Being the speech of His Excellency, Senator Kashim Shettima, GCON, Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, at the Dr. Kayode Fayemi Commemorative Symposium and Launch of the Amandla Policy and Leadership Institute, with the theme “Renewing the Pan-African Ideal for the Changing Times: The Policy and Leadership Challenges and Opportunities,” at the Congress Hall, Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja, Nigeria, on Thursday, February 6, 2025.

[Protocols]

The world has never suffered from a scarcity of ideas. Nations and civilisations have risen on the strength of visionaries, and they have also crumbled under the weight of ideas left in the dusty cupboard of time. But today, the world as we know it is bowing to a reality in which we cannot afford to be freeloading bystanders. This gathering is an acknowledgment of this dilemma, and I am honoured to join my brother and friend, a scholar-statesman of the finest breed, Dr J. Kayode Fayemi, in his mission to be an intellectual prototype for the continent.

The post-idea world is not a world without ideas—it is a world where the excuse of not knowing has expired. Emerging technologies like the Large Language Models of artificial intelligence and machine learning have shattered traditional barriers to knowledge. The answers to our most complex problems are no longer elusive; they exist at our fingertips, generated in mere seconds. The real question is no longer What should we do?—that has been answered a billion times over. The real question is Who will act? Who will rise above inertia and ensure that our ideas do not remain ink on paper, buried in symposiums and policy documents?

For centuries, Africa was plundered for its resources. For these centuries, we were mostly prophets of lamentation and despair. Today, we face an even worse risk, the risk of being plundered for our potential. This is so because the algorithms shaping global power, the AI rewriting economies, the policies dictating climate futures are being coded in distant capitals while we linger in debates over yesterdays. The post-idea world forgives no such hesitation. It rewards only those quick to translate their ideas into actions or compete with the best ideologues and scientists from other parts of the world.

Dr. Kayode and Mrs. Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi understood this, and that’s why we are here. Amandla Institute for Policy & Leadership Advancement would have been just another think-tank for empty theories and fancy talk shows if it were not the brainchild of minds that have had the privilege of fusing intellectual rigour with actionable courage. Dr. Fayemi’s legacy, from pro-democracy activism to public administration, teaches us that leadership in this era demands more than ideation. It requires the stamina to execute, the grit to dismantle barriers, and the wisdom to see the inventions of the current wave of the Industrial Revolution not as a threat, but as a tool to reclaim Africa’s agency.

It was unsurprising that when the world converged on Davos-Klosters, Switzerland, last month, for the 55th Annual Meeting of the World Economic Forum, the focus was on how we could collaborate for the intelligent age. Their 2025 Global Risks Report is a call to each policymaker to pay attention to the gathering storm about to disrupt the fragility of the world, particularly our security, climate, and economic stability. It was not alarmism to point out that Africa has the gloomiest profile. This is because, while terrorism and insurgency destabilise fragile states, global geopolitical tensions are diverting international attention and resources away from our security needs.

The reflection of Africa in the mirror is not one of hopelessness. There are a million and one ideas for every problem we see. We know what to do as climate change threatens our continent, and when extreme weather events like droughts and floods disrupt agriculture and livelihoods. We know the policy choices to prioritise to mitigate our economic instability, driven by inflation and debt crises, and we also know the historical greed and grievances that have brought us to where we are. We also know the devastation of the rise of misinformation and cyber threats, and what would happen if we don’t build public trust and the institutions to convert our hysteria about the digital age into fuel for innovative thinking.

Whatever our differences across the continent, one fact that can’t be eroded by our infighting is that we are in the age of machines, and we can’t fight our development dilemma with spears and arrows while the rest of the world is fighting the same battle with missiles and tanks. The world is not waiting for Africa to catch up. While we parse political rivalries, others parse datasets. While we litigate history, others engineer futures. The train of progress accelerates, yet too many of our leaders cling to old carriages. These are our client-state mentalities, our dependency on foreign blueprints, and our governance by hashtag activism. This is the tragedy of our time.

The founding of Amandla Institute emerges as an antidote to this paralysis. We are here not only to generate more ideas but to create executors. We need leaders who wield policy as a scalpel, not a slogan. We need visionaries who see AI as a collaborator, not a competitor. We need a generation of Africans who recognise that Pan-Africanism, renewed for this age, must be rooted in actionable sovereignty.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, the renaissance of this continent will not be gifted. It must be built. For too long, we’ve outsourced our thinking. For too long, we have relied on institutions and ideologies that treat us as consumers, not creators. But the post-idea world dissolves excuses. With the democratisation of knowledge, we must empower our youth to innovate in tech hubs across the continent, from Cairo, down through Nairobi, to Lagos, building unicorns without the permission of any gatekeepers. What they lack is not ideas but ecosystems—systems where policy, funding, and political will converge to scale their genius.

This is where leadership matters. Leaders must evolve from custodians of power to architects of platforms. Our imagination of Africa must be one where every government ministry houses AI strategists, where continental trade policies are drafted by homegrown think tanks like Amandla Institute, not foreign consultants, and where “Made in Africa” signifies not raw materials but algorithms, green tech, and cultural capital.

We are not here to be spectators in the post-idea world. The pace of change will not pause for Africa’s historical grievances or applaud our elegies for lost time. Regret, as the opening stanza warns, writes history in the ink of “what if.” The Amandla Institute must be a furnace where regret is melted into resolve; it must be a place that trains leaders to ask, “What will I break, build, or bet my legacy on today?” And I have no doubt that the founders are prepared for this revolution.

My candid advice for the African youth is that you are the first generation with tools to leapfrog colonial legacies. For those of us privileged to lead you through this interesting time, we must never forget that our legacy can only be sustained by the systems we institutionalise. Africa seeks collaboration, not patronage. This is the vision I expect Amandla to convey to the world. We are not a testing ground for experiments but equals in co-creating solutions.

As we honour the Fayemis, let us channel their restlessness. Let this symposium be remembered not for its eloquence but for its ignition. It’s time for Africa to stop debating ideas and start deploying them. The Amandla Institute must become a command centre for the continent, turning thinkers into doers, policies into progress, and Pan-African ideals into lived realities.

The post-idea world belongs to those who act. Africa must not see prosperity as a gift. It is a prize to be won. And to win, we must embrace the responsibility of leadership—not just in politics, but in policy, in business, in technology, in governance, and in shaping the narratives that define our place in the world.

Thank you.

•Kashim Shettima. GCON, is the vice president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

ECOWAS is struggling to whip its wayward member States into line, but the list of leaders undermining the principles and objectives of the 15-nation West African regional economic bloc is growing.

Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, which proclaimed themselves the Alliance of Sahel States, AES, are making every effort to quit, while Guinea, a fourth military-ruled Member State, is enduring a tardy transition programme.

While much attention is focused on these four countries, political tension is building up in at least four other ECOWAS Member States.

In Cote d’Ivoire, the next presidential election is scheduled for October this year but as happened in the run-up to the last election in 2020, there is so much uncertainty in the air. Sitting President Alassane Ouattara, 83, says he would like to continue serving his country as president, although his party has not yet decided its candidate.

With tenure elongation as a political tinderbox, Ouattara had previously said he would like to step down to give the young ones a chance but only if his old rivals would quit politics too.

If he runs in October, opponents and critics would consider it Ouattara’s fourth term bid in the ECOWAS region where third-term syndrome is a major source of political instability.

The Gambia is another ticking bomb, linked with the political ambition of President Adama Borrow, who appears laser-focused on the 2026 presidential election.

ECOWAS had to mobilise human and material resources including military assets to end the 22-year brutal dictatorship of Yahya Jammeh in January 2017 in the Gambia.

But instead of concentrating on governance or real change, President Barrow, who was inaugurated as Jammeh’s successor in Senegal because of instability in the Gambia, is still operating the same 1997 Jammeh era Constitution and pressuring ECOWAS to endorse his establishment of a Special Tribunal to try crimes committed under the Jammeh dictatorship after co-opting some of the old regime prominent figures to win re-election.

Barrow set up a Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) in 2017, which submitted a draft Constitution to him in September 2020. His government, however, jettisoned that draft document produced at great financial cost, to concentrate on his re-election in 2021.

A 2024 draft Constitution, which his opponents call the “Barrow Draft Constitution” was only presented to the Gambian Parliament in December 2024. It is expected to pass through a national referendum before another presidential election in 2026, and Barrow has already declared he would run.

This month (February 2025) is critical in the political history of two other ECOWAS member States - Guinea Bissau and Togo.
While the world's attention is focused elsewhere, Togo will hold a dubious Senatorial election on 15 February 2025.

The President of the Independent National Electoral Commission, CENI, had extended the date for the submission of candidates to 7 January 2025, in line with a government decree dated 26 December 2024, which set the senatorial elections for February 15, 2025.

Analysts have dubbed the vote Perpetuating Gnassingbé Dynasty 2025 Elections a reference to President Faure Gnassingbé’s succession of his father Gnassingbé Eyadema in 2005.

In March 2024, Togo’s parliament dominated by Faure’s ruling UNIR party, voted 87-0 to adopt a constitutional change decreed by the President that eliminates citizens’ right to vote directly for the country’s leader.

That change to a parliamentary system of government, in violation of ECOWAS protocols, also established a new powerful executive President of the Council of Ministers (PCM), to be elected by members of Parliament, and will function as a prime minister with sweeping powers.

Since the political party or coalition with the most seats in Parliament will produce the PCM, Faure is guaranteed that role going by the results of the sham legislative elections hurriedly held in April 2024 after the controversial constitutional review that gave the UNIR 108 of the 113 Parliamentary seats.

The February 15 Senatorial elections will create a new upper chamber of Togo’s legislature, with 75% of the seats elected by local authority representatives and the remainder appointed directly by the PCM.

In addition, the PCM will serve a six-year term, against the five years of the current presidency, and is renewable indefinitely.

These changes are against the spirit and letters of the ECOWAS protocols and instruments, but the Faure regime has gone unchallenged.

Little wonder Togo’s Foreign Minister Robert Dussey recently declared that his country could join the AES countries, even though President Gnassingbé, is one of the leaders mandated by ECOWAS to negotiate rapprochement with the alliance States. The suggestion could be a ploy to pre-empt any move by ECOWAS to chastise the Lome government.

As if these were not enough troubles, the President of Guinea Bissau Umaro Embalo has complicated matters for the regional organisation.

Embalo’s presidential mandate expires on 27 February 2025, but only a miracle can stop him from continuing in office beyond that date, since he has dissolved the country’s parliament for more than a year now, with the electoral commission and the Supreme Court also in comatose.

Like Faure, Embalo’s moves have also gone unchallenged by other ECOWAS leaders.

ECOWAS leaders, who undermine the organisation’s objectives and regional integration agenda without consequence are emboldened by their colleagues who fail to call them out.

This has been on for over a decade in the organisation which marks its 50th anniversary in May this year.

Given its achievements as a foremost Regional Economic Community in Africa, the authoritarian tendencies and disregard for rules by the ECOWAS black sheep, have caused more than enough damage to demand introspection and reflection on the consequences/implications of a West Africa without ECOWAS as a stabilising force.

How can the “ECOWAS of States” be transformed into an “ECOWAS of People”?

Ghana’s new President John Mahama has started well by naming a Special Envoy to the AES countries. His initiative should fit into an integrated ECOWAS effort to arrest the drift.

The Faure Gnassingbe-Senegalese President Diomaye Faye pair as ECOWAS mediators with the AES countries is not working and should be reviewed for effective results.

Before convening another emergency summit, the ongoing African Union Summit in Addis Ababa presents a cost-effective opportunity for ECOWAS leaders to put heads together on the sidelines of the continental gathering to discuss the region’s myriad security, economic and governance challenges.

The re-election of Nigeria’s Ambassador Bankole Adeoye as the AU Commissioner of Political Affairs, Peace and Security and the election of Ghana’s Ambassador Amma Twum-Amoah as Commissioner of Health, Humanitarian Affairs and Social Development, (both from West Africa), is another good development that ECOWAS can leverage on.

Also, citizens and civil society organisations in the ECOWAS region should live up to their fundamental civic responsibilities by holding rulers/leaders to account.

The axiom that power belongs to the people is not an alien concept.

For instance, without the use of kinetics or military incursion, the people of Burkina Faso ousted President Blaise Compaoré and forced him into exile in 2014.

Recently the electorates in Liberia, Senegal and Ghana also changed the governments of their countries through the ballot box and by protecting their votes.

Voters who sell their votes, or vote along primordial ethnic, tribal or religious lines, and citizens who fail to participate in politics, expecting others to pick their chestnuts from the fire only have themselves to blame.
Every country deserves the type of government it deserves.

Citizens are indispensable repositories of power in political governance. If ECOWAS leaders want ECOWAS and their countries to work, they can do so. Every country gets the type of government or leaders it deserves.

Lastly, while ECOWAS must intentionally tackle its existential challenges, the AES junta leaders should not create the impression that ECOWAS is responsible for the leadership, security and colonial problems in their countries.

Ejime is a Global Affairs Analyst and Consultant on Peace & Security, and Governance Communications

Speaking with journalists at Abuja about those blaming Dr Umar Ganduje, Chairman of APC for saying that there is no vacancy at Aso Villa, Mr Osita Okechukwu, said the blame should go to His Excellency, Atiku Abubakar and his cohorts in the PDP who erroneously breached the rotation convention which governs the 4th Republic Nigeria.

Okechukwu maintained that the erroneous breach of the rotation convention had divided the PDP irretrievably; albeit produced Wike Masquerade which cannot be easily wipe lashed off the party’s bone marrow.

He said that it will be difficult for the PDP to play the robust role as foremost opposition party in the near future and will not succumb to second role in a merger like the defunct ACN, because of the greed of their leaders, which confirms the ancient maxim divided will fall.
“The erroneous breach of the rotation convention, a ligament holding our fledgling democracy together in the 2023 presidential election is the PD’s biggest miscalculation.
The rotation fire is raging and may not be quenched before 2027. The ugly outcome scenario sounds like the local clincher of the advisory song of the birds to the Reverend Father during Mass, that the big men seated in the altar front row are all the same character.” Okechukwu submitted.

When reminded that those who are opposed to President Tinubu’s second term is because of the economic hardship in the country?
In his response Okechukwu retorted that the economic hardship is going to ease before the 2027 presidential election, because some of Mr President’s economic policies will start bearing positive fruits and he has prepared grounds for Foreign Direct Investments.
“The truism is that President Tinubu has done well diplomatically; he is friend of the West and friend of the East. This means that he has the support of the international community to cushion the rough economic edges with Foreign Direct Investments and loan backed protects.” Okechukwu submitted.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has clarified the newly reviewed N100 charge on withdrawals at another bank’s ATM (Not-On-Us Transactions), stating that the fee applies whether or not the withdrawal amount is up to N20,000.

In a Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) document on the review of ATM transaction fees seen by Nairametrics, the CBN explained that the reason for applying the fee for every N20,000 withdrawal is to prevent customers from being compelled to break their withdrawals into smaller amounts.

“Yes, the fee of N100 will apply if you withdraw less than N20,000 from another bank (a bank other than the one that issued your payment card). The reason for applying the fee for every N20,000 withdrawal is to prevent customers from being compelled to break their withdrawals to less than N20,000 per transaction.   

“In other words, ATM transactions will incur a base fee of N100 per transaction. It is also important to note that a tiered fee structure will apply for transactions exceeding N20,000, with an additional N100 charged for each subsequent withdrawal of N20,000 or portion thereof,” the document explains.

Sanctions await offenders 

The CBN emphasized that banks are required to allow customers to withdraw up to N20,000 per transaction. “Any bank that compels a customer with sufficient funds in her account to withdraw less than N20,000 per transaction against the customer’s desire for a higher sum would be contravening this regulation’s spirit and sanctioned appropriately,” the CBN warned.

• The apex bank also encouraged consumers who are denied the right to withdraw up to N20,000 per transaction to file a complaint with the CBN via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..
• The CBN also provided an explanation of the difference between on-site and off-site ATMs: on-site ATMs are located within or directly affiliated with a bank branch, while off-site ATMs are found in locations such as shopping malls, fuel stations, or other public areas.
• The CBN noted that banks and other financial institutions are not allowed to charge more than the N500 per N20,000 surcharge for an off-site ATM withdrawal prescribed in the earlier circular. These fees will be displayed at the point of withdrawal, allowing customers to make informed decisions before proceeding with the transaction.

For withdrawals outside Nigeria, the CBN stated that banks will apply a cost recovery fee, meaning the exact charge imposed by the international ATM acquirer will be passed on to the customer.

What you should know 

Nairametrics reported on Wednesday that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has announced a major revision to its Automated Teller Machine (ATM) transaction fees, effectively eliminating the three free monthly withdrawals previously granted to customers using other banks’ ATMs.

• This directive, outlined in a circular dated February 10, 2025, applies to all banks and financial institutions operating in Nigeria and is set to take effect from March 1, 2025.
• The circular was signed by John S. Onojah, Acting Director of the Financial Policy and Regulation Department, and released on the apex bank’s website on Tuesday.

According to the circular, the CBN has reviewed the ATM transaction fees stipulated under Section 10.7 of the CBN Guide to Charges by Banks, Other Financial and Non-Bank Financial Institutions (2020).

[Nairametrics]

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For months now, Nigerians have been groaning under the weight of relentless price hikes across essential services. From electricity tariffs to DSTV subscription fees, and now the looming 50% increase in telecom tariffs, the average citizen is being stretched beyond breaking point. This is happening in a country where fuel prices have skyrocketed due to subsidy removal, leading to increased transportation costs, which in turn have worsened food inflation. The question on everyone’s lips is: How much more can Nigerians endure?

The telecommunications industry is the latest in line to propose an upward review of service charges, citing inflation, forex scarcity, and rising operational costs. While these justifications may hold some validity, the average Nigerian consumer is not enjoying improved service quality in proportion to these increases. Call drops, network disruptions, slow internet speeds, and exorbitant data depletion remain persistent complaints among telecom users.

Similarly, the electricity sector has continued to frustrate consumers. Tariffs have increased multiple times in the past few years, yet power supply remains erratic at best. Nigerians are paying more for less, often resorting to expensive alternatives like generators to compensate for the failing grid. The recent announcement that power distribution companies (DisCos) might increase tariffs again, despite the existing inefficiencies, is a slap in the face of millions of Nigerians already grappling with economic hardship.

The same goes for pay-TV services like DSTV, which have revised their pricing structure upwards multiple times. Customers are now paying more, yet there is no significant improvement in programming, customer service, or access to local content. Instead, arbitrary increases are implemented with little to no consultation with consumers.

Unarguably due to the pressure resulting from unprecedented price increases across sectors, Nigerians from different walks of life have expressed their frustration over these incessant increases.

Chidi Okeke, a Lagos-based entrepreneur, lamented: “I run a small business and depend heavily on mobile data for transactions. With this new proposed telecom tariff hike, I honestly don’t know how I will cope. The internet service is already poor, and now they want to make it more expensive? It’s unfair.”

Aisha Bello, a secondary school teacher in Lagos, said: “The electricity bill in my area has doubled, yet we hardly get power supply. Most times, I spend extra money to fuel my generator. How does the government expect us to survive? It’s getting unbearable.”

Mrs. Funmi Adebayo, a retiree, also in Lagos, shared her struggles: “I am on a fixed pension, and every month, I have to choose between paying my DSTV subscription or buying enough food for the house. The government and service providers should be considerate. People are really suffering.”

Similarly, Sunday Eze, a commercial driver in Enugu who spoke with this writer on phone few days ago, noted: “Since fuel subsidy was removed, transport fares have increased drastically. Now food is more expensive, DSTV is more expensive, and even making a simple phone call might become costlier. What kind of life is this?”

In fact, there is no denying the fact that the domino effect on cost of living resulting from fuel price increase by each passing day is becoming unbearable, and killing, so to say.

The removal of fuel subsidies, though a long-debated policy, has had far-reaching consequences beyond just transportation costs. Food prices have surged uncontrollably, as farmers and traders struggle to cope with increased logistics expenses. Commuters spend more on daily transportation, making life even more unbearable for minimum-wage earners. Small and medium-scale enterprises (SMEs) that rely on fuel for operations have had to transfer costs to consumers, leading to a general increase in the cost of goods and services.

The reality is that Nigerians are being squeezed from all directions. A country already dealing with high unemployment, unstable incomes, and growing insecurity should not be subject to continuous financial strain without a corresponding increase in service efficiency and quality.

In fact, beyond price increases, there is an urgent need for performance-driven pricing. While businesses must remain profitable, increasing tariffs should not be the default solution. The real issue is that many service providers operate inefficiently, passing their inefficiencies onto customers rather than addressing them internally. Before contemplating price hikes, service providers should meet certain key performance indicators (KPIs) to justify additional costs.

In the telecom sector, network operators should focus on improving connectivity, reducing call drop rates, and enhancing data efficiency. Nigerians should not be subjected to high rates while experiencing slow internet speeds and unresponsive customer service.

In the electricity sector, the power sector should be held accountable for its service delivery. DisCos should fix transmission issues, minimize technical losses, and ensure stable supply before introducing another tariff hike. The federal government must also ensure metering is widespread so that consumers are not extorted through estimated billing.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to suggest that Pay-TV Service providers, such as DSTV and other digital television service providers should revise their pricing strategies to accommodate the economic realities of their subscribers. Options like pay-as-you-go billing should be introduced rather than locking customers into rigid monthly subscriptions.

Concerning fuel and energy sector, the government and regulatory agencies should prioritize alternative energy investments, such as solar and gas-powered solutions, to reduce dependency on petrol and diesel. By doing so, businesses and individuals can find cost-effective alternatives instead of bearing the full brunt of fluctuating fuel prices.

One of the major gaps in Nigeria’s economic framework is weak consumer protection. Regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), and the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) need to be more proactive in ensuring that price hikes are justified and that consumers receive value for money.

Policymakers must also prioritize economic relief measures. Beyond palliatives, there should be deliberate efforts to stabilize the economy, control inflation, and create an enabling environment for businesses to thrive without shifting all operational burdens to consumers.

Without much ado, Nigerians deserve better. The frustration among Nigerians is understandable. It is not just about tariff increments but the lack of accountability and empathy from service providers. The Nigerian consumer deserves better. If prices must go up, services must significantly improve. Government agencies and regulatory bodies must do more than approve hikes; they must enforce quality assurance.

Nigerians have shown remarkable resilience over the years, but resilience should not be mistaken for endurance of perpetual suffering. It is time for businesses and policymakers to rethink their approach. Tariffs can increase if necessary, but they must come with commensurate improvements in service delivery. Anything less is daylight robbery.

Just last week, the Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho, announced that it has secured necessary approvals for an upward review in its tariffs which was last reviewed in the year 1993.

The Managing Director took out time to explain the gains which the new tariff regime would bring to the nation’s port system.

The 15% increase which is to cut across all NPA Rates and Dues is premised on the urgent need to address the undesirable reality of aged and weak infrastructure, obsolete equipment and slow Port capacity expansion which has continued to diminish the performance and indeed competitiveness of Nigerian Ports.

The NPA boss explained that the Authority’s management was actually compelled by the exigency of bringing Nigerian Ports up to speed with those of its peers in terms of infrastructure and equipment.

It would be recalled that the Authority has been battling with aged port facilities and how to rehabilitate the existing ones to sustain operations at the nation’s seaports.

From its collapsing quay walls, the Authority feels that there is an urgent need to focus more on rehabilitating the quay walls of the port.

When Dantsoho became the MD of NPA, he undertook a holistic review of the decaying parts of the ports.

Right from the beginning, Dantsoho did not hide his desire to make the nation’s seaports work.

If anything should happen as a result of its inability to rehabilitate the quay, the impact of its collapse will affect its adjourning communities such as Snake Island, Niger Dock, and Takwa Bay.

Globally, Port Authorities depend on revenue from operations to stay alive to their responsibilities which include construction and maintenance of Port infrastructure, dredging of channels, provision of aids for safe navigation, provision of modern marine crafts for efficient harbour services, automation and digitization of port transactions, port security, energy efficiency and training and retraining of its employees.

The global index of Port rating and competitiveness which the international trade community relies on for its choice of countries to do business with, derives its data from how well the aforementioned responsibilities are addressed.

Coming at this period of global economic upheaval and scramble for markets, the belated Tariff review, according to the authority, is borne out of necessity.

Maritime experts strongly believe that tariff hike constitutes a critical success factor in Nigeria’s quest to win back cargo handling business and its accompanying benefits including job opportunities it had lost to its maritime neighbors.

Contrary to the popular but erroneous notion that attributes high Port costs to NPA relative to its peers, verifiable data shows NPA Tariffs are amongst the lowest in the region.

The high incidence of un-receipted costs due to unduly high human interface, bureaucratic bottlenecks, functional overlaps resulting from absence of a Port Community System (PCS) and its corollary, the National Single Window (NSW) are responsible for this contrived falsehood.

Highlighting some of the quick wins of the tariff review, Dantsoho states that although it is long overdue, it will become a quick win benefits for stakeholders.

“Some of the immediate boost it will give to the Authority is that it would fast track the commencement of actual works on its concluded Port reconstruction and modernization plans.

“Secondly, the Tariff review provides the necessary guarantees to fund the acquisition and urgent deployment of the Information Communications Technology (ICT) backbone of the PCS which is the precursor to the implementation of the NSW.

“Furthermore, the increased revenue generation arising from the review buoys the Authority’s capacity for critical maintenance works to open up the Eastern Ports for increased vessel and cargo traffic such as the reconstruction of collapsed Escravos Breakwaters and challenged aspects of Rivers, Onne and Calabar Ports respectively,” he added.

Speaking at the meeting, Joshua Asanga, a stakeholder agreed with the increase, adding that the value of NPA present tariff has since been suppressed by Inflation which is at about 35% .

Asanga listed port management liabilities like wages, fuel and other areas of expenditure as having adjusted upwards without a commensurate rise in NPA charges for over thirty years.

He added that NPA needs funds for improved port infrastructure, robust ICT for Port Community System, procurement of tug boats and other operational platforms to achieve efficiency

Another stakeholder, Demian Ukagu, who spoke at the event spoke on the need to apply more NPA funding to outer port facilities and jetties like the Kirikiri Lighter Terminal and development of other critical port facilities across the country.

He added that NPA rates should be able to cover these cost that would guarantee minimum return on investment and promote sustainable trade.

The meeting agreed that existing tariffs were set devoid of capital cost, labour cost, consumables and overhead expenditures needed to run the ports.

They feared that keeping the ports on the old tariff would promote consequences like poor service, inadequate infrastructure, poor remuneration, obsolete critical port facilities, equipment and infrastructure.

[DailyTrust]

The Managing Director of TVC Entertainment Channel and host of the ‘Your View’ program, Morayo Afolabi-Brown, has shared her thoughts on the ongoing divorce drama between singer 2Face and his wife, Annie.

DAILY POST reports that 2Face, in a viral video, confirmed his relationship with his new lover, Natasha Osawaru. He further announced his plan to marry her.

The development came two weeks after announcing his separation from his wife, Annie.

Reacting to the controversy sparked by the news, Morayo, during the ‘Your View’ program on Wednesday, opined that the singer should not go scot-free for the damage caused by his divorce decision.

While questioning the point at which he fell out of love with Annie, Morayo said, “I think he should not go scot-free for what he has done. I think he has probably damaged this woman (Annie).

“Maybe it is societal pressure that has caused him to stay with this young woman. Maybe, for whatever reason, he needs to tell us because society was there when they were getting married. At what point did you say you are no longer with Annie?” she asked.

[DailyPost]

Even after Pastor Enoch Adeboye had distanced himself from the arrest of a TikToker who disrespected him Olumide Ogunsanwo (SeaKing), the church PR unit still put out a notice overriding him. The church claimed that Pastor Adeboye weighed in before the video was reviewed. After watching it, they think, “It has become necessary to allow the law to take its course.” I will not pretend to know how the church’s PR unit runs, but this is one of the instances in which wisdom would have been profitable to direct them regarding their public communication.

From the clumsy wording of their statement, one is unsure which video they said had not been reviewed when their pastor commented on it. Was it the original one by Ogunsanwo or the Concerned Christian Youth Forum that stated why they got him arrested? Either way, saying their G.O. spoke out of turn is unbecoming. However, that was not the only part of their statement that was poorly thought out. Also, saying the law should take its course on a spurious issue such as this is merely hiding behind a needle. It is, in fact, what moral cowardice looks like.

Even a child in Nigeria knows that no law anywhere fully defines our lives. What we call the law is mostly a bunch of suggestions enforced based on the contingent circumstances. The “law” can easily be set aside if certain characters with money and influence want it. Just recently a legal luminary announced he—and unilaterally too—instructed his lawyers to instruct the police to withdraw a criminal case from the court. That is how the police are remote-controlled by small men with big egos who will pursue a random social media user over comments they should be too important to notice.

Sometimes you wonder why the countries that invented these social media networks do not have incidents of billionaires, pastors, CEOs, politicians, public officials, lawyers, religious organisations, etc., convulsing over online insults. How come their police are not jobless enough to drive across multiple state lines to arrest people over online comments and incarcerate them until some big man instructs otherwise?

Nigeria’s supposed elites can afford to be petty because of the nature of our laws and the defective policing system. The police in Nigeria are not—and we can argue that they have never been either—an autonomous agency that carries out its constitutionally stipulated duty with detached professionalism. They are mostly errand boys for the rich and powerful, and therefore largely shorn of principled competence. Things have grown worse with the current IG Kayode Egbetokun, under whose watch a record number of abuses are being perpetrated by the police. They have always been abusive and oppressive, but under Egbetokun, they have elevated pursuing social media commentators into a defining agenda. Part of the problem, I suspect, is that Egbetokun is overcompensating for the insecurity of being branded an “illegal IG” and cannot rein in the sadistic officers under his watch. His illegitimacy makes him cover his appearance of weakness with needless brutality. His legacy will be that he oversaw an era where the police took their institutionalisation of injustice to stratospheric levels.

The only reason that Ogunsanwo was arrested and detained was because some people who could influence the police decided to flex their power.  What law was the RCCG referring to that had become necessary to be enforced? No law anywhere stops us from disrespecting our elders. Respect is a cultural norm, an ethical requirement necessary for a society to function, but there are no legal obligations to accord them to anyone by default. Even Jesus Christ called Herod a “fox”. If it were present society, some people would have been yelling that Jesus should have respected constituted authority. Jesus routinely criticised the Pharisees and Sadducees, the religious leaders, intellectuals, and elders of his time. If someone does the same on TikTok today, people like VDM would jump out and criticise them. What exactly have eyes not seen before?

I hope the RCCG learns a lesson from this and, going forward, knows what it can afford to do or not as arguably the largest Pentecostal denomination in Nigeria. As a church, it owes it to the public to always project higher ethical standards in its conduct and public communication. If the worldly standard is for those with social clout to subject critics to an unjust system of punishment to satisfy their ego, the church must act differently—and better. You are not called to be the same as the world; you are supposed to project higher moral standards. It is not for nothing that Jesus envisioned the church to be a city set on a hill.

Here is what I think is the problem: for far too long, Christians have openly rued how Muslims get away with using violence to settle scores when they feel disrespected. I suppose copying that same propensity to demonstrate power is what drove the Concerned Christian Youth Forum to try and enforce respect “legally” by subjecting a critic to police abuse while vowing to hunt down more. The RCCG’s press statement gave them away as supportive of such initiatives to deter the others who have turned frequent criticism of its G.O. into content-making. Unfortunately, that is a path that is not only unsustainable but also diminishing.

They ought to know that as they grow into a formidable institution, they will naturally attract a lot more anti-establishment sentiment. Their response should not be to outsource their responses to gbàrànmídelérù initiatives like Concerned Christian Youth Forum who will do the dirty work of beating up critics while, like Pontious Pilate who washed his hands off the crime for which he was morally culpable, they pretend it is simply the law doing its thing. If they see themselves as a church organization that will still exist in another 100 years, then they ought to think and act long-term in their approaches to issues like this. They should take cues from centuries-old churches like the Catholic Church that has maintained their institutional dignity in the face of relentless criticism from all sides. Imagine a world where the Pope uses the police to chase down his social media critics.

The RCCG should act with similar self-regard and set aside pushing silly correspondences to the public. They are not the first church that will be criticized, and they are not going to be the last. Powerful religious organizations routinely face scrutiny, and they absorb some of the severe criticisms. I am not talking about simple observations lobbed from the corner of a bedroom by a TikToker wielding a Tekno phone, but critical attacks from formidable cultural organizations who take on churches on aspects of their doctrine. Do those churches fold up and die? No. When they respond, they do not fly into a rage. They project the ideals of Christian ethics and intellectualism.

If the RCCG cannot handle just one TikToker, then what hope is there for them that they would know what to do if someone ever writes a popular book about them like Dan Brown’s The DaVinci Code did with the Catholic Church? What if someone makes a popular show that criticizes their doctrines like The Book of Mormon did with the Latter-Day Saints (the Mormon Church? The Latter-Day Saints first baulked, then turned the popular satire into a promotional tool for their church. It would have been a mess and a missed opportunity if they had chosen to arrest the artist.

The RCCG has a university, a structure from where they can build an intellectual agenda to defend what is best about them (and restructure their shortcomings). Instead of abridging possibilities by taking the shortcut of violence, they should invest in creating their own apologists—people trained in cultural studies/theology who can project the positive side of them to the world to balance the negative narratives about them. That strategy will take exposing their people to the best education, polishing them until they are equipped to push back at their critics with intelligence.