1.The entire 1981 Class of the Nigeria Law School (81 Setters) felicitates with your Lordship, Hon. Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, CJN, GCON,on your graceful retirement as the 19th Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN).

2.We are very proud of your Lordship’s remarkable achievements and exemplary leadership of the Nigerian Judiciary as the Chief Justice of Nigeria ( CJN) in the past two years. You are a worthy Ambassador of our Class and we all take collective pride in the fact that you are one of us.

3.Right from our days back at the Victoria Island, Lagos Campus of the Nigeria Law School, you had left no one in doubt that you were destined for the topmost echelon of the legal profession through the judiciary.Your dedication to duty, maturity, integrity and focus have always defined you.

As a State Counsel in the Oyo State Ministry of Justice, you distinguished yourself by your industry and diligence. In the High Court of Oyo State, your Lordship succeeded in laying the foundation for a sterling judicial career as a brilliant and incorruptible Judge. At the Court of Appeal, your Lordship exemplified the excellent virtues of an outstanding Justice whose primary concern was nothing but the doing of justice to all manners of people,irrespective of tribe, gender,station in life,religion or language.

Your Lordship’s elevation to the Supreme Court in 2011 therefore did not come to us as a surprise, for it was a further confirmation of your track record as a trailblazer. Our Class was therefore delighted when your Lordship was appointed the Chief Justice of Nigeria in 2022, a position that was richly earned. In the short span of just two remarkable years in the saddle, your administration as the Chief Justice of Nigeria was action-packed, reformative, innovative, and eventful.

As your Lordship takes a well deserved bow on your retirement from the Bench as prescribed by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, we are proud of the fact that you are leaving behind a stronger Judiciary, a united Supreme Court and a well-funded Bench. The passage of the Bill for an Act to Prescribe the Salaries, Allowances and Fringe Benefits of Judicial Office Holders in Nigeria and for Related Matters, the enactment of the Supreme Court Rules, 2024, the historical attainment of the full complement of 21 Justices for the Supreme Court, the landmark decisions of the apex court,and many more,all speak volumes of the evergreen legacies of your Lordship’s outstanding administration. There is no doubt that your leadership and commitment to justice have left an indelible mark on our nation’s legal landscape.

On behalf all all our 1981 Classmates.( 81 Setters), I congratulate your Lordship and I wish you a blissful retirement in good health and with peace that passeth all understanding.

Prof. Mike A.A. Ozekhome, SAN, CON,0 OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, MA,PhD, LL.D, D.Litt, D.Sc, DA,JD, DHL.

CHAIRMAN.

President Bola Tinubu extends his condolences to the family of Mr. Issa Hayatou, former President of the Confederation of African Football (CAF), who passed away at the age of 77 on Thursday.

Mr. Hayatou was also one-time acting President of FIFA -- the world's football governing body.

President Tinubu commiserates with the Cameroonian Football Federation, the people of Cameroon, and the African football community.

The President describes the passing of the legendary football administrator as a huge loss, underlining his contributions to the development of the sport in Africa and beyond.

The President prays for the repose of the soul of the departed and strength to his family at this difficult time.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

Not a few defenders of neoliberalism have criticised the judgment of the Federal High Court which has mandated the Federal Government to fix the prices of essential commodities in the country. The criticism of the judgment is based on the fact that Nigeria is a capitalist country. It is surprising that such critics are not aware that the leading capitalist countries in the world fix and regulate the prices of certain goods and products. According to Hugh Rockoff, governments in the United States “have fixed the price of gasoline, the rent on apartments in New York City, and the wage of unskilled labor, to name a few. At times, governments go beyond fixing specific prices and try to control the general level of prices, as was done in the United States during both world wars and the Korean War, and by the Nixon administration from 1971 to 1973.”

In response to the growing demand for rent control in the United Kingdom, the Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan said that: “Londoners re-elected me on a manifesto pledge to push for the powers to control rents and I will not stop advocating for this lifeline on their behalf. I am delivering on my promise to build a better, fairer and more prosperous London by building more affordable homes in the capital and providing vital support to Londoners through the cost-of-living crisis. It’s about time the Government did the same.”

Notwithstanding that Nigeria operates a so-called free market economy, several laws have imposed a duty on the Federal Government and State Governments to regulate the prices of fuel, tickets for train and  domestic air travels, schools fees paid in government colleges and tuition in tertiary institutions, water rates, electricity tariffs, telecom call rates, tolling fees paid by road users, land use charge, fees for land documentation, rents paid by tenants and wages paid to workers. The Federal Government has just set up a Wages Review Panel to recommend the minimum wage payable by the public and private sectors in the country.

The Federal Government fixes duties on goods imported into the country. The Nigeria Customs Service is legally obligated to collect such duties. However, the Government has decreed that import duties shalll not be paid in respect of certain goods and products, including all basic foods items, medical and pharmaceutical products,  books and educational materials, baby products, fertilizer, locally produced agricultural and veterinary medicine, farming machinery and farming transportation equipment, plant and machinery imported for use in the export processing zone.

Some private companies that are required to pay import duties running to several trillions of Naira are granted duty waivers by the Federal Government. Can the Federal Government allow the beneficiaries of duty waivers to fix the prices of the goods without control? ? Can the Federal Government equally allow the importers of duty free goods to fix the prices of such goods without regulation?

The Central Bank of Nigeria is legally obligated to

fix the exchange rate of the Naira visavis other currencies. Contrary to the letter and spirit of the Central Bank Act the federal government has continued to devalue the Naira through dollarisation. The federal government has also floated the currency to allow market forces to fix the exchange of the Naira. But the various circulars recently issued by the CBN, in the last few days, have confirmed that the federal government cannot afford to allow market forces alone to fix the exchange rate of the Naira.

Services provided by a number of professional bodies are fixed and controlled by law. For instance, any lawyer who fails to pay the annual practising fees shall be denied audience in courts. The Stamp and Seal (purchased from the Nigerian Bar Association) shall be affixed to all documents including court processes prepared by lawyers.  In addition, the 2023 Legal Practitioners Remuneration Order has fixed the professional fees charged by legal practitioners. Any lawyer who fails to comply with the Remuneration Order shall be sanctioned by the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee.

In view of the foregoing, the Order of the Federal High Court which has directed the Federal Government to control the prices of essential commodities in Nigeria is in accordance with section 16 (1)(b) of the Constitution which has imposed a legal obligation on the Government to control “the national economy in such manner as to secure the maximum welfare, freedom and happiness of every citizen on the basis of social justice and equality of status and opportunity.”

Last week, Vice President Kashim Shettima announced the plan of the Bola Tinubu administration to set up a Commodity Board which will be given the mandate to assess and regulate food prices, as well as maintain a strategic food reserve for stabilising prices of crucial grains and other food items. That’s the way to go if the poor in the society  are to “breathe” as the implementation of the reforms embarked upon by the Tinubu administration gather pace.

The plan is in accordance with the Fifth Alteration to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 which stipulates that the Government shall direct its policy towards ensuring the right to food and food security for the people. It is also a revival of the Commodity Boards that  were abolished as part of the conditionalities of the World Bank-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) that was imposed on Nigeria in 1986 by the General Ibrahim Babangida regime.

This is a welcome development as the official announcement comes after the federal high court in Lagos ordered the federal government on February 7, 2024, to fix the prices of goods and petroleum products within seven days. However, the Federal Government is urged to reduce the skyrocketing duties and tariffs on essential commodities that are imported into the country so as to make them cheap and affordable in line with the terms of the judgment of the Federal High Court.

Take It Back Movement, one of the key organizers of the EndBadGovernance nationwide protest, has scheduled Saturday for a one-million-man protest in all the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, FCT Abuja.

Mr Sanyaolu Juwon, National Coordinator of the movement, stated this in a statement on Thursday in Abuja.

He said, “the Take It Back Movement (TIB), side-by-side with other organizers and organizations will on August 10, lead a monumental one-million-man protest in each of the 36 states of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Abuja.

“This event will mark a critical juncture in our nationwide EndBadGovernanceInNigeria campaign, which began on August 1, 2024.

“It started as a planned 10-day protest but has evolved into a sustained and widespread movement, drawing participants from every corner of Nigeria and the diaspora.”

DAILY POST reports that the protest which aimed at drawing the attention of the governments at all levels to the hardship bedeviling the citizens, commenced on August 1 and is expected to end on Saturday, August 10.

Although the protest was hijacked by criminal elements, the exercise recorded large turnout across the country, especially in the northern states.

Despite the appeal by President Bola Tinubu in a nationwide broadcast on Sunday, asking the protesters to back down and give his administration more time, the protest had continued in Abuja, Kano and some other parts of the country.

[DailyPost]

As indicated here last week, the book, Peace Culture: A Monumental Evidence for Global Co-existence, written by Professor Ola Makinwa et al, will shine a light on our offering in this column today. Many have been badgering me on why I “ignored” the ongoing ten-day #EndBadGovernance protest rocking the country.

The protest, now in its eighth day, has not only become violent but also bloody and the security chiefs are still talking tough, meaning that it may even get bloodier in the coming days.

But it was a crisis foretold. Any discerning observer who witnessed the desperate manoeuvres of the government aimed at pulling the rug from under the feet of the protesters will know that in the event they went ahead with the protest, a mortified, albeit vindictive government will infiltrate the protest and ensure that it became violent in order to justify a bloody crackdown.

For a security architecture that clearly prioritises regime protection over and above the lives and properties of citizens, the brutalisation of people peacefully protesting over excruciatingly biting hunger didn’t come as a surprise.

Sadly, the security forces have not shown the same dexterity in dealing with the real enemies of Nigeria – non-state actors who have ensured that bona fide citizens are sacked from their ancestral homes and subjected to unimaginable indignity as refugees in their own country.

Professor Kingsley Moghalu was forced on Monday to lament that the police and other security agencies in Nigeria have an unfortunate mindset. “The Nigerian state has little regard for its citizens, political rhetoric aside,” he wrote on X.

Professor Wole Soyinka concurred when he, in reaction to President Bola Tinubu’s broadcast on Sunday, pointedly warned that: “The serving of bullets where bread is pleaded is ominous retrogression, and we know what that eventually proves – a prelude to far more desperate upheavals, not excluding revolutions.”

But what is going on is a true reflection of who Tinubu is: a civilian with an overdose of dictatorial reflexes antithetical to democratic norms. Tinubu and his political constituency take no prisoners. He brooks no opposition and has zero tolerance for criticism no matter how constructive. For him, governance is about state capture. So, Nigerians must brace up for the creeping fascism.

So, those who are calling for the arrest of people behind the satanic #IgboMustGo campaign, which demands the forced relocation of Ndigbo from Lagos and other South-West states, may well save themselves the agony of disappointment.

Why? Because the Tinubu government is behind the virulent campaign of calumny against Nidgbo. One of the briefs given to Bayo Onanuga as the Special Adviser on Information and Strategy to the President is the unremitting demonisation of the Igbo race. So, asking the same government to investigate and bring to book those behind the genocidal crusade is tantamount to asking the government to probe itself.

The insidious campaign is only but a sequel to Onanuga’s ethnic baiting gambit when he maliciously accused Peter Obi and by extension Ndigbo, his bête noire, of promoting the #EndBadGovernance protest. Not that there is anything wrong if Peter Obi champions protest against bad governance. But Onanuga lied knowing full well that the Labour Party presidential candidate in the 2023 election knew nothing about it. The security chiefs also knew that for a fact. Yet, without any shred of evidence, he went on the shameless voyage having the back of the Nigerian state.

But that will not be his first time. On March 21, 2023, Onanuga, spokesperson for the then President-elect, Tinubu, warned Ndigbo in Lagos against “interfering” in politics in the state. “Let 2023 be the last time of Igbo interference in Lagos politics. Let there be no repeat in 2027. Lagos is like Anambra, Imo, any Nigerian state. It is not No Man’s Land, not Federal Capital Territory. It is Yoruba land. Mind your business,” he tweeted.

While well-meaning Nigerians were horrified, Tinubu, his puppeteer, remained silent. How Onanuga decided to become a consummate dog whistler at the age of 67 beggars belief. But history is never kind to his likes. Never!

The bigger tragedy is that it took the umbrage of Waziri Atiku who called on the Federal Government to prosecute the promoters of the anti-Igbo genocidal campaign for both Lagos State and Abuja to react to the incendiary charge that Ndigbo living and doing business in Lagos and other South-West states should leave the region within 30 days.

Atiku, who was unsettled by the demand on the X account @Lagospedia, noted thus: “It is alarming that five days after this threat emerged, there has been a troubling silence. Immediate action to arrest, investigate, and prosecute those behind this heinous agenda is crucial. This will serve as a deterrent to others who might consider pursuing similar paths that threaten our national security.”

Since then, the hashtag ‘#Igbo must go’ has continued to fester on social media. A recent X Spaces conversation tagged, Yoruba Ronu Space, led by self-acclaimed Yoruba influencers, called for an Igbo must go protest. One of the contributors alleged that Ndigbo are disrespecting their traditional rulers and leaders and have no right to own land in Lagos.

Tinubu in his nationwide broadcast on Sunday, pretended to be offended by the campaign, when he, tongue in cheek, condemned those he alleged to have taken undue advantage of the #EndBadGovernance protest to threaten some sections of the country, stating that there is no place for ethnic bigotry in Nigeria. Really? Who then is the godfather of ethnic bigotry?

But that was sheer sophistry. It is also worthy of note that the security chiefs who threatened fire and brimstone on Tuesday in Abuja did not deem it necessary to include the genocidal threats against Ndigbo in their basket of deplorable developments that threaten the country.

Those who claim to be investigating the devil behind this anti-Igbo genocidal threat are living a lie and should not be taken serious because the truth remains that if they are, indeed, serious, they need not look beyond Bayo Onanuga. If Onanuga was Igbo (God forbid) making these incendiary comments against the Yoruba, he will be behind bars by now.

But it is surprising that Tinubu who knows the history of Ndigbo and their resilience in the face of intimidation is adopting gaslighting as a governance strategy. Those who think they can succeed even where the British colonial masters failed woefully, are entitled to their foolhardiness. But they should be reminded that General Muhammadu Buhari traversed that odious route in eight years and left Aso Rock in disgrace.

My simple advice is that rather than resorting to the hare-brained tactics of scaremongering and ethnic baiting against Ndigbo in order to deflate attention from his self-inflicted governance woes, the President may do well to read the Peace Culture, which according to the authors “is a handbook to mediate into conflict, manage anger, negotiate, resolve conflict and build peace for prevention of conflict.”

Chapter Six of the fascinating ten-chapter book with 232 major topics and 101 sub-headings which dealt with the issue of good governance talked about political tolerance, equity and inclusiveness.

“A society’s well-being depends on ensuring that all its members feel that they have a stake in it and do not feel excluded from the mainstream of society. This requires that all groups, particularly the most vulnerable, have opportunities to improve or maintain their well-being,” the book said.

It further noted that: “Government was created as an instrument to unite the people, develop the land, provide essential amenities and democracy that will make life comfortable, meaningful and bearable for the existence of man and where these things are lacking, agitations, expectations and ambitions set in from the people and where the government lacks good advice or arrogant or becomes autocratic, conflict sets in. This is always the result of bad governance. Bad governance fails to see to the plight of the people and shuts its eyes against unity.”

Rather than allowing Bayo Onanuga and his gang to scapegoat Ndigbo and set the country ablaze, Tinubu may well heed the advice of Prof Ola Makinwa and his colleagues as expressed in the book – Peace Culture.

THE thuggish criminality in the United Kingdom exempted, mass protests have been sweeping through many countries with people standing up for their right to decent lives. Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Uganda, Sudan, Eswatini, South Africa and, of course, Bangladesh.

They have been sad days in Bangladesh where bloody mass protests, mainly driven by students, under the banner of Students Against Discrimination, SAD, swept away Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The discrimination referred to are job quotas in public jobs in which 30 per cent was reserved for descendants of nationalists who fought in the 1971 War of Independence against Pakistan. Another 26 per cent was reserved for various groups. This had become quite contentious where in a population of 170 million, 32 million youths are unemployed.

But rather than address the issues raised, the government first blamed the opposition parties, the Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, BNP. Then it claimed the protesters were “rajakaar” or pro-Pakistani terrorists. 

In July, over 150 persons were killed in the protests. The Supreme Court on July 21, ruled that 93 per cent of employment should be on merit. So the main reason for the protests had been seemingly addressed. But the protesters returned to the streets last week to demand the unconditional release of all arrested protesters, reopening of the campuses, restoration of internet connections and a public apology from Hasina for the violence. The demands seem simple but were not readily met. This second seismic eruption, proved far more devastating.

Last Sunday, the protesters made a determined push and some 100 were killed. This eruption on August 5, forced Hasina who had just in January claimed a fourth term electoral victory, to flee to India. The parliament also became history. Power was lying in the streets and the military tried to pick it up. But the protesters who were obviously too young to rule but too strong to resist, forced the military to retreat. They must be good students of history because as happened in Sudan, the military in many countries, is predatory and opportunistic; always on the look out to cash in to any situation. Besides, the Bangladeshi military had since 1971, staged 29 coups and counter-coups.

So, the Bangladeshi students settled for Nobel Laureate Muhammed Yunus, who had been endlessly vilified by the ousted government, to run an interim government. This is designed as a stop-gap before an inclusive and democratic government is elected. The direction of the new leadership is uncertain and the dead are still being mourned. The open sores remain. The aftershocks are still being felt.

The ten-day mass protests in Nigeria began on August 1, 2024. Its main oxygen is hunger, powered by hyperinflation and assisted by wild winds of anger. The immediate reason for this is self-inflicted. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was sworn-in on May 29, 2023, he immediately announced the abolition of fuel subsidy. This greatly fuelled inflation in an oil-rich country with no single functional refinery. The reason for the fuel subsidy is simple: governments in the 25 years since the return to civil rule, have been incapable of refining the petroleum product needs of the 220 million populace. So the simple solution is to refine. However, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, IMF, are ever breathing down the necks of Nigerian governments not to refine, but increase fuel prices. But with the on-going protests, the lousy representatives of these shark institutions have been silent, making the Tinubu administration to carry the can alone. They wield power without responsibility and would be the first to flee the country were the situation to get out of hand. The second reason for the Nigerian hyper- inflation is the water-boarding of the Naira, again, as the IMF and World Bank have always insisted since 1981. This has always been devastating for an import-dependent country. It is these, coupled with the banditry and terrorism which have forced many farmers off their farms, that have led to the sorry state of the Nigerian nation. The solution is to address these concrete matters rather than dissipate energy looking for those carrying the Russian flag in the protests or detaining the alleged leaders of the protests. Some observation. The Nigerian Generals have been too intrusive in their loud media campaigns before and during the protests. Their involving soldiers from the very first second of the protests, is not in the interest of democracy and constitutional governance. As one of those who fought military misrule in Nigeria for decades, my antenna is up when I observe the lurking of a tiger.

The Kenyan protests were triggered by a Finance Bill powered by the same IMF and World Bank breathing down the necks of underdeveloped countries, as the country descended into chaos. The IMF tried to exonerate itself. Its Director of Communications, Julie Kozack, claimed all it had tried to do was to help Kenya “overcome the difficult economic challenges it faces and improve its economic prospects…” This came at the cost of dozens of lives and massive destruction. Even after President William Ruto withdrew the bill and reshuffled the cabinet, protesters are insisting he steps down. This is because Kenyans are tired of high food prices, rising poverty and corruption. Whatever the outcome, the Kenyan democratic project has suffered a serious setback and, healing is far off. Ruto had come from the streets and his greatest fear might be returning there.

The July 2024 protests in Uganda were against alleged massive corruption and a demand that Parliamentary Speaker Anita Among, steps down.

Ghana used the courts to block ‘The Gen-Z Demo’ planned for seven days from July 31, 2024. There had been massive protests in June against power outages. The protests in September and October, 2023 were mainly against hyper-inflation and mass unemployment. Zimbabwe detained and charged over 70 persons for allegedly gathering with the intent to promote violence. They were denied bail.

In Angola, the June 6, 2023 mass protests were against fuel price increases and the massive devaluation of the Kwanza. Over a dozen extra-judicial executions were traced to its security forces.

Perhaps, the most massive protests in South Africa this season took place on May 11, 2024 over the sack of 4,002 mine workers. On Wednesday, August 7, 2024 the street protests were restricted to the Western Cape Province.

Generally, the protests, especially in Africa, are against the implementation of the poverty-inducing policies of the IMF and World Bank, and democracies that do not yield dividends. They are a sort of plebiscite against political independence without economic independence. In many instances, the issue boils down to the fact that the people know what they want, but that is not what the governments want..

Five years ago, on October 11, when Nigeria celebrated its 59th anniversary, I wrote a piece titled "The Call for a National War on Poverty," which was published in Thisday newspaper and several other traditional and online news platforms.

The motivation for writing the article stemmed from the excessive focus on fighting corruption, which had created a hostile environment for foreign investors. This focus led to economic recessions between 2015-2023, with Nigeria plunging into recession twice in those eight years.

Today, nearly five years after that article, Nigeria and its citizens continue to grapple with corruption and poverty. Instead of moving from poverty to prosperity, the standard of living has worsened, leading to the #EndBadGovernance protests by angry and hungry Nigerians, which regrettably resulted in significant unrest and destruction.

The four days of protests before President Bola Tinubu's national address wreaked havoc on the nation so much so that our beleaguered country and its struggling economy suffered further damage, with about 13 lives lost and properties worth billions of naira destroyed. The situation was so dire that the presumed convener of the protest, popular lawyer Olu Adegberuwa, reportedly expressed regret: “I appeal to the protesters to withdraw from their various protest grounds and suspend the protests immediately and indefinitely to give room for meaningful dialogue and engagement with the government.”

In recognition of the severe poverty currently ravaging Nigeria, as l earlier stated five (5) years ago, I wrote an article titled "The Call for a National War on Poverty." Originally published on October 11, 2019, I am republishing and updating it with a new title: "Issues Around the Issue Of Protests" which is focused on the question of whether President Tinubu’s reform policies are against or promoting poverty?”

The question raised in this article's title about whether the current administration is fighting poverty is crucial because unlike his predecessor, ex-President Muhammadu Buhari, who focused his leadership solely on fighting corruption for eight years, President Bola Tinubu's administration, just over one year old, has concentrated on implementing massive reforms that have the potentials to alleviate poverty. Ostensibly, these reforms are aimed at overturning decades-old policies that have kept Nigerians shackled and in poverty. But they are taking a bit longer to manifest their positive expectations which is why some Nigerians are anxious and aggrieved.

Key among these policies are the removal of subsidies on petrol, the naira, and electricity. These have been replaced with new socio-economic paradigms, which, although they hold promise for long-term improvement, have initially caused significant hardships for many Nigerians.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo offers a unique perspective on the removal of petrol subsidies and boosting local production of this crucial commodity. He remarked, “If those who are selling or supplying refined products for Nigeria feel that they will lose the lucrative opportunity, they will also make every effort to get him (Dangote) frustrated.” He added, “Those problems, as far as the government refineries are concerned, have never gone. They have even increased. So if you have a problem like that and that problem is not removed, then you aren’t going anywhere.”

Five years ago, I called for a paradigm shift in our development strategy from merely fighting corruption to combating poverty and reforming policies that hinder development. This call was ignored by the previous administration, which continued its anti-corruption efforts without investing enough effort in combating poverty. The efforts devoted to solely tackling corruption ultimately proved ineffective, as reflected in Nigeria's stagnant corruption perception index, while the fight against graft damaged the economy and the country's image. As a result, the economy and the lives of Nigerians deteriorated, leaving the current administration with the task of alleviating the masses' frustration after their painful experiences under the former regime.

Given this background, President Bola Tinubu, who promised change, was expected to quickly deliver the benefits of democracy. However, the delayed realization of promised economic reforms, which have had a severe impact on the general populace, has made the Renewed Hope Agenda seem like an illusion. That is why many Nigerians have been anxiously waiting for a drastic improvement in their conditions and becoming impatient as respite is not manifesting in their expected timeline.

Unfortunately, this expectation persists despite being unrealistic. The reality is that it is wishful thinking to believe that Nigeria's current economic problems, caused by poor policies over the past four to five decades that were supposed to be ad-hoc but became entrenched and permanent, would disappear instantly. When President Tinubu finally addressed the nation on the fourth day of the protests, which had turned riotous, he outlined the steps taken to help Nigeria escape poverty:

“In the past 14 months, our government has made significant strides in rebuilding the foundation of our economy to carry us into a future of plenty and abundance. On the fiscal side, aggregate government revenues have more than doubled, hitting over 9.1 trillion Naira in the first half of 2024 compared to the first half of 2023 due to our efforts at blocking leakages, introducing automation, and mobilizing funding creatively without additional burden on the people. Productivity is gradually increasing in the non-oil sector, reaching new levels and taking advantage of the opportunities in the current economic ambiance.”

He then highlighted that under his administration, the federal government has advanced about N570 billion to government at sub-nationall levels to ameliorate hardships at the grassroots level and Nigeria has reduced the proportion of revenue used to service debt from 98% to 68% and paid off $5 billion in foreign debt. Additionally, he announced an investment of N45.6 billion for the procurement and installation of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) kits in mass transit vehicles to counter the increased costs following the removal of petrol subsidies.
Mr. President also stated that the government under his watch has also allocated N200 billion to a newly formed program to drive consumer credit at single-digit interest rates to boost production and purchasing credit for the masses, just as it has provided N50 billion for the newly launched NELFUND, driving the currently functional student loan program. Other initiatives include setting aside $620 million for the empowerment of Nigerian youth through digital and creative enterprises.

Despite these measures, some protesters and leaders from the main opposition parties, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP), were not appeased. They argued that the broadcast, despite its calls for calm and dialogue, was self-serving. Fortunately, the nationwide tension has subsided, and peace has returned to most parts of the country. This may be because the genuine intentions of the protesters were overshadowed by those with a regime-change agenda, as evidenced by minors waving Russian flags during the protests. The use of minors to display these flags is likely a tactic to avoid prosecution, as the 1999 constitution as underaged individuals cannot be charged for criminal actions.

During the four days of unrest, three global events paralleled the protests in Nigeria.

The first event is the ongoing civil disobedience in the United Kingdom, fueled by misinformation spread via social media, similar to how social media was used during Nigeria's 2020 #EndSARS protests and is now driving the #EndBadGovernance protests. This disobedience was sparked by the tragic stabbing of three children in Southport by a 17-year-old, Axel Rudakubana, who was wrongly identified by far-right activists as an immigrant.

Although UK authorities classify this as an anti-immigration crisis, I argue it is xenophobia targeting not just blacks but Muslims and non-Caucasian foreigners. This attitude mirrors the xenophobic violence in South Africa, where locals attacked the businesses and homes of successful black immigrants. It is also similar to the events that happened in Nigeria in the mid-1980s when Ghanaians were expelled in an anti-immigration crisis dubbed "Ghana-Must-Go." A few years ago, Ghana retaliated by antagonizing Nigerians doing business and living there, accusing them of dominating commerce .

These scenarios illustrate that global poverty crises are triggering protests against authorities for either implementing poverty-inducing policies or being lax with immigration policies that allow immigrants, legal or otherwise, to take local jobs.

Ironically , just as Nigerians are marching against hunger, Britons are rioting under the guise of anti-immigration sentiments against Muslims, Arabs, and non-Caucasians, whom they believe are taking their jobs and corrupting their culture. This intolerance is both sad and disappointing.

Surprisingly, Britons may not even accept legal immigrants, despite these skilled workers filling gaps left by the UK's exit from the European Union. This situation highlights global crises of various kinds, with world leaders still struggling to find solutions. This is evident as former U.S. President Donald Trump, now a candidate of the Republican Party, and his supporters—comprising about 30% of voters, similar to the Republican's 30%, (with 40% as independents in swing states which both parties are struggling to win over to their respective sides) —also expressing displeasure over illegal immigrants, whom they accuse of taking American jobs.

Given these dynamics, Trump is likely to win the November 5 election due to his stance on immigration, much like Marine Le Pen's National Rally Party, which gained 143 seats in the French parliament by pushing an anti-immigration agenda. Consequently, with significant seats in the French parliament, President Emmanuel Macron must form a coalition government after the ongoing Olympics in Paris.

These events underscore a growing global intolerance towards foreign nationals and frustration with leaders' policies on socioeconomic issues and immigration across the world.
Ultimately, citizens are expressing their dissatisfaction through protests and at the ballot box, as seen in the recent violence in the UK and France, following elections that enabled far-right gains. This expression of discontent is a hallmark of democracy, which guarantees freedom of speech, so protests against government in Nigeria is not an exception. But forceful regime change which has been established as the sinister motive of some of the protesters in Nigeria is condemnable and thankfully and commendably ,Nigerian security agencies gathered enough intelligence to figure it out and nipped it in the bud.

Another significant moment for me is Nobel laureate Professor Wole Soyinka's condemnation of the Nigerian police's brutal response to protests, resulting in numerous deaths, a figure disputed between 13 by some accounts and 7 by the Nigerian police. Unimpressed with the police conduct, Prof. Soyinka stated:

“Live bullets as a state response to civic protest – that becomes the core issue. Even tear gas remains questionable in most circumstances, certainly an abuse in situations of clearly peaceful protest.

“Hunger marches constitute a universal S.O.S., not peculiar to the Nigerian nation. They belong indeed in a class of their own, never mind the collateral claims emblazoned on posters.

“They serve as summons to governance that a breaking point has been reached and thus, a testing ground for governance awareness of public desperation.

“The tragic response to the ongoing hunger marches in parts of the nation, and for which notice was served, constitutes a retrogression that takes the nation even further back than the deadly culmination of the watershed #ENDSARS protests.

“It evokes pre-independence – that is, colonial – acts of disdain, a passage that induced the late stage pioneer Hubert Ogunde’s folk opera BREAD AND BULLETS, earning that nationalist serial persecution and proscription by the colonial government.”

Compared to the British police's reliance on technology and surveillance cameras to manage riots, the Nigerian police's lack of such infrastructure has led to accusations of unprofessional conduct. However, the security agencies argue that their harsh response was due to a hidden agenda among protesters, aiming for regime change through subterfuge, which they were duty-bound to prevent as earlier stated.

In fact, it was rather disconcerting and surprising that the suspicion of a regime change became evident when protesters were seen waving Russian flags. This act confirmed intelligence reports, leading the Inspector General of Police, IGP Kayode Egbetokun, to announce that the military was on standby in case the police were overwhelmed. This position was echoed by the Chief of Defense Staff, Army General Chris Musa, in a subsequent press conference.

Considering Russia's involvement in neighboring Niger Republic, Mali, and Burkina-Faso where regime changes supported by the Wagner Group—a Russian-backed mercenary organization—have replaced French colonial influence, the concerns of Nigerian security agencies about potential plans to forcefully remove the Nigerian president were valid and commendable.

Hence, possibly as a preemptive measure, military force was used in some cases to repel suspected regime change agents who had infiltrated genuine protesters. This might have unfortunately resulted in the tragic deaths of Nigerians, estimated by Amnesty International to be up to 13, though the Nigerian police as earlier stated claim the number is 7. Although the death of even one Nigerian arising from engaging in street protests is unacceptable, the conduct of the Nigerian police, especially the commissioners in Edo, Rivers, and Lagos states, is commendable as they worked hard to gain the trust and confidence of the protesters, making the protests in these locations less destructive.

Another key point for me is the CNN documentary titled "1968: The Year That Changed America," which highlighted significant events in the US, including the civil rights movement and riots in Washington, DC, revealing the brutality of security agencies at that time. The documentary struck me with the similarity to how present-day Nigerian police had treated protesters, particularly during the #EndSARS riots in 2020, though having learned their lessons they have been less harsh in the current protests. The takeaway from the documentary is that Nigeria's current practice of democracy is reminiscent of the US in 1968, over half a century ago.

Finally, as the dust from the imbroglio or temporary madness that engulfed our country resulting in an orgy of bloodletting settle, it is hoped that both the administration and the masses have learned lessons from the catastrophic fallouts.
Hopefully, going forward, Nigeria and Nigerians will not be prosecuting just a war on corruption which it has been doing without significant success even before Nigeria secured her independence in 1960 from British colonialists, as one has cataloged in this piece, but also a more serious war against poverty which is the enemy of the multiple ethnic groups/ nationalities that make up this great nation and who speak over 250 tongues and have risen in unison to declare collectively that they are hungry . As a stanza in our national anthem enjoins us "...though tribe and tongue may differ in brotherhood we stand". We should all do well to imbibe the wording in the national anthem which are critical ethos that we should operatoonalize as good citizens of our great nation, Nigeria.
In light of the foregoing, our subsidiary fights should be against religious bigotry and zealotry as well as against ethnic jingoism which crept into the agenda of the protesters in the nasty incident in certain parts of our country, particularly in Lagos state.
Commendably Lagos state governor Babajide Sanwo- Olu distanced the state government from the xenophobic outburst by the leftists just as the President Tinubu has done in his broadcast demonstrating that there is zero tolerance for hate in our county.
As Nigerians, we must all rise up against politics of excluding any members of any particular ethnic sections of our country from living in any part or being in the leadership of our country.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
To continue this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng

Many Nigerians and non-Nigerians alike have repeatedly asked me if the Supreme Court was not wrong in its interpretation of section 162(3), (4), (5) and (6) of the 1999 Constitution and what happens to the allegedly wrong judgement. They want to know if the judgment is superior to the said "clear" provisions of the Constitution and if it is ENFORCEABLE or capable of being enforced. They also want to know how, in the event that I say it is enforceable. My simple answers to both questions are yes, yes and yes. Let's take them one after the other.

1. THE JUDGMENT OF THE SUPREME COURT IS SUPERIOR TO THE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION.

A law is only what the courts interpret it to be, not what it says on bare paper. That was why Oliver Wendell Holmes Jnr, a very influential civil rights Jurist, Brevet Colonel during the American Civil War and longest serving Justice of the US Supreme Court (1902-1932), who retired from the US Supreme Court at 90, once famously declared that, “the prophesies of what the courts will do in fact, and nothing more pretentious, are what I mean by the law”. In other words, the law (whether constitutional, substantive, statutory, or adjectival) remains what it is-inanimate and dead on paper-until the life and the oxygen of interpretation are breathed into it by a court of law. Consequently, it is thus the interpretation which was given by the Supreme Court to the entire section 162 of the Constitution on the sharing procedure between the Federal government, states and the LGCs, and not the bare provisions of the Constitution that prevails.

IS THE JUDGMENT ENFORCEABLE?
The answer is also in the affirmative. Section 287(1) of the 1999 Constitution comes to our rescue by providing that “the decisions of the Supreme Court shall be enforced by in any part of the Federation by all authorities and persons, and by courts of subordinate jurisdiction to that of the Supreme Court”. Even if the Supreme Court was wrong in its interpretation of section 162 dealing with the State Joint Local Government Account, the judgement remains binding on all and for all times. It is only an amendment of the Constitution under section 9 thereof that can override the decision. No person or authority can decide, whimsically and arbitrarily to disobey the judgement, or pick and choose what portions of the judgment to obey or which to discard. In Rt Hon Michael Balonwu & Ors V Governor of Anambra State& Ors (2007) 5 NWLR ( Pt 1028) 488, the intermediate court held that "an order of court whether valid or not must be obeyed until it is set aside. An order of court must be obeyed as long as it is subsisting by all no matter how lowly or lightly placed in the society. This is what the rule of law is all about, hence the courts have always stressed the need for obedience to court orders". It therefore does not matter that the judgment is downright stupid, illogical, or not well researched; or that parties affected do not like it. That is what the rule of law dictates  and is all about. See AG Anambra v AG FRN (2008) LPELR-13(SC); Abeke v Odunsi & Anor (2013) LPELR-20640( SC); Ngere v Okuruket & Ors ( 2014) LPELR-22883 ( SC).
Right or wrong therefore, court judgements must be obeyed until set aside by a higher court, or a challenged section is amended by the Legislature. Since no court is higher than the Supreme Court of Nigeria, only an amendment to the Constitution by the NASS under section 9 can override the judgment: Obineche & ORS v. Akusobi & ORS (2010) LPELR-2178 (SC); Anchorage Leisures LTD & Ors V. Ecobank (NIG) LTD (2023) LPELR-59978 (SC) . That was why the same Supreme Court, acutely aware that it is susceptible to mistakes and errors being constituted by mere mortals and not almighty God or angels, once famously declared through late venerable Socrates of the Nigerian Bench, Honourable Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, in the causa celebre of Adegoke Motors Ltd v Adesanya (1989) NWLR ( Pt 109) 250, that “the Supreme Court is final not because it is infallible, it is infallible because it is final”.

2. ON HOW THE SUPREME COURT JUDGMENT IS IMPLEMENTABLE
The answer is equally simple. The FG, states and LGCs should now meet ( and I am toll they have been meeting) at FAAC and decide on modalities and procedures of opening up accounts for LGCs so that their allocation under section 162 is paid directly to them and not to the joint state LG account that is oftentimes waylaid by state Governors and fleeced without the helpless and hamstrung LGCs being able to raise a finger. This is not rocket science. That refusal by state governors to remit to the LGCs was the ugly mischief the apex court judgment sought to cure; and it did so perfectly, loud and clear, in my own humble opinion. Inter alia, the apex court had declared emphatically that, “by virtue of section 162(3) and (5) of the Constitution of Nigeria, 1999, the amount standing to the credit of LGCs in the Federation Account shall be distributed to them and be paid directly to them”; that “a state, either by itself or Governor or other agencies, has no power to keep, control, manage, or disburse in any manner, allocations from the Federation Account to LGCs”. The apex court also granted injunctive orders restraining "Governors and their agents, officials or privies from tampering with funds meant for the LGCs in the Federation Account" ; and further ordered “immediate compliance by the states, through their appointed officials and public officers with the terms of the judgment and orders”. The apex court further ordered the “Federation or Federal Government of Nigeria through its relevant officials, to forthwith commence the direct payment to each LGC of the amount standing to the credit of each of them in the Federation Account”. The content, terms and directives contained in this judgement, are in my humble opinion, very straight forward, unambiguous and are as clear and clean as a whistle. All parties concerned, - FG, states and LGCs- must therefore obey and enforce this judgement IMMEDIATELY. There is no option. I had earlier made public this same opinion of mine. I had written and stated on several TV stations that in my humble understanding of the principles of interpretation, the Supreme Court was right in the interpretation it gave to section 162 of the Constitution, so as to prevent continuation of years of wanton abuse of the provisions of section 162 by state governors.(See “LG Autonomy: Supreme Court's verdict timely, regenerative-Ozekhome", www.vanguard.com., 11, July, 2024 ). I still stand very firmly by this my earlier opinion. God bless Nigeria as we collectively seek true fiscal federalism and not the present unitary system of government that we are currently operating under the thin guise of federalism.

Almost everyone thinks they know what is wrong with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his government, except Tinubu himself. And to show that it’s not just bellyaching, there are plenty of examples to beat the president over the head.

Headline inflation has risen from 22.2 percent in April 2023 to 33.7 one year after – and is still growing – while attempts by the government to tame it have been largely ineffective. Food inflation has nearly doubled. The naira has been devalued by almost 70 percent in one year, and poverty levels, even among the once-comfortable urban population, have risen dramatically. Hardship has never been starker.

But that’s not all. Where Tinubu promised leaner government parastatals, they have increased. The talk about cutting the cost of governance is being crushed under the wheels of longer executive convoys and a parliament out of touch.

Events around the continent, especially in West Africa, where Nigeria is supposed to be a powerhouse, offer little comfort. On Tinubu’s watch, and some might even add, because of his mishandling, three countries – Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso – have pulled out of ECOWAS and formed a band of rebellious Sahelian states.

And on the continental stage, Nigeria has dropped from Africa’s largest economy to number four, a blow that a country with an oversized ego can still not reconcile with.

Crucify him

If one called for nails to crucify Tinubu, volunteers would supply more than enough to cover every inch of his body, with bags of it to spare. You will be reminded that this was self-inflicted misery when he removed the petrol subsidy on day one and attempted to merge the exchange rate without a clear plan.

That’s just as well. I can’t wrap my head around some of the events that happened in the last year. And I can’t remember how often I have asked if this is the same Tinubu I’ve known since 1998. Well, it’s the same Tinubu, more or less. It’s the same Tinubu, seasoned and buffeted almost equally from age and circumstance in a country that has also changed by far greater measure in the last nearly three decades!

Tinubu asked for the job, so there can’t be excuses for why the country is in such misery. It’s, however, fair to say, almost at the risk of attack, that those who judge Tinubu harshly underestimate the determined, active efforts of interest groups – both from within and outside his government – to ensure that he fails, despite his best efforts.

The heart of the matter

His government’s two most consequential decisions – announcing the removal of petrol subsidy and attempting to create a more transparent exchange rate system – touched a raw nerve. The biggest beneficiaries, primarily wealthy, powerful and deadly people across the country, but particularly in the North, are determined to fight his government to a standstill.

The pattern of last week’s #EndBadGovernance protests showed where poverty was starkest. But it also showed the locus of misdirected anger and resistance to change. The anger was against Tinubu’s policies.

But much more than that, it implicated sections of the Northern elite who have, over the years, underdeveloped and impoverished the region, primarily by playing the ethnic and religious card and refusing to be held to account. This same elite was on a roll last week, issuing Russian flags to protesters and pontificating how Tinubu had lost his way.

North’s misery

Things didn’t become suddenly hard for the North under Tinubu. As Kingsley Moghalu said four years ago, when Nigeria displaced India as the world’s poverty capital under the government of President Muhammadu Buhari, the North, regrettably, also became the poverty capital of the poverty capital, with the incidence of poverty up to 80 percent in the North-west.

Decades of the elite prioritising politics and a sense of entitlement over production and accountability have radicalised millions of young people without hope or a future. Their anger should have been directed at the elite responsible for the mess.

Unfortunately, the same elite stoked the discontent, capitalised on it and managed to frame it as evidence of Tinubu’s unfitness for office. And people who used soldiers to crush swathes of the civil population when they were in power are now teaching us lessons on civil management of public protests. The truth is more nuanced. 

The handling of the protests in several states was incompetent, disgraceful and indefensible. Nothing justifies using live rounds against primarily unarmed people expressing their right to dissent. It’s a disgrace that live rounds were used to disperse mostly unarmed crowds, as a result of which about 13 people were killed.

However, the suggestions that people with a sinister agenda sponsored the violence in several Northern states to destabilise Tinubu’s government and divert attention from their complicity in our current mess should not be dismissed out of hand.

Elite wars

It only takes a cursory look at the sections of the elite worst hit by the removal of the subsidy and the attempts to streamline the forex market chaos to understand why they won’t give up without a dirty fight, whatever the cost. Those who think it’s in their power to determine who rules and how long took advantage of the protests to fire warning shots about what they’re determined to do, if not sooner, then by the next election.

Kenya, the UK, and, later, Bangladesh have been touted as models for managing dissent and examples of what may happen if a government fails to listen to the people. While economic hardship is the common thread, those who cite these examples in Nigeria ignore the sinister role of interest groups that fear a prolonged loss of political power.

Insects within

Yet, suggesting that outsiders caused all of Tinubu’s woes would be foolish. Amid the chaos of last week, there were members of his cabinet who were more than delighted that the pressure might finally compel the president to review his government’s “tight-fistedness”. Under Buhari, the Ministry of Finance released quarterly capital votes to ministries and government departments, and they didn’t have to account for it.

Under Tinubu, however, the Ministry of Finance tightly controls releases. Payments are only made after projects have been verified and certificates of completion issued. It’s not the kind of thing people who are used to easy money would be happy about. Beneficiaries of the previous order will resist this change or stand idly by when the government is under attack.

What team?

The part of the whole business that I find troubling is the quality of Tinubu’s cabinet and inner circle. If it was a joke to please certain interest groups when he came to power last year, it has become an embarrassment. He has paid them what he owes, with interest.

With a few exceptions, his team is neither valuable for the country nor serviceable for a president in an emergency. Where did he find these people? And how long will he keep them as passengers on a train to nowhere, putting at risk his reputation as an excellent talent hunter?

I guess that the #EndBadGovernance protest will not be the last. One can only hope that lessons have been learnt and concrete steps will be taken to implement them for the benefit of citizens. That would be the biggest test of his presidency.

Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

For some inexplicable reason, people like to send me ‘accusatory’ messages about journalists and journalism. Even for things that I know nothing about. It is almost as if they feel I should be held accountable for the entire Nigerian media space. Three days to the commencement of the nationwide ‘End Bad Governance’ protests, I received one such message from a highly respected person in the North who is very political despite not being involved in partisan politics. I just scrolled through without bothering to respond. But following how the protests eventually panned out in a number of northern cities, I had to go back to the message because I remembered a certain word, ‘zanga zanga’—the meaning of which I didn’t even know until the protests started. 

Here was his message: “I don’t know where things stand now regarding the level of mobilisation for this zangazanga. The media have not been providing us with real and periodic assessment of the levels of mobilisation. Nor have they provided us with an analysis of which demographics are for it, and which are against it. As well as to why each demographic holds that view. And they (the media) have not provided us with the foreign dimension to all of this, if any. Some government officials, and pro-government commentators, have alleged foreign involvement. Niger Republic has openly been making inciting remarks, even wishing for a regime change. So, I think the media, generally, have not provided an assessment of the buildup, as it were, to the 1st August commencement of the zangazanga, as proposed. But maybe I just didn’t notice it.”

The Nigeria-Niger border is 1,608 kilometres long and traverses seven states: Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, Jigawa, Yobe, Katsina and Borno. Since local social media influencers are being contracted to spread pro-Russia propaganda in Africa, I will not be surprised if they also have their foot soldiers in Nigeria. “I manage the cyberwar, the media war… and (the late Wagner leader, Yevgeny) Prigozhin conducts military activities,” Luc Michel, who heads the Russian propaganda machine told the BBC two years ago. “I think that Russia must replace the French in all of Africa.” Nigeria, of course, is not a former French colony but we are too close to one for comfort.

On Tuesday, Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna alluded to that while lamenting the level of carnage in his state. “When you see, particularly children within the ages of nine, 10 and 14 now raising the flag of another country, you will agree with me that it’s well designed, sponsored by some elements who are calling for anarchy in their own country,” Sani said. “They took advantage by using the psychology of those children, knowing fully that here in Northern Nigeria, our people are close to our neighbouring countries, such as Niger Republic, making them to believe that what happened in Niger Republic can happen in Nigeria; what happened in Burkina Faso can happen in Nigeria and what happened in Mali can happen in Nigeria.”

In my column last week, I identified six categories to which Nigerians belong regarding the protests. In one of those groups are street urchins, the opportunistic criminals who wait in the hope of a confusion that would allow them to loot and maim. We saw them on full display in Kano, Kaduna and other cities across the country. Of course, I also mentioned those currently in power, especially in Abuja (and beneficiaries) who view the idea of a protest of any kind as ‘treasonable’. Yet, whatever may be our misgivings about street protests or reckless calls for a military coup, a system where public officials feel they should not be held accountable by citizens cannot for long endure. That is what we just witnessed in Bangladesh.

I am delighted that the protests have ended. I also believe the security agencies should fish out all the people involved in violence and looting. Since most of these criminal activities were filmed, perpetrators should not be difficult to fish out. If there are politicians behind the call for military takeover of government, they also should be made to answer for that. But the government must not misread public mood. There is real hunger in Nigeria. And there is also anger about misgovernance. 

Today, many people are saying the same about the government Tinubu heads, and it is difficult to fault them. At a time when most Nigerians cannot afford decent meals and millions go to bed on empty stomachs, it rankles that public officials continue to expend scarce resources to service ostentatious lifestyles. Buying expensive vehicles for lawmakers, and a yacht for the president while most governors live like emperors is part of the reason for the anger on the streets. Therefore, to the chief lawbreakers who taunt the people with their irresponsible ‘eating’ habits, I leave them with a story from the master of the craft, the late Professor Chinua Achebe. In a 1989 interview, which has since been published into a book, Achebe told a story which he would, by his own admission, use “again and again because I think it is a marvellous little story.” I have also recounted Achebe’s narration of it before on this page because it addresses leaders at all levels of society who conspire to hold down the people simply to preserve their own personal privilege. 

I consider it most fitting for a season such as this in Nigeria. And here goes Achebe: “The snake was riding his horse, coiled up in his saddle. That’s the way the snake rode his horse. And he came down the road and met the toad walking by the roadside. And the toad said to him, ‘Excuse me, Sir, but that’s not how to ride a horse.’ And the snake said, ‘No? Can you show me then?’ And the toad said, ‘Yes, if you would step down, Sir.’ So, the snake came down. The toad jumped into the saddle and sat bolt upright and galloped most elegantly up and down the road. When he came back, he said, ‘That’s how to ride a horse.’ And the snake said, ‘Excellent. Very good. Thank you. Come down, if you don’t mind.’ So, the toad came down, and the snake went up and coiled himself in the saddle as he was used to doing and then said to the toad, ‘It is very good to know, but it is even better to have. What good does excellent horsemanship do to a man without a horse?’ And with that he rode away…”

Achebe provided perspective to the story: “The snake in this story is an aristocrat, and the toad a commoner. The statement, even the rebuke, which the snake issues is, in fact, saying: ‘Keep where you belong. You see, people like me are entitled to horses, and we don’t have to know how to ride. There’s no point in being an expert. That’s not going to help you.’ If you think deeply about this story, it’s a two-edged sword. To put this other edge to it, which is not noticed at first… this other side is that the snake is incompetent, the snake is complacent, the snake is even unattractive. It’s all there in the story, and the time will come in this political system when all this will be questioned. Why is it that a snake is entitled to a horse? Why is it that the man who knows how to ride does not have a horse to ride? This questioning will come in a revolutionary time, and when it comes you don’t need another story. It is the same story that will stand ready to be used; and this to me is the excellence of the griot in creating laughter and hiding what you might call the glint of steel. In the voluminous folds of this laughter, you can catch the hint of a concealed weapon which will be used when the time comes…”

As we have seen from the experiences of other countries, real revolutions don’t come with timetables. They are most often spontaneous and sometimes ignited by seemingly innocuous occurrences. Given the ethno-religious divisions within our society, the prospect of such an upheaval should frighten us. That is why those who are “eating” today should not mock the millions of Nigerians who are going to bed hungry.

Beyond Covid-19 Pandemic Tales

When the Covid-19 pandemic broke early in 2020, the attention of the world was on Africa. Given the state of healthcare delivery on the continent, there were fears we would be falling in the streets and dying. In Nigeria, the apprehension was palpable. But, as it so happens whenever we manage to put the right people in the right places, the Nigeria Disease Control (NCDC) collaborated with other critical stakeholders to manage the health crisis in a manner that even developed countries could not. Part of that story is contained in ‘An Imperfect Storm: A pandemic and the coming of age of a Nigerian institution’, jointly written by the former NCDC Director General, Dr Chikwe Ihekweazu and his wife, Vivianne.

Having had the privilege of reading the book that is being publicly presented today in Abuja, I must commend Chikwe who is lucky to be married to a wife who also operates within the health sector as Managing Director of Nigeria Health Watch, a not-for-profit health communication and advocacy group. As the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Director General, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala wrote in her blurb, the book is more than a memoir of a public servant, it is a “fascinating journey through facets” that include the love story of the Ihekweazus and the early life of Chikwe who was born in Hamburg to a German mother and a Nigerian father.

Indeed, the World Health Organisation (WHO) Director General, Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus could not have been more apt when he described Chikwe’s narrative as “a true testament to collaborative efforts, leadership and the unwavering spirit that influenced an entire nation facing a global crisis.” Former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, ANAP Foundation Chairman, Mr Atedo Peterside and my aburo, Dr Ike Anya also provide insights about the book. In his foreword, a former Director General of the African Centre for Disease Control and Prevention, Dr John Nkengasong, said the book “sheds light on the intricate decisions, the weight of leaderships, and the importance of investing in public health infrastructure—offering invaluable insights and lessons for navigating crises in any corner of the world.”

I wholeheartedly concur as I commend Chikwe and Vivianne Ihekweazu for writing the book that provides insights into a never-to-be-forgotten period in the history of humanity.

2024 Teens Conference

The online registration portal for the 2024 edition of the teens career conference of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, The Everlasting Arms Parish (TEAP) will be closed by this weekend. Scheduled for next week Saturday, 17th August with the theme, ‘The Power of Music’, it will be streamed live. The main speaker this year is the former Cross River State Governor, Mr Donald Duke. He will be joined by Mr Darey Art Alade, Mrs Bukola Bekes and teen saxophonist, Damilola Adepegba. As in previous editions, it is going to be a day of fun, music, networking and impactful sessions. While attendance is completely free of charge (including food and drinks), intending participants must register online by visiting www.rccgteapteens.ng. But only a few slots remain.