Former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, has disclosed that he was not an ‘A’ class student in his secondary school years.

He said in Chapter 2 of his new book, “Journey of Service”, while recalling events at his secondary school days at Provincial School Bida, now Government College, Bida.

He said, “Looking back now, some 62 years after we left school, it is evident that we enjoyed ourselves at Bida. We studied hard but also enjoyed ourselves. I was far from being an ‘A’ student. At best, I was a good average student! Even at that time, I had no illusions about my capabilities. I knew what I thought my strengths and weaknesses were.

“But I also knew that collectively, the class of ’62 made the best of its years at Bida, partly because, as I said earlier, our teachers compelled us to soar even beyond heights that seemed hitherto unattainable.”

IBB said his classmates would remember him for different reasons.

They include, “The so-called ‘rebellion’ I led, I believe, in 1959 when we were in Form 3 (or was it Form 4). At that time, Bida was unbearably hot.

“Whenever that happened, senior students would camp their beds outdoors at night to escape the heat, abandoning us, junior students, in our steaming hot rooms.

So, one day, in defiance of the seemingly unfair established rule, I led the junior students to move their beds outside to enable them enjoy the cool air too. Suddenly, all hell broke loose.”

The former military president recalled  that the head boy, Garba Paiko (Dada), the son of his  primary school Arithmetic teacher, Yakubu Paiko, confronted him.

“The head boy had known me from Minna, and his father had put me under his care. But that

didn’t stop him from taking umbrage at me for ‘leading’ the protest and breaking an established school convention,” he said.

General Babangida said after they  deliberated on the matter, he gave in to his  point of view and allowed the  junior students to stay outside whenever it was unbearably hot, saying the incident probably earned him the respect of a handful of students.

An on-air personality, Chinedu Ani Emmanuel, also known as Nedu Wazobia, has denied recent allegations of fraud and financial misconduct regarding the Nedu Scholarship Foundation (NDSCHF).

At a press conference held in Lagos, Nedu reaffirmed his unwavering dedication to education, philanthropy and social impact, while announcing decisive legal action against false claims aimed at tarnishing his reputation.

Allegations against Nedu began after a reality TV star and comedian, Aderombi Adedayo Martin, better known as Deeone, alleged on a podcast that social media critic, Martin Otse, popularly known as VeryDarkMan, was gay.

Subsequently, several accusations surfaced online claiming that Nedu had misappropriated donations meant for the scholarship initiative.

Nedu, while addressing the allegations through the agency that manages his brand, Tokindrumz, emphasised that all funds for the NDSCHF initiative were managed by a globally recognised social enterprise, ensuring full accountability and at no point did Nedu personally handle or control donations.

Chief operations officer of Tokindrumz, Sarah Williams said, “For the sake of clarity, I’d like to state that I don’t know where they got this information from. But I’d like to state that Mr Nedu did not commit any form of fraud or mismanagement of funds.

“Mr Nedu did not handle any of the funds that were made available for this project. It wasn’t paid to him; he did not see the money. He made it clear that he did not want any donations sent to his personal account to maintain transparency and build his legacy,” Williams emphasised.

The Special Adviser to Ekiti State Governor on Political and Inter-party Affairs, Chief Jide Awe, has expressed confidence that President Bola Tinubu would serve out his two terms of eight years, saying serving eight years of two terms have since become a norm in the country.

He also said that all Nigerian systems and institutions will be rid of corrupt practices when there are stiffer penalties and sanctions for those found wanting.

Speaking in an exclusive interview with LEADERSHIP Sunday in Ado Ekiti, the state capital, Awe posited that it has become a sort of norm for anybody who emerged as president from any of the six geo-political zones to against all odds rule the country for eight years.

The special adviser to the governor who was reacting to the opposition from some quarters to the call by the APC national chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje that the North should support President Tinubu’s reelection bid in 2027 said the continuity would stabilise the country’s democracy.

He said, “It is becoming a norm that each of the geo-political zones in this country will spend two terms, and that of Bola Tinubu will not be an exception. If he is able to clear all the ugly tables within a very short time, which I believe he is doing, the second term is sure for him. And if we are doing that in this country, it will make our democracy stable. Whoever is there will try as much as possible to do his best possible so that when he comes out again seeking people’s votes, willingly they will render it.”

The APC chieftain added that there will always be opposition in any democratic setting which makes democracy to flourish.

“When there is opposition, that will keep the government in power on its toes and move forward. Opposition will have their say but the majority of the people will have their way.

“So, if people are opposing and criticising the government of the day, it is a good radiance and it is welcomed and that will keep whoever is in the position of authority abreast of all the activities.

So, I think our democracy is okay with whatever level of opposition that we have. All we need is that the opposition will not get to the level of destruction.”

Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, conducted an inspection of the agency’s Enforcement Office in Apapa, Lagos, on Saturday, focusing on illicit pharmaceuticals seized from the Idumota Open Drug Market.

During the visit, Adeyeye noted that the NAFDAC warehouse had reached full capacity, with the overflow of confiscated drugs spilling into the director’s office due to the sheer volume of seized items.

Speaking to journalists after the inspection, she highlighted that the agency’s primary mission is to protect public health.

“We are not disturbing trade; we are protecting lives. We cannot, because of trade, let people continue to die needlessly. What NAFDAC is doing is exactly what it is mandated to do. There is no politics in this operation!” she asserted.

Adeyeye also revealed that many shops within these markets operate illegally, lacking proper registration with the Pharmaceutical Council of Nigeria.

Justifying the agency’s heightened enforcement activities in Onitsha, Aba, and Idumota, she disclosed that over 1,000 personnel are actively engaged in removing counterfeit, expired and unregistered medicines from circulation.

ON JUNE 12: How civilian governors plotted against military Handover

Former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, retd, has said that former Head of State, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, retd, was overthrown in 1985 because he personalised leadership.

Sunday Vanguard recalls that Buhari was one of the leaders of the military coup of December 1983 that toppled ex-President Shehu Shagari.

But 40 years after Babangida seized power from Buhari through a palace coup, the former military administrator who ruled for eight years between 1985 and 1993, said Buhari and his deputy, the late Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, displayed a “holier-than-thou” attitude, which led the country to a brink.

Babangida, who revealed this in his book: ‘A Journey in Service’, explained that Buhari opposed the civil populace and his constituency, the military.

Change in leadership was necessary

His words: “The change in leadership had become necessary as a response to the worsening mood of the nation and growing concern about our future as a people. All through the previous day, as we flew from Minna and drove through Lagos towards Bonny Camp, I was deeply reflecting on how we as a nation got to this point and how and why I found myself at this juncture of fate. By the beginning of 1985, the citizenry had become apprehensive about the future of our country.

The atmosphere was precarious and fraught with ominous signs of clear and present danger. It was clear to the more discerning leadership of the armed forces that our initial rescue mission of 1983 had largely miscarried.

We now stood the risk of having the armed forces split down the line because our rescue mission had largely derailed. If the armed forces imploded, the nation would go with it, and the end was just too frightening to contemplate. Divisions of opinion within the armed forces had come to replace the unanimity of purpose that informed the December 1983 change of government.

In state affairs, the armed forces, as the only remaining institution of national cohesion, were becoming torn into factions; something needed to be done lest we lose the nation itself. My greatest fear was that division of opinion and views within the armed forces could lead to factionalisation in the military. If allowed to continue and gain root, grave dangers lay ahead.

Antagonise the civil populace

“My predecessor in office, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, and his deputy, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, had separated themselves from the mainstream of the armed forces by personalising what was initially a collective leadership. They both posited a ‘holier than thou’ attitude, antagonising the civil populace against the military. Fundamental rights and freedoms were being routinely infringed upon and abused. As a military administration, we were now presiding over a society that was primarily frightened of us. We were supposed to improve their lives and imbue the people with hope for a better future.

Instead, we ruled the nation with a series of draconian decrees. An administration intended to reflect the collective will of the armed forces as a national institution came to be seen as the private personal autocracy of a stubborn few. Like most military coups, our leadership change was informed by widespread disquiet among the civil populace. Ordinary people were experiencing severe economic hardship. The general economic and social conditions the people lived under were worsening by the day.

Essential goods and supplies were scarce.

“Yet arbitrary controls in all aspects of economic life and an ancient resort to barter in international trade meant that the nation’s financial woes would not end soon. Draconian decrees led to the abuse and severe limitation of basic freedoms as people were clamped into indefinite detention, most times for minor infractions. Punishment for crimes against the state had led to the pursuit of mechanical legalistic justice against the dictates of natural justice. As the Chief of Army Staff, I was under undue pressure from the rank and file to seek ways of reconnecting the government to society lest we lose the nation itself.

Integrity of the Armed Forces

“On several occasions and instances, even the very integrity of the armed forces was being called into question. A disciplinary case involving allegations of divided interest against some senior officers was decided without due recourse to the Army Council. Instead of waiting for a report and investigation from the Army leadership, the affected officers were unceremoniously relieved of their commission, and their military career of so many years was abruptly ended without any input from the Army as their institution of origin. I objected to this arbitrariness and disregard for due process. I confided in some senior colleagues that I would rather resign my commission than continue in office as Chief of Army Staff without input into decisions that concern the careers of personnel under my command.

Surveillance

“In response, I was placed under surveillance, with the privacy of my communications and those of my family constantly monitored. This tense atmosphere culminated in the unanimous decision of a broad spectrum of senior and middle-level officers to change the nation’s leadership. The processes associated with this change were completed without bloodshed by midnight on August 26, 1985. ON AUGUST 27, 1985, I assumed office as the nation’s new leader, fully aware of the many challenge confronting the country. I had no illusions about the direction in which to move the country. I had long-standing convictions about Nigeria born of many decades of comprehensive consultations with a broad spectrum of compatriots from nearly all walks of life. Having been part of all previous government changes, I had become quite familiar with the wishes and aspirations of our people and developed a template of what needed to be done, at least from my modest perspective. The new administration’s determination was informed by a genuine desire to end the cycle of instability in both the politics and general history of the nation. I made this clear in my inaugural address to the nation.”

The former military leader also expressed regret leaving behind the late General Abacha, as the most senior military officer to work with the Interim National Government led by Earnest Shonekan, describing his action as a ‘grave mistake’.

Babangida denied knowing or having anything whatsoever to do with ABN, led by Senator Nzeribe, whose activities contributed immensely to the annulment of the June 12 election won by MKO Abiola.

Babangida admitted in the book: “While mapping out our strategies for the way forward, our credibility deficit persisted, compounded by several seemingly unrelated events. In March 1992, a hitherto unknown group named Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) emerged, headed and funded, we later found out, by the wealthy Igbo maverick Arthur Nzeribe, calling for four more years for the administration.

“The emergence of the group personally took me by surprise. But we were, as a government, so immersed in our credibility crisis that no one believed that I, or a member of our government (at least, to my knowledge at that time), had a hand in the group’s activities, especially also, as Chief Arthur Nzeribe was personally known to me. It was difficult in the circumstances that we now found ourselves having to persuade an already sceptical Nigerian population that we were not behind the campaign for an extension to military rule.

“It was a bewildering experience, even more so because, as we later found out, ABN was not even a formally registered organisation then. As I will show later, figuring out the real forces behind this shadowy organisation took a long time.

“Our problem of what to make of ABN’s activities was compounded by behind-the-scene pressure from various groups, including the political class, for us to remain in office! Recall that the elected State Governors had assumed office in January 1992.

“Suddenly, in our search for a way forward, some of the State Governors who had been elected through a process that we were trying to fine-tune for the Presidential elections were telling us, like ABN, to postpone the Presidential elections. I was alarmed. Yet, the same governors (with the possible exception of one or two) went back to their party Conventions to say that I had a hidden agenda to extend my stay in power! At moments like that, being President of a beautiful country like Nigeria became frustrating. You wished you didn’t have to confront these challenges in those rare, lonely moments.

“But our challenges were far from diminishing. If anything, they multiplied. While still engulfed by the shadowy activities of ABN and troubled by the unsolicited ‘advice’ of some state governors to extend our stay in office, we were suddenly confronted in May 1992 by a wave of communal, industrial, labour and student unrest on a scale that was frighteningly disturbing. The communal conflict in Zangon-Kataf in Kaduna State quickly spread like wildfire to other parts of the state. In Lagos and other parts of the country, violent protests over the effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) had claimed lives.

Confession

Babangida alos recalled all the attempts made by Abacha and other unnamed senior military officers to truncate the transition programme in Nigeria at the time and confessed that he made a big gaff by allowing the former head of state to remain in power after he left office in 1993.

Babangida noted: “Without question, one of my biggest headaches at this time was Sani Abacha. I knew that Abacha was ambivalent about a return to civil rule. But I thought, in retrospect now, naively, that he would support our transition to civil rule programme.

“As I said earlier, Abacha and I had come a long way. We were good friends, and he had indeed been nice to me. As I have said elsewhere, he saved my life once and also risked his life to ensure that I took over in 1985. I could never forget those details.

“I obviously didn’t know everything about him! For instance, I was alarmed to discover that he and a handful of others mobilised negative opinions against me within the military, portraying me as the problem. That campaign was geared towards a violent military coup to remove me as President forcefully.

“Without question, the idea of an ING was a contraption, something of a compromise between the fierce Abacha-led opposition to the June 12 election results and the position that the election results be allowed to stay, one that will succeed our government after the August 27, 1993, exit date.

“To legally actualise that decision, the government directed Professor Ben Nwabueze and Clement Akpamgbo to draft an enabling law, Decree 61 of 1993, the legal framework for the ING. Although the political parties had suggested a few other names for headship of the ING, we, as a government, were okay with letting the Transition Council Chairman, Chief Ernest Shonekan, head the ING.

“Desirous of not being a stumbling block of any type, and as a personal sacrifice, on August 17, 1993, I announced my desire to ‘step aside’ and go into retirement during my address to a joint sitting of the National Assembly.

“The outgoing government also felt that it would be proper for the Service Chiefs to retire, namely Lt-General Ibrahim, Air Vice-Marshal Akin Dada, Vice-Admiral Dan Preston Omatsola, and Aliyu Attah. One didn’t need to be a soothsayer or an astute political scientist to see that Chief Shonekan would have a tough time on the job.

Although a former Chief Executive of UAC/Unilever, I feared he might lack the political astuteness to handle the impending national challenges. The situation was further complicated because, like Abiola, Shonekan was an Egba-Yoruba, which meant the new Interim government would be unpopular in Abiola’s strongest hold, southwestern Nigeria.

“Partly for the reasons stated above, we decided to provide adequate support to the new government by retaining critical top military officers from the outgoing Transitional Council I had headed, essentially as ‘enforcers’ for the new interim government.

“Accordingly, Lt-Generals Joshua Dogonyaro (as Chief of Defence Staff), Aliyu Muhammed Gusau (as Chief of Army Staff), and Brigadier John Shagaya (as GOC First Division) were retained.

“Problematic as it seemed, General Abacha also retained his position as the Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff and, presumably, as enforcer-in-chief for the new government! But as we all now know, that was a grave mistake,” Babangida admitted.

Babangida also reflected on the controversial cancellation of the governorship primaries of the two political parties in 1991, saying that it was marred by allegations of rigging and other electoral malpractices.
He gave justification for the cancellation, saying, “The rescheduled primaries were successfully held in five states on December 3, 1991, but only after we had arrested and detained some 13 political ‘godfathers’ within the two parties, among them Maj-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Alhajis Abubakar Rimi, Maitama Yusuf, Lateef Jakande, Lamidi Adedibu, Chiefs Bola Ige, Jim Nwobodo, C. C. Onoh. Arthur Nzeribe, Olusola Saraki and Solomon Lar”.

The world of billionaires showcases a fascinating dichotomy with many of the youngest billionaires inheriting their fortunes from family wealth.

Some, however, are self-made individuals who have managed to carve out their own financial success through innovation, entrepreneurship, and strategic investments.

Regardless of how they attained their wealth, these young billionaires are not just amassing fortunes—they are shaping industries, influencing economies, and redefining the future of business.

Here is a closer look at the five youngest billionaires in the world, according to the Forbes Real-Time Billionaires List as of January 2025:

1. Clemente Del Vecchio (Age: 20 | Net Worth: $5.8 Billion | Country: Italy)

Clemente Del Vecchio, the youngest billionaire in the world, inherited his wealth as the son of the late Leonardo Del Vecchio, the founder of EssilorLuxottica, the world’s largest eyewear company. With a controlling stake in the business empire, Clemente has joined the ranks of Italy’s wealthiest individuals at a remarkably young age. While much of his fortune comes from inheritance, he has also shown interest in investment opportunities, particularly in luxury brands and fashion startups.

2. Livia Voigt (Age: 20 | Net Worth: $1.3 Billion | Country: Brazil)

Livia Voigt’s fortune comes from her family’s stake in Weg S.A., a multinational company specializing in electrical equipment and automation. Her grandfather, Werner Ricardo Voigt, co-founded the company, which has since become one of the largest industrial manufacturers in Latin America. Despite her young age, Livia is expected to play a more active role in the family business in the future, with interests in corporate governance and industrial innovation.

3. Kim Jung-youn (Age: 20 | Net Worth: $1.2 Billion | Country: South Korea)

Kim Jung-youn is one of the youngest billionaires in South Korea, inheriting her wealth from her late father, Kim Jung-ju, the founder of Nexon, a leading video game company. Nexon is responsible for developing popular online games such as MapleStory and Dungeon & Fighter. Despite inheriting her stake in the company, Kim has remained largely private about her future plans in the gaming and technology sectors.

4. Kevin David Lehmann (Age: 22 | Net Worth: $3.2 Billion | Country: Germany)

Kevin David Lehmann inherited a controlling stake in dm-drogerie markt, Germany’s largest drugstore chain, from his father, Guenther Lehmann. The family business, founded in 1973, has grown into a retail giant with thousands of stores across Europe. Although Kevin maintains a low profile, his wealth continues to grow as the company thrives in the highly competitive retail sector.

5. Luca Del Vecchio (Age: 23 | Net Worth: $5.8 Billion | Country: Italy)

Luca Del Vecchio, like his younger brother Clemente, inherited a vast fortune from their father, Leonardo Del Vecchio, the legendary Italian businessman behind EssilorLuxottica. With their family’s deep roots in the eyewear industry, both brothers hold significant stakes in the company, which dominates the global market for luxury eyeglasses and lenses.

President Bola Tinubu on Saturday launched the completed and ongoing 24km section, alongside the upcoming 48km section, of the Lagos-Ibadan dual carriageway.

This includes Section One and the Lagos-Sagamu route in Lagos and Ogun, Phase Two.

Tinubu highlighted the importance of road infrastructure for socio-economic development. 

He reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to improving the country’s transport network to enhance mobility and economic growth.

The president stated, “There is no doubt that road infrastructure plays a fundamental role in the socio-economic development of any nation.”

Quoting Norman Foster, he added: “Infrastructure is much more than roads and bridges; it is the foundation that sustains economic growth, facilitates mobility, and enhances the quality of life.”

He stressed his administration’s commitment to linking rural roads to urban centres, commercial hubs, and industrial corridors to maximise the nation’s resources and mineral deposits.

Tinubu, represented by Ogun governor Dapo Abiodun, said: “This strategic approach aligns with the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

“We are committed to rebuilding, expanding, and modernising our national road networks, railways, and airports, all vital to economic prosperity.”

He praised the Minister of Works, Sen. Dave Umahi, for his dedication. He described Umahi as “the actualiser of our vision on road infrastructure” and “a right fit for purpose.”

Umahi noted that the president, represented by the Ogun governor, will inaugurate both the completed/ongoing 24 km section and the upcoming 48 km section, ensuring momentum in spite of incomplete procurement.

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He confirmed that palliative work had been undertaken as temporary repairs. “What we are doing today is part of the Lagos-Ibadan project, Phase Two,” he said.

Umahi outlined key components, including the Ogun River, Marlboro underpass, Wawa underpass, Arepo underpass, Sagamu-Iperu (24 km), RCC Church interchange, two flyovers, and five pedestrian bridges.

“The next phase, which the representative of the president will flag off, is 48 km by two, extending from Iperu to Ijebu Ode along the Sagamu-Ore route,” Umahi added.

He confirmed that the full 96 km (48 km by two) would be inaugurated, alongside completed palliative works, to maintain project continuity.

Umahi explained that the second part of the 48 km stretch (Iperu to Ijebu Ode) faced a procurement issue. The process was flawed and required resubmission to the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) with a 30-day turnaround.

“The second leg of Phase Two, Section Two, of Lagos-Ibadan was wrongly procured. I directed its resubmission to the BPP, and in 30 days, work will commence.

“The governor of Ogun, representing the president, will flag off both phases, even though Phase Two is not fully procured. In 15 days, the project will be awarded.

“It is better to flag off both today from Iperu, where the first 24 km stops, to Ijebu Ode,” he said.

Umahi thanked the governor for his support and emphasised the project’s national significance. (NAN)

As Osun State conducted local government council elections across the state, low turnout of voters, as well as absence of security operatives in polling units highlighted the exercise.

Although some wards and polling units witnessed a large turnout of voters, majority of the units where voting took place recorded low turnout compared to the last governorship election in the state.

Voting did not take place in some polling units in Osogbo, Olorunda local government areas and in most polling units of Ilesa-West, Ilesa-East, Irewole, where Remi Abass was killed during the council takeover crisis, Isokan and Ayedaade local government areas.

Most places visited showed that voting took place in most of the local government areas where there are elected or appointed officials, including Ede-South, which houses the governor’s residence, Ede-North, Egbedore, Odo-Otin, Boripe, Ejigbo, Ifelodun, Irepodun, Orolu, Obokun, Oriade, Ife-Central, Ife-North and Ife-East.

Also, it was observed that security operatives were not at any of the polling units visited by our reporters while voters conducted their activities peacefully.

Police were, however, sighted on the major ways mounting roadblocks and checking vehicles passing through the barricades.

It was gathered that one person was killed at Ilesa-East local government but it was not clear if the reported death was connected to the election.

Meanwhile, a trending video on social media showed that polling officials in Ejigbo were arrested with polling materials and were not allowed to proceed to the polling units.

The OSIEC Chairman, Mr Hashim Abioye described the process as peaceful, lamenting the arrest of some of its polling officials across the local government in a bid to disrupt the election.

“I want to assure our people that those who are still awaiting the arrival of our electoral officials, I want to tell them that it was because the Police arrested some of our officials for committing no crime at all, against no lawful order of any court, but as it is we have deployed materials to those polling units because we have enough on ground. As I am talking to you, voting is ongoing in those places”, he said.

Meanwhile, in most of the polling units visited there was an early opening and closure of polls, with some concluding the exercise as early as 9 am.

A voter at Ward 1 Unit 1 in Iragbiji, Boripe local government, Abayomi Abiodun, disclosed that polling started as early as 7:30 am and closed around 11 am. The polling official, Ibrahim Adewale disclosed that accreditation and voting were carried out simultaneously.

A voter at Ward 4, unit 15 in Osogbo local government disclosed that he was surprised when he got to the units and discovered that voting had been concluded, saying many electorates in the area were disenfranchised.

Findings also showed that early opening and closing of voting occurred in many polling units as Governor Ademola Adeleke voted at his Sagba/Abogunde ward 2, polling unit 9 around 7:50 am.

Meanwhile, the All Progressives Congress, APC, described the exercise as a charade and the state sliding into the stone age, adding that the OSIEC boss is a PDP-card-carrying member.

A party chieftain, Jamiu Olawumi, who spoke on behalf of the Party Chairman, Tajudeen Lawal, said, “What they did in Ife-Central local government is not an election. Some people were thumb-printing ballot papers for the electorates ditto for Egbedore where a school principal and a PDP member were snatching ballot boxes from one polling unit to another to stuff ballot papers into it. This is nothing but a charade and we are resolute in our decision in line with the Appeal Court judgement that there is no vacancy in the 30 local government council areas of the state”, he said.

Similarly, the Allied Peoples Movement, APM, Chairman, Adewale Adebayo said what happened in Osun was not an election but a lockdown.

“What we experience in Osun State today is not election but lockdown because people refuse to participate in the illegal poll except Ede town where only a few members of the PDP voted in some polling units of top political appointees of the governor.

“Our party is vindicated with this exercise of our earlier apprehension that OSIEC can never conduct any meaningful election since its chairman, Hashim Abioye is a card-carrying member of PDP and serves Adeleke as Special Adviser Legal matters and served as PDP caretaker Secretary.”

Meanwhile, like Governor Adeleke, the Speaker of the House of Assembly, Hon Adewale Egbedun voted at Asi Ward 9 unit 5 in Odo-Otin local government; former Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola also voted at his Okuku home town polling units while House of Representatives member, Hon. Bamidele Salam voted at his Unit 1 Awo/Abudo ward, in Egbedore local government.

Also, the Chief of Staff to the Governor, Kazeem Akinleye, perform his civic responsibility at Alusekere Ward 5, Unit 9. The Deputy Governor and Chairman, Uniosun Governing Council Chair, Professor Wale Oladipo voted at the same Ilode ward 1, Unit 1 in Ife-Central local government.

As at the time of filing this report, journalists did not know where the results would be announced as the OSIEC headquarters is still under seal since Thursday by the police

The Chief Executive Officer of Micheno Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society, Uno Eke, has been sentenced to one year in prison for conspiracy, obtaining property by false pretence, and money laundering amounting to N2bn.

This was disclosed in a statement by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission on its verified X handle on Saturday.

The statement revealed that Eke was convicted by Justice Rosemary Oghoghorie of the Federal High Court in Calabar, Cross River State, after pleading guilty to four amended charges preferred against him by the Uyo Zonal Directorate of the EFCC.

The statement partly read, “Justice Rosemary Dugbo Oghoghorie of the Federal High Court sitting in Calabar has convicted and sentenced the Chief Executive Officer, Micheno Multi-purpose Cooperative Society, Uno Michael Eke to 1-year imprisonment for conspiracy, obtaining property by false pretence and money laundering to the tune of N2bn.”

The EFCC detailed the charges against Eke, with Count One stating: “That you, Uno Michael Eke (being the President/Chief Executive Officer of Micheno Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society); Registered Trustees of Micheno Multi Purpose Cooperative Society, MMCS, Aya Kanu Aya, (Alias Mbakara) being the Vice President of Micheno Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society (now at large), sometime between June and August 2018 in Calabar within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, conspired among yourselves to commit an offence to wit: obtaining property by false pretence and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 8 (a) of the Advance Fee Fraud and other Fraud Related Offences Act, 2006 and punishable under Section 1(3) of the same Act’.”

Another charge read, “That you, Uno Michael Eke (being the President/Chief Executive Officer of Micheno Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society), Registered Trustees of Micheno Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society, MMCS, Aya Kanu Aya (Alias Mbakara) being the Vice President of Micheno Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society (now at large), on or about the 12th day of July 2018 in Calabar within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, with intent to defraud, did obtain the sum of Two Million Naira (N2,000,000.00) from one Kubnse Ogar Ebute by inducing her to invest the money into your Swiss golden packages through your Micheno Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society Ltd under the false pretence of paying her 80% as return on investment on her principal sum on the 40th day of his investment, which you knew to be false and thereby committed an Offence contrary to Section 1 (1) (b) of the Advance Fee Fraud and Other Fraud Related Offences Act, 2006 and punishable under Section 1(3) of the same Act.”

Eke pleaded guilty to the charges when they were read to him in court.

The prosecution counsel, Joshua Abolarin, urged the court to convict him based on the charges, while the defence counsel, Ime Umanah, pleaded for a lighter sentence, citing a plea bargain agreement.

“The judge, after considering the plea of the convict and evidence before the court, convicted and sentenced Eke to one-year imprisonment or an option of fine of N2m.

Also, the convict was ordered to forfeit the following to the Federal Government of Nigeria: 12 flats of two bedrooms each located at Goodluck Jonathan bypass, Calabar, Cross River State, two plots of land (4.162 hectares and 3.391 hectares) both located at Adiabo Ikot Mboout Community Land, Odupkpani Local Government Area, Cross River State, two plots of land located at Akai Effa, Calabar Municipality, Cross River State and 18 self-contained flats (storey building), located beside University of Calabar, Ita-Agbor, Calabar, Cross River State and N10m recovered during investigation”, the statement further stated.

The court further ordered that all recovered funds be restituted to the victims of the fraud.

“Eke’s road to the Correctional Centre began when he was arrested for collecting huge sums of money from different unsuspecting victims with a promise of 80% return on investment within 40 days.”

Investigations revealed that Eke operated multiple bank accounts where he received N2bn from his victims, which he then used to acquire landed properties and houses in Calabar.

A former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, has denied the ownership of some funds and property forfeited to the Federal Government on the order of the Federal High Court in Lagos.

Justice Yellim Bogoro of the Federal High Court in Lagos on Friday ordered the final forfeiture of $4.7m, N830m, and multiple properties said to be linked to the former apex bank boss.

The judge, who had earlier dismissed an application brought by an interested party seeking to stop the judgment from being delivered, granted the final forfeiture application filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.

Reacting in a press statement issued late Friday by Olawale Fapohunda on behalf of his legal team, Emefiele also distanced his immediate family from ownership of the said properties and funds.

While admitting that part of the assets belonged to his relatives, Emefiele asked those associating him and his immediate family with the assets to stop doing so in the interest of fairness.

The former CBN governor stated that a company, DeepBlue Energy Limited, established in 2009, is owned by his relative and not himself, as being peddled in the media.

He stated that Justice Aneke of the same Federal High Court, Ikoyi, Lagos, had previously discharged an interim forfeiture order on the same assets, which is now ordered to be forfeited by Justice Bogoro.

The statement read in parts, “Our attention has been drawn to recent news reports indicating that Justice Bogoro of the Federal High Court, Ikoyi, Lagos, has granted a final forfeiture order on certain properties allegedly linked to one Anita Joy Omoile and her companies, including DeepBlue Energy Limited.

“It is important to clarify that DeepBlue Energy Limited, established in 2009, is owned by a relative of our client, Mr. Godwin Emefiele, but not by Mr. Emefiele himself.

“For the avoidance of any doubt, we, as the legal representatives of Godwin Emefiele, categorically disassociate our client from the ownership of the assets in question.

“For emphasis, the assets in question do not belong to our client or any member of his immediate family.

“Furthermore, information reaching us suggests that Justice Aneke of the same Federal High Court, Ikoyi, Lagos, had previously discharged an interim forfeiture order on the same assets now forfeited by Honourable Justice Bogoro.

“We urge all stakeholders and members of the public to take note of this clarification and stop associating these assets with Mr. Godwin Emefiele.”