The Katsina State Police Command has initiated a manhunt to apprehend the killers of a member of the Nigerian Hunters Association, Aliyu Yahaya, who was murdered in the Jibia local government area of the state.

The Command’s Public Relations Officer, ASP Abubakar Sadiq, confirmed the ongoing investigation to the PUNCH on Wednesday morning, stating, “Efforts are ongoing to arrest the perpetrators as the investigation proceeds.”

On August 13, suspected terrorists attacked Yahaya’s residence in Magamar-Jibia, within the Mazanya district of Jibia LGA. They shot him, set his body ablaze and abducted his wife, son and three neighbours.

A family member, Salisu Yahaya, recounted the harrowing incident, saying, “Around 2:00 a.m. on August 13, 2024, armed terrorists scaled the wall of Aliyu’s home, shot him dead, and set his body ablaze inside his room. Despite being fatally wounded, he tried to protect his family from being kidnapped, but the assailants overpowered him and whisked away his family.” 

A colleague of the deceased, Basiru Muhammad, expressed deep sorrow over the loss, describing Yahaya as a patriotic young man who died while serving his community.

Muhammad also called for urgent security measures to prevent such tragedies in the area and across the state.

A neighbour, Amadu Bello, whose two wives and mother-in-law were also abducted, pleaded with authorities to prioritise the rescue of his family members.

“I urge the government to take immediate action to safeguard residents from terrorist activities. The lack of adequate security personnel has contributed to the frequency of such attacks in our communities,” he lamented.

Adding his voice, a traditional titleholder in the area, Aminu Dan Mugyanbo, stressed the importance of decisive action from the state governor, Dikko Radda, to address the security challenges plaguing Magamar-Jibia and other parts of the Jibia Local Government Area.

“As we grapple with the devastating impact of this and many other attacks on our community, we will continue to support the efforts of local vigilante groups in protecting lives,” he stated.

[Punch]

Karl Marx once told us that history repeats itself, first as a tragedy and second as a farce. George Santanya put it differently. ‘’Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it’’. Does history repeat itself in Nigeria? Let’s examine recent developments. General Ibrahim Babangida came to power in August 1985 and in 1986, he launched an ambitious economic policy known as Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). The core thrust of SAP was to diversify the economy away from hydrocarbon; create an industrial base that relies on domestic raw materials; deregulate the economy and liberalize the foreign exchange market. Privatization and commercialization were also integral its integral component.

At the first auction of the dollar at the newly introduced foreign exchange market (FEM) late 1986, the Naira plummeted from 0.8 Naira to the dollar to N4.0 to the dollar. It was the first official devaluation of the Nigerian currency since it was introduced and adopted as our legal tender on January 1, 1973. The steady depreciation of the Naira against the dollar and other major international currencies under SAP brought considerable hardships to businesses and the people, just as we have today. Raw materials and manufacturing inputs became too expensive to import, leading to factory closures; massive layoffs and departures of foreign-owned companies. Notable foreign businesses like Pfizer; Hoechst AG and the Dutch electronics giant, Philips left the country, similar to what’s going on now.

Nigerians were groaning as SAP bit harder and harder and there were complaints and grumblings all over the country, just as today, as local businesses were closing in droves. Meanwhile, the military top brass in government continuously asked people to bear with the government, make sacrifices and tighten their belts, but at the same time, they were wallowing in comfort and luxury. In 1989, violent riots broke out spontaneously in Lagos, Ibadan and some parts of the country.

Tagged ‘’SAP riots’’, the protests spread rapidly, but there were no known organizers or leaders. There was no social media then; but words moved around quickly through the whisper network.

Suddenly, a huge rumour emerged that Ebony magazine, the American celebrity magazine, had published an interview with Dr. Tai Solarin in which the social critic and human rights crusader had reportedly divulged that huge amount of dollars had been found in General Babangida’s foreign account. Nigerians rushed and bought off copies of the magazines, but it turned out that there was no such interview in it.

The military government went into an overdrive, trying to manage the crisis. The government reached out to the editors of the publication in Illinois, Chicago, and convinced them to issue a disclaimer. The magazine obliged, stating categorically that no such interview was carried. But the damage has been done. Mind you, Ebony has before then been enjoying generous advertising support from the government. Founded in November, 1945, Ebony focuses on chronicling and promoting the life and contributions of African Americans in the US. It used to be very popular in Nigeria, together with Time and Newsweek. It is an incredible turn of events that these magazines are no longer circulating in Nigeria due to the foreign exchange crisis which started with SAP.

The Babangida regime was rattled by SAP riots, just as the Tinubu administration was unsettled by the recent protests tagged ‘’End Bad Governance Protests’’. The following year (1990), there was a bloody military coup attempt to decapitate the IBB junta, hastening the movement of the nation’s capital to Abuja in 1991. Now, what are the striking similarities between the two epochs and what historical lessons can we draw?

First: The technocrats in the SAP era persistently assured us that the programme was the only panacea Nigeria had. ‘’There is no alternative to SAP’’ was the common refrain. IBB’s first Finance Minister, Dr. Idika Kalu Idika, who was later succeeded by Dr. SP Chu Okongwu, was an ardent SAP advocate. Both were Ivy League-trained economists and IMF and World Bank-honed technocrats. They preached and believed in the wonders of neoliberal economic theories. Complementing their efforts was Chief Olu Falae, who was the Secretary to the Military Government. A Yale alumnus, he was also an unrepentant SAP apostle. Together, they sold SAP to Nigerians like proselytizing clergies, telling us that SAP would work. They asked Nigerians to continue to make sacrifices, bore the pains and tightened their belts. Today, the two main technocrats in the Tinubu administration, Wale Edun and Yemi Cardoso as well as other professionals are busy assuring us that the Renewed Hope hardships would soon fade away, to give way to an era of economic boom. I don’t know if anybody believes them, but selling hope is always the easiest part of governance in this country, and more often than not, the technocrats are the major salesmen.

Second: Just as IBB, the Tinubu administration is bent on pushing through his agenda, no matter the agonies. The withdrawal of fuel subsidy and the massive depreciation of the Naira by last year have wrought the severest economic crisis this country have ever seen. In his eight-year rule, IBB withdrew fuel subsidy three times, (there were calls for ‘’SAP to have a human face’’), but the hunger, desperation and despondency in the population were not this brutal. Or is my memory failing me?

Third: This is not the first time there’ve been exodus of foreign firms from the country due to economic meltdown. By the very nature of their operations, these foreign businesses rely solely on imported raw materials, imported packages and imported inputs - without the slightest effort at backward integration – to conduct their businesses in Nigeria. To that extent, they are prone to serious exchange rate risks that crystallize whenever there are some external shocks in the economy. They are not here to stay because they are fair weather friends (assuming you can even call them friends). It’s therefore not a surprise that they’re taking off again. I’m rather surprised that Nigerian investors are not moving quickly to take their places.

Four: As SAP bit harder and harder, IBB was spending heavily and lavishly to maintain his stay in office. But in those days, the official vehicle of the Head of State was Peugeot 504 salon car! I don’t know what they drive these days, but with recent acquisitions, President Tinubu is indulging in the most lavish lifestyle unseen since 1999. New presidential aircraft; new presidential limousines; new residence for the Vice President, frequent foreign medical trips, etc; and the citizens are told to keep sacrificing!

Looking back, historians believe that SAP would have succeeded but for the pervasive corruption of that era. What will they write about Renewed Hope?

The leadership of the Nigerian Labour Congress has threatened to down tools nationwide in the event that the Nigeria Police detains its President, Comrade Joe Ajaero.

The union handed down the threat on Tuesday morning at its headquarters, shortly after holding an emergency National Executive Council meeting to discuss the invitation of the NLC President by the police over allegations of terrorism financing.

The NEC resolved that Ajaero should honor the police invitation but noted that their legal adviser should seek more time for the NLC President to appear before the police authorities.

Comrade Ado Kabiru Sani, the Deputy President of the NLC, enjoined the nation’s workforce to remain on standby for further directives should the police act contrary to their expectation of detaining Ajaero.

His words: “As a committed labor center, we will honor the invitation of the police because we are not a faceless organization, but we are working with our lawyer for an extension of time.

“In the event that the President is arrested, all workers will down tools immediately. We should wait for further directives from our leadership.”

[DailyPost]

In a tragic turn of events, Rt. Hon, Harford Oseke, the former Deputy Speaker of the Anambra State House of Assembly, has passed away.

The incident occurred on Monday when Oseke, who was engaged in his regular exercise routine at the Alex Ekwueme Square in Awka, the state capital, suddenly collapsed and died.

Efforts to revive him proved futile, and he was pronounced dead shortly after the incident. His body has since been taken to Apex Medical Centre in Awka.

Born in August 1960, Oseke hailed from Umuawulu in the Awka South local government area of the State. He was a learned scholar, having studied law and recently completing a Ph.D. in Public Administration. Beyond his academic accomplishments, he was a prominent figure in the freight forwarding industry in Port Harcourt and was actively involved in the importation of fishing feeds into Nigeria.

Oseke’s political career was closely tied to the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). During Peter Obi’s tenure, he contested for a seat in the Anambra State House of Assembly, where he later served as the Majority Leader before ascending to the position of Deputy Speaker.

Despite his attempts to expand his political influence, including a bid to represent Awka North and South federal constituency in the House of Representatives, Oseke was defeated by the late Rt. Hon Anayo Nnebe.

Rt. Hon Harford Oseke was not only a dedicated public servant but also a devout Christian, recognised as a Knight of St. Christopher. He is survived by his wife and children.

[Leadership]

The Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, President, Joe Ajaero, has fixed a date to honour the invitation from the Nigeria Police Force.

Ajaero fixed Wednesday, August 29 to honour the invitation.

He communicated the date to the Inspector General of Police via a letter from his lawyers, Falana and Falana Chambers.

The NLC President was summoned by the Police over alleged criminal conspiracy, terrorism financing, treasonable felony, subversion and cybercrime.

Ajaero, in the letter by his lawyers, also demanded details of the allegations levelled against him by the Police.

Parts of the letter signed by Samuel Ogala, read: “Therefore, Ajaero is prepared for your interview on Wednesday, August 29, 2024.

“Furthermore, in accordance with the provisions of Section 36 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as altered, Ajaero requests for the details and nature of the allegations of criminal conspiracy, terrorism financing, treasonable felony, subversion and cybercrime levelled against him.

“While awaiting your response to this letter, please accept the assurance of our highest esteem.”

[DailyPost]

The Lagos State Taskforce has launched a major operation along the Mile 2 Oke section of the Oshodi-Apapa Expressway, leading to the seizure of over 2,000 litres of petroleum products.

The operation is part of a broader effort to tackle environmental and security issues in the area.

The chairman of the Lagos State Taskforce, CSP Adetayo Akerele, spearheaded the raid under the directive of the state government and Lagos Commissioner of Police, CP Adegoke Fayoade.

The initiative aligns with the THEMES PLUS agenda, which prioritizes the preservation of the environment and the protection of lives and property across the state.

The Mile 2 Oke area has recently become notorious for severe traffic congestion, fueled by the proliferation of illegal roadside vendors and shanties.

The activities have not only disrupted traffic flow but have also contributed to an alarming increase in traffic-related robberies and other criminal activities, endangering both motorists and commuters.

CSP Akerele highlighted the particularly dangerous practice of illegal petroleum sales along the roadside, which poses significant fire hazards.

“Among the most pressing issues addressed was the illegal sale of petrol and diesel by the roadside, where over 2,000 litres of petroleum products were seized. This is a highly dangerous practice that poses a significant risk of fire hazards and explosions. We will ensure that such activities that endanger the lives of these illegal merchants and other road users are brought to a complete halt,” he stated.

The Taskforce dismantled several illegal structures and cleared the area of vendors as part of the operation.

Four suspects were arrested, and numerous items were confiscated during the raid.

The Chairman assured that the arrested individuals would be charged to court, and the confiscated items would be forfeited to the state government through legal processes.

CSP Akerele reaffirmed the Taskforce’s commitment to maintaining safety and order across Lagos State.

“We will continue to monitor the area to prevent the resurgence of illegal activities and to ensure that the roads remain clear for safe and smooth transportation,” he added.

[TheNation]

A Nigerian man, identified as Yomi Olayeye has been arrested and charged with conspiracy, wire fraud, and identity theft for his alleged role in a $10 million pandemic unemployment assistance fraud scheme in the United States.

The United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Massachusetts under the Department of Justice revealed this in a statement posted on its website on Monday.

The statement read, “A Nigerian man was arrested on Aug. 13, 2024 upon arriving at John F. Kennedy International Airport in New York City on charges that he and other conspired to fraudulently obtain at least $10 million in COVID-19 unemployment benefits.

“Yomi Jones Olayeye, a/k/a “Sabbie,” 40, of Lagos, Nigeria, is charged with one count of wire fraud conspiracy, one count of wire fraud, and one count of aggravated identity theft. He made an initial appearance in the Eastern District of New York on Aug. 14, 2024 and will appear in federal court in Boston tomorrow. 

“According to the charging document, between March and July 2020, Olayeye and others defrauded three pandemic assistance programs administrated by the Massachusetts Department of Unemployment Assistance and other states’ unemployment insurance agencies: traditional unemployment insurance (UI), Pandemic Unemployment Assistance (PUA) and Federal Pandemic Unemployment Compensation (FPUC).”

Olayeye and his co-conspirators were alleged to have used stolen personal information to apply for unemployment benefits in multiple states, including Massachusetts, Hawaii, and Indiana.

The statement added, “In total, Olayeye and his co-conspirators allegedly applied for at least $10 million in fraudulent UI, PUA and FPUC from Massachusetts, Hawaii, Indiana, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Montana, Maine, Ohio and Washington and received more than $1.5 million in assistance to which they were not entitled.

“Specifically, Olayeye and his co-conspirators allegedly used personally identifiable information (PII) they purchased over criminal internet forums to apply for UI, PUA and FPUC – falsely representing themselves to be eligible state residents affected by the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Olayeye and his co-conspirators allegedly used the same fraudulently obtained PII to open U.S. bank and prepaid debit card accounts to receive the assistance payments. It is also alleged that Olayeye and his co-conspirators recruited U.S.-based account holders to receive and transfer the fraud proceeds via cash transfer applications.”

They were also alleged to have used the benefits to purchase Bitcoin and concealed their connection to Nigeria by using US-based IP addresses.

“Olayeye and his co-conspirators then allegedly used the fraudulent proceeds to purchase Bitcoin via online marketplaces.

“It is further alleged that Olayeye and his co-conspirators concealed the conspiracy’s connection to Nigeria by leasing Internet Protocol addresses assigned to computers located in the United States for use in the fraudulent transactions,” the statement read.

The United States Department of Justice further explained that if convicted, Olayeye faces up to 20 years in prison, three years of supervised release, a fine of $250,000 or twice the gross gain or loss, forfeiture, and restitution.

The statement added,”The charges of wire fraud and wire fraud conspiracy provide for a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, three years of supervised release, a fine of $250,000 or twice the gross gain or loss, fforfeiture,and restitution.

“The charge of aggravated identity theft calls for a mandatory minimum sentence of two years in prison to be added to any sentence imposed on the wire fraud charge.

“Sentences are imposed by a federal district court judge based upon the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and statutes which govern the determination of a sentence in a criminal case.”

The Attorney General was reported to have established the COVID-19 Fraud Enforcement Task Force on May 17, 2021 to marshal the resources of the Department of Justice in partnership with agencies across the government to enhance efforts to combat and prevent pandemic-related fraud

[Punch]

THE #EndBadGovernance protest, which started on August 1, 2024 and formally ended on August 20, 2024 has continued to raise discussions across the country and beyond, especially within civil society groups. More than 1,400 people who took part in the protest have reportedly been arrested and detained by security agencies with indications that the government is still trying to hunt-down suspected sponsors of the protest.

One of the important lessons from the protest is that the storm clouds seem to be really gathering towards a totalitarian state – a system characterised by a strong central rule that attempts to control and direct all aspects of individual life through coercion and repression. 

In political science, totalitarianism is the extreme form of authoritarianism, wherein all power is held by a dictatorial nanny state that promotes group-think through blackmail and propaganda. Group-think, according to the American social psychologist Irving Janis who coined the term, is “the mode of thinking that persons engage in when concurrence-seeking becomes so dominant in a cohesive in-group that it tends to override realistic appraisal of alternative courses of action.”  In group-think, loyalty to the group requires individuals to avoid raising controversial or non-conforming issues and ideas or even alternative solutions.

The first lethal blow to liberal democracy by totalitarians is the ‘chilling of speech’.  This refers to a situation where individuals or groups refrain from exercising their constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech (both verbal and symbolic, such as organising peaceful protests) for fear of running afoul of a law or regulation. The ‘chilling of free speech’ is a form of ‘prior restraint’ (a form of censorship that allows the government to review the content of printed materials to decide whether such should be published or not). When free speech is successfully stifled, even an honest opinion could be construed as an incitement by the totalitarian state which then uses it as a pretext to come after purveyors of the speech it does not like. As the American jurist Wendell Holmes famously put it in Gitlow v New York (1925): “Every idea is an incitement… The only difference between the expression of an opinion and an incitement in the narrower sense is the speaker’s enthusiasm for the results”.

Totalitarians come in different guises, usually rationalising their desire to chill free speech by hiding under higher values. A good example is the ‘end of politics’ sycophants in the Tinubu government. This is an overzealous but self-serving group which, in the wake of the Supreme Court affirmation of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the President after the controversial 2023 presidential election, began an aggressive quest to muzzle free speech by those they consider as opposition elements. 

They did so (and still do) using various mantras such as “the time for politicking is over, it is now the time for governance” or “the President should be allowed to concentrate on governance”, the “President should not be distracted”, “those who lost elections should wait until 2027”, etc, etc. 

The irony is that the advocates of “the end of politics” are themselves being political. They are either trying to stifle the voices of opposition or blackmail critics of the government, both of which are needed in a democracy to keep the government on its toes for optimal performance. Ironically, some members of this in-group flaunt their ‘democratic credentials’ by constantly reminding us of their roles in the struggle for the revalidation of MKO Abiola’s mandate.  The truth is that not all who partook in the noble struggle to re-validate MKO Abiola’s mandate were democrats. Some were drawn into the struggle by different motives, including defence of ethnic pride.

Just like the DSS infamously went after people who expressed an honest opinion of supporting an interim government after the 2023 elections and sought to blackmail the public into believing that such expressions of honest opinion amounted to intentions to commit treason, the ‘end of politics’ zealots, (many of who are linked to the government), are going overdrive to criminalise protest. 

I fail to see any crime not just in peaceful protests but also in the ‘sponsorship’ of such protests – which is actually a way of encouraging citizens to become active participants in the political process. And talking of sponsorship, are various state agencies such as the National Orientation Agency and others that provide myriad forms of political enlightenment campaigns not also engaging in ‘sponsorship’ when they devise schemes for citizens to identify more with the government of the day, including funding pro-government or counter protests? The only difference is that while one group is presumably ‘sponsored’ to voice its displeasure with the government (which is constitutionally allowed), another group is ‘sponsored’ to identify with the government of the day. 

Of course supporting citizens to become active participants in the political process through ‘sponsoring’ peaceful protest must be distinguished from sponsoring an insurrection or encouraging violent protest or vandalising   people’s property, which is condemnable. 

In the run-up to the protest, Bayo Onanuga, who had in the aftermath of the 2023 presidential election in Lagos proclaimed himself a Yoruba irredentist and weaponised ethnicity, accused Peter Obi of being the secret sponsor of the #EndBadGovernance protest. Others linked to the government have also variously accused Atiku Abubakar, the North, some senior military officers from the North, the Igbos and foreign interest of being the sponsors of the protest. There was also a threat to start a campaign for Igbo-Must-Go from August 20 2024 to force the Igbos to vacate Lagos and all the states in the South-West (so far no arrest has been made about the sponsors of the genocidal campaign).  

Recently, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, introduced a so-called Counter Subversive Bill 24 (now withdrawn), which proposed harsh penalties for Nigerians who refuse to recite the national anthem, destroy national symbols, or deface places of worship or who organise “an unlawful procession”. I see all these as gangster methods of chilling speech through the spreading of fear across the camps of opposition forces. 

Once free speech is successfully chilled, our current liberal democracy, as imperfect as it is, would be further corrupted into George Orwell’s dystopian account of a totalitarian state in his book, ‘Nineteen-Eighty-Four’. Since the price of freedom is eternal vigilance, it is important that anti-democratic forces, in whatever guises they come, are not allowed to gain an upper hand. 

It is germane to note that the very First Amendment to the American Constitution in 1791 was to protect freedom of speech, the press, assembly, and the right to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. This is because free speech, and the marketplace of ideas which it creates, is the foundational structure of democracy. Without it, democracy dies.

To be concluded

At the beginning of March 2020, Nigeria’s Supreme Court  dismissed an application for the review of its seven-week old decision to judicially install Hope Uzodinma as the Governor of Imo State, citing as its main reason the need to preserve the authority and finality of decisions of the apex court. The court issued what appeared to be a principled defence of the finality of its judgments, declaring somewhat ostentatiously that once it had issued a decision, “it shall remain forever.”

Olukayode Ariwoola, who delivered the judgment of the majority in the review was also a member of the original panel which decided in January 2020 that Mr. Uzodinma had won the election despite being the candidate who came fourth in the tally of votes scored among the contestants on the ballot. Few could recall at the time that Olukayode Ariwoola had previous experience in this kind of improbable judicial alchemy.

Ahead of the 2007 general elections, the then ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) chose Joy Emordi, a lawyer, to fly its flag in the contest to represent Anambra North in the Senate. In the contest for the party ticket, she had defeated Ubanese Alphonsus Igbeke, who had been installed by judicial order after the 2003 elections as the member representing Anambra East/Anambra West in the House of Representatives. After losing the senatorial ticket to Ms. Emordi, Ubanese Igbeke relocated his party loyalty to the All Nigeria Peoples’ Party (ANPP)

Election day was 28 April 2007 and voting occurred took place in the seven LGAs of Anambra North to determine the person to represent the constituency in the Senate. At the end of the contest, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) returned Joy Emordi as the winner. Five of the losing candidates, including Ubanese Igbeke, lodged petitions to challenge the outcome before the Election Petition Tribunal in Awka, the capital of Anambra State.

On 14 June 2008, the tribunal dismissed the petitions and upheld the return of Senator Emordi. Eight months later, on 10 February 2009, a Court of Appeal panel comprising Victor Omage, Ladan Tsamiya, and Olukayode Ariwoola as Justices of Appeal dismissed the appeal by one of the candidates, Jessie Balonwu, against the decision of the first instance tribunal, holding in particular that there were elections in the seven Local Government Areas (LGAs) of the constituency.

This was significant because the crux of the appeal by Ubanese Igbeke in his own appeal was that there were no elections in two of the seven LGAs in the constituency, specifically in Anyamelum and Onitsha South, respectively. At the same time, Igbeke also asked the Court of Appeal to find that Joy Emordi had failed to score the highest number of lawful votes in the election and to, instead declare that he had in fact scored the highest number of lawful votes in the election and return him as the winner.

One year later, on 25 March 2010, the Court of Appeal, this time comprising Amiru Sanusi, Ladan Tsamiya and Olukayode Ariwoola found in favour of Ubanese Igbeke on all issues and returned him as duly elected. To reach this decision, a panel of the Court of Appeal which included two of the three Justices who decided the earlier case, inexplicably changed their position on the pivotal issue of whether balloting in fact occurred in all the LGAs in the constituency but felt no need to explain how or why.

Having found in Igbeke’s favour on that point, the panel incredulously proceeded to award the election to him when the only logical order was a re-run in the LGAs where the court claimed that no balloting in fact occurred. The skills required to produce this outcome defied all laws of judicial calisthenics.

Senator Emordi lost in her effort to appeal against this to the Supreme Court and on 25 May 2010 – with a mere one year to spare out of a four-year parliamentary term – Ubanese Igbeke took the oath as Senator representing Anambra North.

Of the three Justices of Appeal who implausibly sent Ubanese Igbeke to the Senate, Ladan Tsamiya remained on the Court of Appeal where his career ended in ignominy in 2016 on allegations of corruption in another election dispute.

In the month of the fourth anniversary of the senatorial debut of Ubanese Igbeke secured through their judicial machination, Amiru Sanusi proceeded in May 2015 to the Supreme Court from where he retired in February 2020, the month after they installed Hope Uzodinma as Imo State Governor.

The year after Igbeke’s entry into the Senate, in November 2011, Goodluck Jonathan appointed Olukayode Ariwoola as a Justice of the Supreme Court. After more than one decade on the court, in June 2022, Ariwoola emerged as Chief Justice after leading an unprecedented mutiny against his predecessor in which 14 Justices accused then Chief Justice, Tanko Muhammad, of ignoring their wellbeing. He was officially born 22 August, 1954.

The tenure of Olukayode Ariwoola as Chief Justice of Nigeria began “amid ‘all-time low’ judicial trust.” It was not too much to hope that shoring up public trust in the judicial branch should have been a priority in these circumstances. Instead, he seemed to be on a mission to make up for lost opportunities in the material benefits of office. The result was a tenure which denuded public trust in the judiciary rather than rehabilitate it.

As CJN, Olukayode Ariwoola will be well remembered for the alacrity with which he redressed any previous neglect – real or imagined – of the welfare of his own family and his beloved village, Iseyin, in Oyo State. In two years in the position, he made his son a judge of the Federal High Court; his daughter-in-law a judge of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory; his brother auditor of the National Judicial Council  (NJC) chaired by himself as Chief Justice; and another reported member of his family a Justice of the Court of Appeal. It was done with a grubbiness that did not pretend to have any regard for the authority of the CJN or respect for the Judicial Code of Conduct, which explicitly prohibits such manifest nepotism with the warning that a judge “who takes advantage of the judicial office for personal gain or for gain by his or her relative or relation abuses power.”

Fittingly, Olukayode Ariwoola’s tenure as Chief Justice ends in a filigree of clannish patronage. In his last meeting as Chair of the NJC, he handed out judicial sinecures to two sisters; one to the High Court of Kwara State and another to the High Court of Ondo State. The month before, he had installed their brother as a judge of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory. Their dad was a judicial benefactor.

In 2020, the Legal Practitioners Privileges Committee (LPPC) then chaired by Olukayode’s Ariwoola’s predecessor sanctioned a lawyer who had applied for elevation to the rank of SAN by altering Supreme Court judgments to insert his name as counsel in cases in which he had not acted. 21 days to his departure as Chief Justice, Olukayode Ariwoola rushed through new elevations, making this same lawyer a SAN when he was better off being struck off the Roll entirely. When, in one of her first acts as Chief Justice, his successor inaugurates this kind of specimen into the Inner Bar, it will set the seal on unquestionably the most baleful judicial legacy in contemporary Nigeria.

Addressing the opening of the legal year before a special session of the Supreme Court – the last to be presided over by Olukayode Ariwoola as CJN – in November 2023, Ebun Sofunde, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) speaking on behalf of the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria (BOSAN), testified that judicial reputation “is at an all-time low… to a point where it may no longer be redeemable” and ended with the complaint that Supreme Court judgments under him had become “perfunctory.” These words easily sum up what will be remembered as the most lamentable tenure in the office of the Chief Justice of Nigeria since the appointment of the first indigenous CJN in 1958.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.