sheep.
It is the land of Ajaokuta, that industry that keeps chopping money, any honest audit would show that the project has long since become an elephant project.
In case you forgot, the state which is nicknamed the “Confluence State” due to the fact that the confluence of the River Niger and the River Benue occurs next to its capital, Lokoja. It is also the state of the Igalas, very dominant in Kogi East with nine local governments, the Ebiras who are in Kogi Central with five local governments and the Okun in Kogi West with seven local governments. These three ethnic majority do juju, are beautiful and schooled (make your choice).
It is the land of great lawyers, diplomats, great media practitioners, and very disrespectful fuel attendants. It once had a bleaching governor and also a disappearing governor, it is the land of a tree climbing senator, and a mouthed motor loving politician…
This is what makes the white lion stories very hurtful, did you know that Kogi state has 21 local government areas. No World Class Hospital, the Kogi Reference Hospital is supposed to be one, but story for another day. The state does not have a FIFA standard football pitch, that 80billion could build 40 football pitches at 2billion each or that 80billion could build 21 primary health care centres?
The roads in the state are in terrible state, there are no world class schools with state of the art teaching facilities, and imagine what 80billion could do?
Have you ever seen the smallest overhead bridge in Kogi and the amount it gulped, did you see the allocation that Kogi got in eight years, yet workers were paid a minimal percent of their salaries and in cases where debited immediately after being credited…Let me help us understand, According to FAAC Kogi state from 2016 — 2023 got ₦750.60 billion, from the NBS the state generated internally ₦107.51 billion, its domestic debt for 2023 stood at ₦121.81 billion and external debt for 2023 was $51.17 million according to the DMO. According to EFCC a white lion misappropriated and made away with over 80billion
in the words of my friend and colleague in the struggle, Steve Aluko, aka Maradona a son of ze shoil, the house of assembly should impeach the current white hen for aiding and abetting the white lion?
If you thought this was about Kogi state, follow let us conclude then. Efforts to address corruption in Kogi State require a multi-faceted approach, including:
- Strengthening anti-corruption institutions and ensuring their independence and effectiveness in investigating and prosecuting cases of corruption.
- Implementing transparent procurement processes and financial management systems to prevent misappropriation of public funds.
- Promoting civic engagement and public participation in governance to hold elected officials accountable.
- Enhancing awareness and education on the detrimental effects of corruption and the importance of integrity in public service.
- Encouraging a culture of ethical leadership and accountability among government officials and civil servants.
You see the solutions I proffered above is not just about Kogi state but a majority of Nigerian states, there are white lions, green serpents, blue monkeys, red onions and all sorts masquerading as governors and fleecing their states.
While combating corruption in Nigeria is undoubtedly challenging, sustained efforts and collective action from government, civil society, and citizens are essential to drive meaningful change and promote good governance and development in Nigeria, but we must tame the lions or else the wildlife will suffer—May Nigeria win.–
Prince Charles Dickson PhD
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Tehran has launched the much anticipated overnight reprisal attack against Israel, in response to the deadly April 1 drone strike on her consulate in Syria which resulted in the death of top Iran’s Elite Revolutionary Guard Corps officers. Members of the Guard killed included senior commanders Mohammad Reza Zahedi and Brig. Gen. Mohammad Hadi Haj Rahimi. Consequently, Iran had fired more than 300 ballistic and cruise missiles into Israeli territory injuring at least 12, military spokesman, Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari said. Telaviv also said the missiles were launched simultaneously from Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen. It concluded by adding that almost if not all the missiles were intercepted. The successful interception of the missiles was made possible in partnership with an alliance of countries like Britain, US and Jordan.
Confirming the attack, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said early April 14 that a drone and missile attack was under way against Israel. Maj. Gen. Hossein Salami, Commander of the Guards “claimed the drone attack against Israel was “more successful than we had expected” but warned that any retaliation by Israel would draw a more forceful response.” Iran said a “new equation” in its frosty relationship with Israel had been launched, and warned of a “much bigger” assault on Israel should Netanyahu decide on a full scale attack. “We have decided to create a new equation, which is that if from now on the Zionist regime attacks our interests, assets, personalities, and citizens, anywhere, and at any point we will retaliate against them,” Hossein Salami told Iranian state TV.
Aware of the capacity of Israel to preserve self and tenaciously defend national interest, Iran's official position was restated by the Foreign Minister, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian who warned that; “in case the Israeli regime embarks on adventurism again and takes action against the interest of Iran, the next response from us will be immediate and at a maximum level.” Reacting to the attack, Hamas has expressly thrown its weight behind Iran, saying it was a deserved response to the attack in Syria. Houthi rebel officials in Yemen also congratulated Iran for their action.
The Israeli’s three-man war cabinet made up of the Prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and Benny Gantz former Defence minister is weighing commensurate options of response to Iran’s provocation which experts say is capable of pushing the middle east into a full blown regional war. This is exactly what Iran anticipates. Reacting to the attack, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said “we have intercepted, we have contained; together we shall win.” Israel will respond to Iran’s attack, but the latitude of the onslaught is yet to be decided, an Israeli official told CNN. The official said Israel is yet to decide whether to try and “break all the dishes” or do something more measured.
Israel and Iran have engaged in a shadow war to exert more influence across the middle-east for years. They launch proxy attacks against each other and vested interests on land, sea, in the air and cyberspace. The latest bombardment of Israel marked a turning point in the conflict. According to Ahron Bregman, a political scientist and expert in Middle East security issues at King’s College in London, “it was the first time Iran directly attacked Israel from its own territory. Before now, Iran has largely used foreign proxies like Hezbollah militia to attack Israeli interests, while one key Israeli strategy was targeted assassinations of Iranian military leaders and nuclear scientists.”
Western allies have urged Israel to de-escalate the ongoing war in Gaza which has killed more than 33,000 Palestinians and created a big humanitarian tragedy. Although the United States of America has taken a neutral stand promising not to join Israel in a likely offensive against Iran, President Biden condemned the attack and echoed the United States’ firm support to Israeli security. Other friends including Germany, Canada, France and Britain restated their commitment to Israel but expressed fears that Tehran’s assault could further undermine peace in the middle-east. Biden had urged Netanyahu to consider the events of Saturday night a “win” as the attacks had been largely unsuccessful, and instead validated Israel’s ability to defend self against vicious attacks.”
However, US military had warned that; “we do not seek conflict with Iran, but we will not hesitate to protect our forces and support the defence of Israel,” Biden, had issued a directive for deployment of aircraft and ballistic missile defense destroyers to the region in anticipation of any eventuality. “We will remain vigilant to all threats and will not hesitate to take all necessary action to protect our people,” he said.
The European Union, United Nations and other international bodies have made important phone calls, appealing, meeting and also mediating to prepare grounds for peace in order to forestall impending escalation of hostilities between the two nations. Israel does not take lightly any slur to her sovereignty. Those who understood how pugnacious and assertive Israel could be in a situation like this are simply waiting for the breaking news report. The middle-east is deliberately racing against peace and peaceful co-existence. Without urgent regional interventions and sincere global actions taken on genuine peace, this imminent crisis will gradually escalate to a full blown war. Instability in the middle-east is tantamount to elusive global world stability.
However, global leaders seem not oblivious of the calamity awaiting to befall the earth. It is right to say that global politics is seen not to be played fairly. Information churned out concerning this crisis and decisions made on middle east issues are full of lies, biases, pretensions and subterfuge. Iran is bitter with the turn of events in the region and those who think the biases or Iranian position will fade away soon should think twice. Tehran is bent on snatching the regional dominance from Israel which she it feels is domineering by any means possible. They also feel Israel represents the interest of their longtime foes - the west, Europe and United States of America. Those who are the beneficiaries of the old order do everything within their reach to maintain the status quo, while the middle-east has continued to suffer endlessly as a result. Supremacy battle between the super powers has invariably had a devastating effect on the middle-east peace and stability.
Supremacy battle, cultural and religious differences fuel the animosity between both countries. Israel is very much aware of Tehran's involvement in sponsorship of major crisis in the middle east by engaging Hamas, Hezbollah and Houtis of Yemen as foot soldiers. Iran positions herself as the defender of Islamic interest while she continuously benefits from the ruins and instability in the middle-east. Whatever action Iran takes in the name of protecting the interest of the entire middle-east is both for economic and religious reasons. The attack on Iranian Embassy in Syria is the usual response to the existing tension. It was also strategic in prosecuting the war in Gaza and weakening the military capacity of Iran which is bent on building nuclear war heads.
Experts have in various contributions to the crisis sued for peace and recommended a two states solution for Israel and Palestine. However, Iran sees Israel from the prism of a stranger and usurper in the middle-east. The major casualties of war are mostly innocent women and children. They knew next to nothing about plans, and attack against Gaza by Israel or Iran against Israel. When the hostility begins and pressure mounts high, leaders in both countries will find shelter and comfort in allied states leaving the vulnerable in the cross-fire. Global sympathy will drive the narrative based on state interests but the damage would have been done. Israel may not be contemplating the magnitude of what happened in Gaza to repeat in Iran but the retaliation will be devastating. The world will talk, sell their weapons and when the damage is done, they will donate part of the proceeds from the ruins of the war as aid and call for cease fire.
Sunday Onyemaechi Eze, a media and Communication Specialist writes via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and can be reached on 08060901201
Josiah Majebi is the fifth Chief Judge of Kogi state (in north-central Nigeria) in four years and the fourth to exist almost entirely in the pocket of the state governor. He has been in office as substantive Chief Judge since the beginning of February 2023, having acted in that role since 26 June 2022 when his predecessor, Richard Olorunfemi, retired. Henry Olusiyi served in that office for under seven months from the end of June 2020 until January 2021. Sunday Otuh, who succeeded him, spent eight months in office before retiring in September 2021.
The last Chief Judge of Kogi State who attempted to hold that office with dignity and independence, Nasir Ajanah, paid with his life, un-mourned and exiled from the state. He was the second Chief Judge of the state to be politically lynched by the government of Kogi State in one decade.
At the beginning of April 2008, the Kogi State House of Assembly, defying an order of the state High Court, adopted a resolution asking the State Governor to remove the long-serving Chief Judge of the State, Umaru Eri. On that basis, then-acting governor, Clarence Olafemi, promptly announced the sack of the Chief Judge on April 2, 2008, and designated another judge, Sam Ota, to act in his place.
In his defence, Umaru Eri claimed that his crime was that he had declined the request of the politicians to act as the go-between in bribing the election petition tribunal on behalf of the then-state governor whose election was in dispute. On May 16, 2008, Alaba Ajileye, a judge of the High Court of Kogi State, reversed the sack and reinstated Umaru Eri.
11 years later, on June 18, 2019, Alaba Ajileye presided again in deciding a case that seemed uncannily to reprise issues in his earlier decision. As with the 2008 decision, the claimant in 2019 was another Chief Judge of Kogi State, Nasir Ajanah with his Chief Registrar, Yahya Adamu. The defendants included the Kogi State House of Assembly, its Speaker, and the State Governor, Yahaya Bello.
At the directive of Governor Yahaya Bello, the secretary to the government of Kogi State wrote on November 14, 2018, to Chief Judge Nasir Ajanah, asking him to provide “the payroll of judicial staff for the ongoing pay parade of civil servants in the state.” At the time, the governor was a defendant in the court of the Chief Judge. Hence, the Chief Registrar responded to the letter and explained that the judiciary was a self-accounting and co-equal branch of government supervised by the State Judicial Service Commission.
An affronted Governor Yahaya Bello wrote under his name to Walter Onnoghen, then Chief Justice of Nigeria and Chair of the National Judicial Council (NJC), asking the NJC to find the Chief Judge guilty of misconduct and requiring that he “step aside and (an) Acting Chief Judge allowed to take his place.”
While his petition was still waiting for the attention of the NJC, Yahaya Bello resorted to political self-help. He referred the perceived effrontery of Nasir Ajannah to the State House of Assembly, which promptly constituted an investigation committee. The Chief Judge sued. While his suit was pending, on April 2, 2019, the State House of Assembly adopted a resolution asking Yahaya Bello to remove the Chief Judge and also requiring disciplinary action against the Chief Registrar. On June 18, 2019, Alaba Ajileye sitting as the High Court of Kogi State in Kotonkarfe, determined that the Kogi State House of Assembly and the Governor acted unlawfully in seeking to remove the Chief Judge.
The reaction of the governor was bestial. He first went after Alaba Ajileye, a man of courage and learning whose judicial record was unblemished. With a doctorate in law, Alaba Ajileye was an expert in the rarefied subject of digital evidence. Following this judgment, however, Yahaya Bello’s government made it known that they could no longer guarantee his safety. Yet, when he was put forward for elevation to the Court of Appeal, the same Kogi state government actively blocked it. A man who would easily have adorned the Supreme Court with distinction, Alaba Ajileye retired from the High Court in February 2023 and has since then forged a career as a scholar and academic.
Turning to the State Chief Judge, meanwhile, Yahaya Bello made life unbearable for Nasir Ajannah. He began by banishing the man from official state functions. When Chief Judge Ajannah attended the swearing-in of the new Grand Khadi of Kogi State on May 21, 2020, the Chief Security Officer to Yahaya Bello informed him that “the governor gave a directive that he should not be allowed to attend the function.”
In the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic, Governor Yahaya Bello made Nasir Ajannah persona non-grata in the state. As a result, he was forced into internal displacement in Abuja, where his arrangements were worse than transitory. While in hiding in Abuja, Nasir Ajannah contracted COVID and died in isolation in Gwagwalada in the Federal Capital Territory on June 28, 2020. His death went unacknowledged and even the institutions of the judiciary were reluctant to mourn his passing.
The men who followed Nasir Ajannah in the office of Chief Judge of Kogi State learnt to stoke the vanities of Yahaya Bello and avoid his anger. Ahead of his departure from office at the end of eight years as governor of Kogi State in January 2024, Josiah Majebi as Chief Judge and Chair of the Kogi State Judicial Service Commission, prepared a list of candidates for nomination as judges of the High Court of Kogi State. At the top of the list was a wife to Yahaya Bello the basis of whose claim to the nomination was the dutiful fulfilment of the duties of connubium in Yahaya Bello’s bedroom. For the Chief Judge, it was also proof that he had truly abjured any pretensions to a mind of his own.
Alarmed at what they saw as a perversion of the system of judicial appointments, a group of seven Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) from the State wrote to Josiah Majebi to dissuade him from this course of action. In January 2024, they sued challenging his judicial nominations. Pending the outcome, the NJC suspended the process of appointment to the Kogi State judiciary. On April 18, 2024, James Omotoso, a judge of the Federal High Court in Abuja many of whose judgments usually have something of a smell problem about them, implausibly ruled that these SANs had no legitimate interest in the process of appointment of judges in their state and that, in any case, the discretion of the NJC in appointment of judges was effectively not open to review.
It was the day after Yahaya Bello’s chosen successor and blood relative, Usman Ododo chose to turn his predecessor into a fugitive from legal process and two days after Mr. Ododo opened his case in the petition questioning the lawfulness of his election as governor of Kogi State. As a bungling Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) waited to arrest Yahaya Bello in Abuja, one I.A. Jamil, a judge of the High Court of Kogi State, issued an order claiming to restrain the Commission from doing its job.
According to the order of the judge, the case which was filed over two months earlier on February 8, was hurriedly assigned while the siege was ongoing in Abuja, argued, heard and decided and the judge quickly signed the order and handed it to Governor Ododo to take with him to Abuja from where he spirited his cousin away from legal process in a blaze of gunfire. The court was almost assuredly disingenuous about the date of filing. In all likelihood, the case was filed the same day, April 17, and then back-dated.
The EFCC now claims it has declared Yahaya Bello a fugitive but the real question will be how a compromised and complicit judicial leadership will now treat the nomination of his unqualified wife as a judge and the petition against the declaration of his violent cousin as governor of Kogi State. The judges who currently control Nigeria’s criminal politics now must show how much they owe Yahaya Bello.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..
To begin with, let me ask whether you knew that abusing the Naira is a worse offence than stealing or embezzling the Naira? You can steal billions of Naira and walk away free. But abuse the Naira and end up in jail with automatic alacrity! Worse still, you can leverage the riches so suddenly acquired to contest election into high office and become anything – president, vice president, governor, senator, honourable – just anything! Only a few persons in high office in this country today do not fall into this category. When you steal so much, you intimidate the authorities; the anti-corruption agencies negotiate with you; the courts respect you and the populace worship you. Spiritual leaders grovel for a piece of the cake. Crumbs from your table ensure that the masses flock to you and do your bidding.
An uncountable number of our leaders have corruption allegations and cases running for years hanging around their neck. In the interim, they walk the street; stand for election, win and are, today, “their excellencies” “distinguished” and “honourables” This is very much unlike the automatic alacrity with which Bobrisky was sent to gaol and the Cubana High Chief hauled before the court on charges of abusing the Naira. The seriousness with which the authorities are pursuing selected cases of abuse of the Naira suggests that this offence destroys the economy and impacts Nigerians more negatively than the stealing of humongous sums from the country’s coffers. This is quite unfortunate as it smacks of a deliberate diversionary tactic to shift the people’s attention from more serious matters.
Someone said Bobrisky quickly went to jail maybe because his lawyers were B. Sc. in Law lawyers! Were they the ones who advised him to plead guilty, thinking that would earn him pity and soft-landing? He was like a person enemies wanted to roast alive who now doused himself in oil and stood before the fireplace. The Cubana HIgh Chief has learned from Bobrisky’s error. Maybe his lawyers had LLB. Law! (If you know, kindly tell me why the Dunamis pastor apologised to the lady who bagged B.Sc. Law degree from NOUN!) While Bobrisky cools his feet in jail, the Cubana High Chief roams freely, having been admitted to bail, which was denied to Bobrisky. Because he pleaded not guilty, the Cubana High Chief is considered innocent until the contrary is proven; unlike Bobrisky who pleaded guilty from Day One and the judge only had to fix a date to sentence her – and the sentence pronounced was harsh, in my view.
Bobrisky’s lawyers were lazy. I will love to see how the Cubana High Chief lawyers tackle the prosecution. What is the evidence that the person caught on video abusing the Naira was the accused and not a look-alike? Remember the drug-related charges that dogged the steps of Kashamu Buruji until his death. How are they sure that what was abused was real Naira and not fake, look-alike Naira? Will exhibits be presented in court, with serial numbers to boot? What if rats or snakes devour the exhibits? Or will electronic evidence (a relatively new source of evidence) suffice? In a democracy, there is the need to stretch the law to its elasticity level and not take anything for granted. I love Portable’s “apostle must to hear this” song but warn him not to fall into the same pit as Bobrisky. I will loan him the wisdom of the elders as Grandma told me.
There was a wicked king in one town and people only murmured behind his back as none could summon the courage to confront him. One day two friends bared their minds about this wicked king in a gathering of friends. Unknown to them, one “amebo” carried the tale to the Kabiyesi. Pronto, he sent messengers to bring the twosome to his palace. Everyone knew the outcome. So, one of the friends went into his inner chambers and behaved like a man, as they say. He committed suicide rather than stand the indignity he would be subjected to before being beheaded at the palace. So, only one offender was hauled before the king, who was surprised to see that he had not committed suicide like his friend. “Coward”, the king yelled at him. “Why did you not summon the same courage as your friend?” The king was surprised at the response he got: “Only cowards die before they see the death that would kill them!” But I digress!
One day late into the night some years back, we were unwinding in the Dining Room of a governor, as was our practice, when his phone rang and the person on the other end was frantic. It was an SOS to His Excellency by the apostle, who was in the state for a three-day crusade, to come to the rescue. It was a “Come to Macedonia and help us” kind of shrill cry. The Man of God said his hotel had been surrounded by security operatives from Abuja and the goons were banging on his door, threatening to pull it down if he failed to open it. His Excellency, an action governor, immediately sprang to action; mobilized his security aides and all of us headed for the hotel. His Excellency, commando-style, stormed the hotel, yelling and stomping. How dare you! You want to create a crisis in my state? How dare you invade my state without my knowledge? Not even the courtesy to put me in the know? I am the chief security officer of this state! Ad infinitum!
As His Excellency was raking, he was pushing his way towards the apostle›s room. The goons from Abuja were taken aback. They were armed to the teeth. The governor’s security aides were also armed. Thank God there was no shoot-out between the two opposing groups. What would have become of “bloody civilians” like me? The governor got to the apostle’s room, wrapped his arm around him, led him down the stairs, and hauled him into his official car and we drove away, straight to the Government House.
That was my first time seeing the apostle Suleman. Was the governor’s action right? Yes, I think it was, but was it dangerous? Yes, it was! What if a shoot-out had occurred? But why should security agents storm a state without the knowledge of the governor who is touted by the country’s Constitution as the chief security officer of the state? This is one area of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) that needs further amendment.
If we can excuse what the governor in question here did to rescue apostle Suleman, can we in like manner justify what the governor of Kogi state did to smuggle his erstwhile boss, Yahaya Bello, from EFCC’s net as is being alleged? I do not think the Kogi governor did the right thing. So also do I not think that Yahaya Bello himself did the right thing in trying to run away from the law. For how long will he hide? How far can he run? Has he not made his case worse now that he has been declared wanted by the EFCC? For how long can the Kogi governor provide him a safe house? If Yahaya Bello is innocent, why is he running? Has it not been said that a clear conscience fears no foe? After all his grandstanding, why is Yahaya Bello now developing cold feet? Why is he now hiding under the cover-cloth of his successor? Again, for how long will he do this?
In 2018 when the then Ekiti state governor, Ayo Fayose, was being taunted by the EFCC: that his immunity would soon expire as his tenure expires; that he would be hauled before the court; and that he would rot in jail! Fayose told them he was ready and would turn himself over to the EFCC – all by himself. Fayose was man enough to honour his word. He went to the EFCC office in Abuja by himself. I was one of those who followed him there. He was detained by them. He was charged to court by them. He was at the Ikoyi prison for a while. I visited him there. He was charged to court. I followed him to court on a countless number of occasions. Fayose defended himself. The case is still on but Fayose is not in hiding like Yahaya Bello. He did not run from the law. He was not just lousy like Yahaya Bello but was a man of his words.
Yahaya Bello has been declared wanted. That is the right thing to do but that is not all. If it is true that the Kogi state governor was the one who, hiding under the cloak of immunity, shielded him from arrest by the EFCC, then, that is a serious matter. The Kogi state governor, in so doing, has shown that he is not fit for the high office he occupies. He has to be removed by all means possible. Was that not the same man prostrating before Yahaya Bello after the Kogi governorship election? What, then, should we expect? What a shame! If removing the Kogi state governor is what must be done to gain access to Yahaya Bello, so be it. This is one of those rare occasions that you regret that Olusegun Obasanjo is not the president!
Then, the security aides that the Kogi State governor used to frustrate the EFCC must be sanctioned. We have had too many cases of security officials acting unprofessionally and at cross-purposes in a way that does them little or no credit. An end must be put to this. There is also the embarrassment of judges giving conflicting orders that make a mockery of the judiciary. What is the function of the NJC in this regard?
Importantly, the time is now to review the immunity clause in the Constitution; either we totally remove it or we strip it of its omnibus status. The spirit and letters of the immunity law aim at allowing those enjoying it the opportunity to focus on the task of governance without distraction but now that it has become an instrument for criminality, something must be done about it. We used to give ourselves the consolation that presidents and governors, the clan that enjoys immunity, have expiry date, after which they can then be called to account, but with the Yahaya Bello incidence where spirited efforts are being made to still cover the former governor with the borrowed cloak of immunity belonging to his successor, then, this has become a serious matter that we can no longer gloss over.
Do not think sitting and former governors are not watching. If Yahaya Bello gets away with this, then, it will very soon become the order of the day all over the country.
Verily, the recently conducted APC direct primaries in Ondo State have garnered significant attention, not only as a standalone event but also in the context of the upcoming general election. The primaries witnessed a massive turnout of the people, who came out in large numbers to freely exercise their voting rights and show their support for Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa.
The outcome of the primaries resulted in a landslide victory for Broda Lucky, the incumbent governor of Ondo State. The mandate he received from the people is seen as unstoppable and has solidified his position as the frontrunner for the party’s ticket in the upcoming governorship election.
Factors contributing to Broda Lucky’s landslide victory can be attributed to several key elements. Firstly, the governor’s journey from facing impeachment to assuming the position of governor has garnered sympathy and support from the people. This has endeared him to the electorate and strengthened his popularity among the party members.
Additionally, the majority of the APC governors are first-timers, and they have rallied around Broda Lucky to ensure that the principle of right of first refusal for the incumbent is upheld.
This unity and support for the golden convention from within the party have played a significant role in securing his victory in the primaries.
What else to say than to congratulate the party for having a winning flag bearer in His Excellency, which is a.win-win for the people of Ondo State. –
Dr Kayode Ajulo, SAN, OON