Edo’s political landscape has since the commencement of electoral campaigns ahead of the Governorship election scheduled to hold on September 21 been littered with faux pas.  Embarrassingly, the faux pas or public blunders were majorly committed by the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Monday Okpebholo.

A video of where Okpebholo on Thursday, September 5, 2024 made yet another gaffe while addressing the crowd during a campaign rally at Ovia North Local Government Area of the state has gone viral. In the video, which started trending on Saturday and has been widely shared on social media, Okpebholo said, “We’re going to provide you with insecurity.”

In the video, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, representing Edo-North and former governor of the state, who was standing beside Okpebholo on the podium, was seen signaling to him, after which the candidate corrected himself.

Without resorting to campaign of calumny in this context, it is expedient to recall that previous gaffes from the APC candidate have often spark widespread laughter or outrage, but behind the humorous slip-ups lie serious concerns about his competence to lead effectively. It is easy to brush off these blunders as mere errors in speech, but for a state like Edo, where leadership can make or break the future, such moments should be given more scrutiny. The reason for the foregoing view cannot be farfetched as gaffes made by politicians in the past; both at state and national levels often reveal deeper truths about the competence and readiness of a politician for leadership.

Take, for example, moments when political candidates have misquoted vital statistics or fumbled through critical policy discussions. While these might appear as minor blunders, they often show a fundamental lack of preparedness, which becomes glaring when such individuals ascend to positions of power. The real concern here is not just about grammar or eloquence. It is about the message beneath the mistake: the inability to grasp critical issues, which is a red flag when choosing who should lead.

Once elected, leaders cannot afford to make careless decisions. In Nigeria, the burden of leadership is heavy, and a leader’s unpreparedness can result in devastating consequences for millions of citizens. Beyond the “faux pas” of their campaigns, many leaders have been voted into office based on sympathy or charisma, only for voters to realize later that these same leaders were not fit for the demands of governance.

A poignant example of this is the frequent misjudgment by voters who ignore early signs of incompetence in a candidate, focusing instead on personal stories, flashy slogans, or ethnic affiliations. Time and again, we have seen politicians who publicly goofed during electioneering campaign that consequently get them elected, only for their lack of preparedness to result in four years of stagnation, corruption, and hardship for the people.

In a democracy like Nigeria, the people hold the power to choose their leaders. However, this power comes with great responsibility. Voting based on sympathy or emotional connection, rather than competence, often leads to disastrous consequences. When a politician appeals to voters through sentimental narratives; whether about their humble background, personal struggles, or lofty promises, there is a tendency for people to overlook their actual track record or potential.

To put it in a cautionary perspective, it is germane to opine at this juncture that a powerful emotion cannot steer an economy out of crisis or security challenges. Once the election is over, and the emotional appeal has faded, the hard reality sets in. If the next governor in Edo State cannot perform, the entire state suffers. Without sounding exaggerative and partisan in this context, the suffering is not for just a few months but for four long years, and probably eight year; years that can either propel Edo State forward or push it deeper into a state of misgovernance.

The last decade of Nigerian politics has shown how dangerous it is to overlook a candidate’s weaknesses, whether it is his or her inability to communicate clearly or his or her failure to present coherent policies. The ramifications of these poor decisions ripple across sectors, from healthcare to infrastructure, leaving citizens to bear the brunt of poor leadership.

Many times, the warning signs are there for everyone to see. Whether it is a candidate fumbling during a debate, avoiding media questions, or making inaccurate statements about the state of the economy, these are not just simple errors. They are reflections of the readiness and seriousness of the candidate. A leader who is not well-versed in the core issues plaguing the country or a state like Edo in this case will struggle to address them when in power.

In Nigeria’s political landscape, several leaders have come into power, and their leadership shortcomings were evident even during their campaigns. Yet, due to sympathy, regional loyalties, or their political party’s influence, they were still voted in. The result? Unemployment continues to rise, inflation remains unchecked, and insecurity spreads. Meanwhile, the leaders who were ill-prepared from the start continue to fumble through their terms in office, leaving citizens in frustration.

It is not just about saying the wrong thing; it is about not understanding the gravity of leadership.

Given the foregoing views, it is expedient to opine that the upcoming elections in Edo present another opportunity for Edolites to make informed decisions. This time, voters must prioritize competence over sentiment. It is essential to look beyond the sound bites and campaign speeches and instead focus on the candidate’s track record, their grasp of issues affecting the state, and their ability to lead with vision and clarity.

A leader who makes frequent public blunders, struggles to communicate policy, or evades tough questions during campaigns is not someone who will suddenly become competent in office. Voters must ask themselves: “If this candidate cannot handle simple questions during an interview, how will he navigate complex challenges?”

Political gaffes often highlight a lack of depth and understanding of the issues at hand, and these are clear indicators of future performance in office.  Edolites must resist the temptation to vote based on sympathy or ethnic affiliations. The stakes are too high.

Edo cannot afford four years of ineffective leadership. Beyond the “faux pas”, Edolites must take these moments seriously and evaluate what they say about the leader in question. The power to choose the future of Edo rests with the voters, and it is time for Edolites to prioritize competence over sentiment. Leadership is not a joke, and political blunders are not just harmless mistakes, they are warning signs of what is to come.

Edo deserves leaders who are ready and capable, not ones who hide behind emotional appeal. The decisions made at the ballot box will shape the state’s destiny for years to come. Choose wisely.

As World Heart Day draws near on September 29, the message of adopting a healthy heart lifestyle continues to resonate globally. However, it appears that many people, especially in Nigeria, are not heeding this critical call. Government authorities and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been doing their part to raise awareness, but it is clear that more needs to be done to penetrate everyday life and ensure that people take the message seriously.

The rising rate of heart-related illnesses and deaths is alarming, and yet, there seems to be a lack of understanding or perhaps indifference toward simple but life-saving practices that can help maintain heart health. Across the country, poor lifestyle habits such as unhealthy diets, lack of physical activity, and smoking continue to persist despite numerous awareness campaigns.

A drive through bustling urban centers such as Lagos and Abuja paints a vivid picture of how the message of a healthy heart lifestyle is not being taken seriously. Fast food joints, often patronized by people of all ages, thrive on meals that are high in unhealthy fats and sodium, major contributors to heart disease. The growing trend of consuming sugary drinks and processed snacks only adds to the problem, with many ignoring the importance of balanced, heart-friendly meals.

Take, for instance, the routine choices of many office workers. Long working hours often leave them with little time to exercise, and instead of opting for healthy lunch alternatives, they rely on quick, unhealthy fixes. Despite repeated reminders from health professionals to walk more, sit less, and engage in physical activities, sedentary lifestyles prevail. This lack of action is particularly concerning, given that physical inactivity is a major risk factor for heart disease.

Another instance of indifference is the continued high rate of smoking, particularly among youths. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), tobacco use is a leading cause of cardiovascular diseases, and it accounts for a substantial number of premature deaths. Despite government efforts to ban smoking in public places and increase tobacco taxes, the number of smokers remains high, with many unaware or indifferent to the long-term damage smoking can do to the heart.

One recent survey found that many smokers underestimate the dangers of smoking, seeing it as a habit that can be quit anytime without long-term consequences. Such misconceptions are dangerous and highlight the need for more aggressive campaigns that highlight the irreversible damage smoking does to heart health.

High blood pressure is often referred to as the “silent killer” because it shows no symptoms until it is too late. Yet, many Nigerians remain unaware of their blood pressure levels, either due to lack of routine checkups or simply because they do not see the need for it. Regular blood pressure monitoring and managing stress are crucial for preventing heart disease, yet people are often more focused on dealing with day-to-day stress without considering its impact on their heart health.

For example, a recent community health outreach in Lagos revealed that many residents had dangerously high blood pressure levels without even knowing it. Despite efforts to provide free blood pressure screenings, only a fraction of people showed up, and many of those who did were resistant to making necessary lifestyle changes after receiving their results.

Given the clear disconnect between heart health awareness and lifestyle choices, it is imperative for government authorities and NGOs to ramp up their efforts. While awareness campaigns exist, they must be more impactful, relatable, and consistent. One-time health campaigns are not enough; there needs to be a continuous effort to integrate the message of a healthy heart into people’s everyday lives.

Initiatives like free heart health checkups, public health education programs, and collaborations with workplaces, schools, and community centers can make a significant difference. Additionally, stricter enforcement of regulations against smoking, clearer food labeling, and better access to heart-healthy foods are critical steps that both government and NGOs can take.

As September 29 approaches, we must recognize that World Heart Day should not just be a day for symbolic gestures but a pivotal moment to recalibrate our efforts to promote heart health. The government, NGOs, and health professionals must intensify their efforts to raise awareness and drive home the urgency of a healthy heart lifestyle. Equally important, individuals must take personal responsibility to make heart-healthy choices every day.

In a country where heart disease is becoming increasingly common, we cannot afford to be complacent. The message is clear: A healthy heart is a key to a healthy life, and the time to act is now.

The resignation of a top political figure is often an event shrouded in speculation, controversy, and varied interpretations. This was no different in the case of Ajuri Ngelale, who recently tendered his resignation from his position within the administration of President Bola Tinubu. As Ngelale walks away from the responsibilities he once embraced with enthusiasm, many are left wondering: was this a resignation driven by frustration, or did it stem from a strong stance on principle?

Ajuri Ngelale is not a name unfamiliar to Nigeria’s political observers. As one of Tinubu’s media aides, Ngelale built a reputation as a committed and articulate advocate for the administration’s policies. He skillfully defended government actions in the media and demonstrated loyalty to the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). His rise in the public eye was swift, buoyed by his eloquent defense of policies often criticized by the opposition and the general public.

However, just as a saying has it that “public office is not permanent” his resignation has no doubt highlight the fact that political positions and statuses are temporary and subject to change, similar to the concept that in politics there are “no permanent friends, no permanent enemies, but permanent interests.” This underscores the fluid nature of political relationships and the importance of adaptable strategies. Be that as it may, the reasons for his resignation remain somewhat unclear, though several conjectures have emerged.

There is speculation that Ngelale’s departure may be rooted in frustration with the internal workings of the government. Despite his strong public support for the administration’s policies, it is possible that Ngelale, like many Nigerians, felt disillusioned with the slow pace of reforms and the inability of the government to meet the expectations of the people. The current economic challenges facing the nation, including inflation, high unemployment, and increasing poverty, may have been a tipping point. His departure could be a reflection of his own frustration with how things were being handled within Tinubu’s government.

Speculations also have it that Ngelale may have resigned due to a conflict with the direction of the APC itself. Having worked closely with the party for years, he may have found himself at odds with certain decisions that did not align with his personal values. Resigning in such a situation would represent an act of principle, showing that he refused to compromise his beliefs even for the sake of his career.

Another possibility is that Ngelale’s resignation was the result of external pressures. Working in such a high-profile position comes with the inevitable challenges of dealing with political adversaries and navigating the demands of powerful figures within the government. It is possible that Ngelale found himself in a position where continuing in office became untenable due to these forces. If so, his departure could be read as a move made out of necessity rather than genuine frustration or principle.

Politics is often a chess game, and resignations can sometimes be part of a larger strategy. Ngelale may be preparing for a future political move that required stepping away from his current role. By resigning, he positions himself as someone who is not tied down to a particular administration, potentially giving him more flexibility for future engagements in Nigerian politics.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is germane to opine in this context that the line between frustration and principle is often blurred in political resignations. However, based on Ngelale’s record, it is plausible to assume that his resignation is a mix of both. On the one hand, the frustration of defending an administration under immense pressure might have taken its toll. On the other hand, his decision to step down may be a strong statement about standing by his convictions, unwilling to be part of a government unable to deliver on its promises.

In fact, Ajuri Ngelale’s resignation is a reflection of deeper undercurrents within Nigeria’s political landscape. It highlights the challenges that political aides and policymakers face in navigating a government rife with contradictions and mounting public dissatisfaction. If key figures like Ngelale are walking away from their positions, it may signify broader discontent within the administration, a signal that all is not well at the helm.

For the general public, Ngelale’s departure might serve as an indication that even those close to power are not immune to the frustrations experienced by the average Nigerian. As the nation continues to grapple with economic challenges, political instability, and a restless populace, the resignation of such a key figure will likely fuel further discussions on the direction in which the country is heading.

At this juncture, it will not be a misnomer to opine that whether Ajuri Ngelale resigned out of frustration or principle, his exit marks a significant moment in the unfolding story of President Tinubu’s administration. It prompts broader questions about the internal dynamics of the government and whether key figures within the ruling party are losing faith in the very system they helped build. As Nigeria faces mounting challenges, it remains to be seen whether other resignations will follow, and if so, what that means for the future of Nigerian politics.

The Faculty of Engineering and Informatics (FoEI) at the University of Bradford has unveiled a substantial scholarship to the tune of £11,645. equivalent to N24,000,000 to support Nigerian, and other international students.

The scholarship for the Applied Artificial Intelligence B.Sc programme represents a significant opportunity for prospective students worldwide.

According to the University of Bradford, international students will be granted a scholarship at 50% of the advertised tuition fee, equivalent to £11,645, meaning that as of the 2024/25 academic year, students will only need to pay £11,645 per year in tuition fees.

The institution announced that the reduced fee of £11,645 represents a significant decrease from the regular tuition cost.

It aims to reassure prospective students of its dedication to improving the accessibility of higher education.

The scholarship is open to students from a wide range of countries, including Nigeria, Afghanistan, Canada, Germany, India, and the United States, among others, and the scholarship automatically applies upon enrolment, so students do not need to submit a separate application.

However, the university expects scholarship recipients to remain engaged with their coursework, including regular attendance and timely submission of assignments.

Failure to meet these expectations could result in the withdrawal of the scholarship and a potential requirement to repay the awarded amount.

Information supplies that the scholarship is available to all new, full-time international students who begin their studies in the Applied Artificial Intelligence BSc program during the 2024/25 academic year.

Furthermore, the opportunity is not restricted by country, as it encompasses a broad list of nations from the Solomon Islands to Zimbabwe, ensuring that a diverse cohort of students can benefit from this initiative.

The Dean of FoEI, Professor Alex Johnson, in the statement, expressed enthusiasm about the new scholarship, stating, “We are thrilled to offer this significant scholarship to our international students.

“It reflects our commitment to attracting global talent and supporting students who are passionate about advancing their knowledge in artificial intelligence. We look forward to welcoming a diverse group of scholars to our programme,” he said.

Additionally, prospective students should note that while the scholarship is automatically applied, they must still complete the necessary enrolment procedures by October 25, 2024.

Interested students need to ensure they meet all academic and administrative requirements to benefit from this opportunity.

For more information on the scholarship and the Applied Artificial Intelligence BSc programme, prospective students are encouraged to visit the University of Bradford’s official website or contact the admissions office directly.

[Leadership]

Around May 26, 2020, the police in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) announced that Raphael Yanyi, a senior judge, “had suffered a suspected heart attack” leading to his death. The ministry of justice quickly clarified, however, that the remains of the judge “did not exhibit any toxic substances.” Following an autopsy, justice minister, Celestin Tunda Ya Kasende, disclosed that Judge Yanyi had died from “blows of sharp points or knife-like objects, which were thrust into his head.”

Contrary to the claim by the police, the judge did not die of a heart attack. Instead he was murdered. At the time of his killing, Raphael Yanyi was presiding over the high profile corruption trial of Vital Kamerhe, chief of staff to President Felix Tshisekedi.

The killers of Raphael Yanyi have yet to be unmasked and it is impossible presently to say whether they were state or non-state actors.

Zimbabwean advocate, Justice Mavedzenge, makes the distinction between attacks on the independence of judges on the one hand and the persecution of judges on the other. While the former are usually institutional, the latter seek to harm the lives, persons or wellbeing of judges and their families. This goes beyond the weaponization of judicial ethics or the targeting of judges for political reasons. It is not exactly new in Africa.

On September 21, 1972, for instance, elements in the army of Uganda’s Field Marshall Idi Amin Dada, abducted chief justice, Benedicto Kiwanuka, from his chambers at the supreme court of Uganda. Four days later, Marshall Amin shot and killed his captive, Chief Justice Kiwanuka, at the state lodge in Nakasero, Kampala, Uganda’s capital.

Nearly 10 years later, on June 30, 1982, unknown persons abducted three serving judges of the High Court of Ghana: Cecilia Koranteng-Addow, Frederick Poku Sarkodee, and Kwadwo Agyei Agyepong. They transported the judges to the Bundase Military Firing Range near Accra where they were shot and killed. To cover up the act, the perpetrators set fire on their bodies. Their charred remains were located the following morning. Joachim Amartey Quaye, a senior member of the ruling Provisional National Defence Council, PNDC, was one of the people found guilty of the judges’ murder. He was subsequently executed by firing squad on August 18, 1983.

Elective government found in most of Africa today, is supposedly more subtle. The predominant contemporary arc of the judicial trajectory around the continent reflects intersecting trends of both “regime capture of the courts” and willing abdication of independence by the highest levels of judicial leadership. However, there remain many examples of judges possessed of both integrity and courage. To bring such judges into line, they are increasingly targets of persecution and harm.

The assumption that the state, government or ruling political parties have a monopoly over these kinds of malefaction appears to be supported by both experience and evidence. It is also the state or ruling parties that are best placed to weaponize mechanisms of judicial ethics in order to terrorise upright judges into submission.

However, in many African countries these days, the presumed monopolies of the state are contested by sundry entities. In Burkina Faso, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan – to cite a few examples – there exist belligerents, insurgents, or armed movements, who exercise quasi-state capacities, enabling them to target judicial officers or other public officials at will or to harm them.

In the face of a slow build-up of this reality in Nigeria, for instance, there has been a concerted effort to deny it or avoid conferring upon it the stamp of official acknowledgement.

At the beginning of January 2012, for instance, an unknown gunman entered the house of Baba Loskurima, Registrar of the High Court of Borno State in north-east Nigeria and “fired several shots into Baba’s head and chest with a Kalashnikov rifle in front of his wife and children.” He stood no chance.

Nine months later, in September of the same year, Zanna Mallam Gana, the Attorney-General of Borno State was also assassinated. The killings of both Baba Loskurima and Zana Mallam Gana were suspected to have been the handiwork of assassins from the Islamist insurgent group, Boko Haram.

These were not the first attacks by suspected non-state actors in Nigeria designed to bring judges to harm. In 2009, Florence Duroha-Igwe, a judge of the Imo state high court in south-east Nigeria suffered an attack in which both her driver and police orderly sustained severe gunshot injuries.

The following year, the judge-president of the state’s customary court of appeal, Ambrose Egu, and senior magistrate, Pauline Njemanze, were abducted near the Sam Mbakwe International Cargo Airport near Owerri on official duties. In March 2011, high court judges in the state embarked on a strike to protest the abduction of one their colleagues, Theophilus Nzekwe.

Emboldened by the incapacity of the Nigerian state to exact accountability, the perpetrators of these attacks grew in both audacity and intensity and started trading judges for ransom. In October 2019, a senior Justice of Appeal from the Imo state, Chioma Nwosu-Iheme, was abducted in Benin City while on duty presiding over election disputes. She spent a fortnight in captivity.

In September, 2021, former chief judge of Abia state, Nnenna Oti, was abducted in Orlu, Imo state. Seven months earlier, presiding justice of appeal in Owerri, Rita Pemu, needed an extra supply of native wiles to survive the perils of abduction.

The non-state perpetrators of the most recent attacks on the safety of Nigeria’s judges are no longer keen to hide their provenance. Janet Gimba, a judge of the upper customary court of Kaduna state in north-west Nigeria, was abducted with her four of her children on 24 June 2024 by reputed bandits who brutally killed one of the children in order to drive home their bargain for both money and prisoners. The children were released after 15 days in captivity.

On the date in June on which Judge Janet Gimba and her children were abducted, in the Borno-Yobe borderlands in north-east Nigeria, elements suspected to be from the Islamic State, West Africa Province (ISWAP), abducted Haruna Mshelia, a senior judge of the high court of Borno state together with his wife, Binta (who was nursing a fracture), their driver and an orderly. For two years until 2010, before his appointment as a judge, Haruna Mshelia was the chairman was the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), in Maiduguri.

While the fate of the judge, his spouse and their staff remain uncertain, it is prudent to prioritise their safe return. As such, it may be premature to dwell too closely on their case. It is not difficult, however, to speculate as to why a senior judge who is deeply respected for his integrity could be the target abduction by an armed quasi-state actor like ISWAP.

The real question that must be addressed is how legitimate institutions of the state and of organized civics should respond to this kind of situation. Seventy-seven days since the abduction of this senior judge and his wife, very little official or public information exists about their plight or about efforts to free them. That could, of course, be because public authorities have decided that this is the best guarantee for their safe return.

The good news in that is that this suggests that government trusts that the judge, his wife and other abductees with him are alive. The risk, however, is that this could also enable government to demobilise pressure for their safe return. That could guarantee their erasure from public consciousness and, even worse, bring closer the day when the abduction by non-state actors of conscientious judges will become normalised in Africa’s most populous country.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

“The city burns but Nero has just finished playing tambourine in Chinese cafes. The end of the world is having the street empty. It is having ghostly trekkers casting no shadows everywhere. It is Nigeria becoming Malcolm Cowley’s “empty streets of air.” How many will live to tell the end of these hard times, only God knows. Bill Gates said in Abuja last Tuesday that “the actual tax collection in Nigeria is actually low.” Our president echoed him in China on Friday that the petrol we buy must be this costly for the country to stand. There are ‘rumours’ that VAT may move from 7.5 percent to 10 percent. Wahala! Eleven years ago, a barrage of austerity measures was wracking the people of Greece. Just as Nigeria has its own husbands feeding it doses of poison as elixir, Greece had Germany as its guardian angel, its doctor which prescribed for it poisonous doses of magical wellness. Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, paid a visit to Greece on Thursday, July 18, 2013. To welcome that visitor, a troublesome Greek newspaper exclaimed: “Hail Schaube, those who are about to die salute you.”

From William Bascom, American folklorist and anthropologist, I got a Yoruba story. It is here retold, substantially in my own words, in some areas using his words: A certain Chief Lowa was careless with his tongue. Every priest has a priest; Lowa’s own warned him to be careful so that his mouth would not disgrace him. Chief said he had grown taller than disgrace; he was too surefooted to be put to shame. Because he had money and medicine in super abundance, he thought there was nothing he said or did that would have repercussions. His secrets he made subjects of boasts at palm wine joints. He would say anything on impulse and credit it to spasms from unseen spirits.

Then it happened that an unknown tale bearer had gone to inform the king that Lowa had a goat that talked like a human being. The king sent for the chief and the chief appeared before the king. “Is it true that your goat speaks like you and I?” Lowa said it was true. The palace responded with gasps of disbelief. Are you sure? He said he was sure and swore in the name of the town’s ancestors that what he said was the truth and the whole truth. “Well then. Bring your goat before the throne in four days’ time.” The king ordered him and vowed that if, indeed, the goat talked, he would give Lowa half of his possessions, but if it did not, Lowa would be given the goat treatment – barbecued. Chief Lowa smiled and shrugged. He was sure of his goat and its human vocal chords.

Lowa in four days’ time brought his goat before the king. The palace grounds hosted the noble and the not so noble. Every ear wanted to hear the unnatural; every eye was desirous to behold the goat that was human. Lowa rose and spoke to his goat; the goat kept mute. He talked to his goat more frantically, Lowa’s goat ignored Lowa; it refused to answer its owner. It was clear to all that Lowa’s truth was an empty boast; they said he had fooled the king and the ancestors. The people said what he did no one had ever done and gone back home in one piece. Palace guards seized Chief, got him bound, hands and feet, while a huge fire was prepared in fulfillment of the king’s vow.

Chief was stripped naked and his body passed slowly back and forth across the huge fire. On the third pass, the goat opened its mouth and asked, “Why are you trying to kill my owner?” There was a commotion in the palace. “The goat talks!” The people shouted. Lowa was saved and taken off the fire while the king ordered that half of all his possessions be given to him. He was richer but sober. Bascom said as Lowa was taking his goat home, he asked the animal, “Why did you let them pass me over the fire three times?” The goat replied, “Should I have answered the very first time and let you get all this wealth without any suffering? If one becomes rich through trade, do we not see its scars on one’s body?” May our mouth not set us up for trial.

The president spoke to Nigerians before he left China a few days ago. He spoke about his “very bold and unprecedented decisions” at home; he linked his audacious boldness with the unprecedented hike in “fuel prices” and then asked: “can we help it?” No one there could tell him we could – if we searched well and in the right places and using the right persons. Is it not true that the market owes its access not to just one road? While the president was sawing our spine abroad, NNPC was sinking its teeth into our neck at home. It said petrol price in Nigeria would be “determined by global market forces.” And you wanted to ask what that meant. Dangote Refinery is active too, painting ambiguous portraits of oily prices on canvas. Everyone is tugging at the wounded entrails of the helpless.

Writing for ‘The Reading Teacher’ in March 2004, Salli Forbes said “to err is human, to self-correct is to learn.” She was correct. A leader may have the courage to make a mistake but he must not lack the wisdom to know that an error has occurred. And, it is not enough to spot the mistake; the leader must have the competence to correct himself, to repair the damage and stitch up the error. Buying petrol now is like paying for the last supper – dining, then dying. And it is all because someone spoke the wrong words on a wrong day last year. That person has not agreed that his error threw the nation under the bus; he is instead doubling down, praising his priest of pain.

Ben Sira’s wisdom of the ancient counsels whoever must speak to “say much in few words.” Eugene MacNamee, author of ‘The Government of the Tongue’, has a more extreme maxim: “Whatever you say, say nothing.” MacNamee warns that “saying the wrong thing at the wrong time, or even saying the most banal of things in the wrong place with the wrong accent could lead not only to offence but to death…” You would agree with MacNamee if you agree with South African researcher, Khona Dlamini, who thinks “the tongue is fire.” And with Douglas Ewart who insists that “the tongue is mightier than the sword.” Richard Turnbull says “by the tongue, men are led into error through false doctrine.” The wise men who founded Ile Ife had a million gods. But they said one deity worthy of their worship is the mouth. What they offer the mouth till tomorrow is a mouthful of carefulness; they gave it a tongue-twister name, olubobotiribo. Its cognomen is ‘baba ebo’ (father of offerings). May our mouth not disgrace and defeat us.

Darkness has a heart. If you like, call it ‘Heart of Darkness’ with all the pun Joseph Conrad’s novel of that title evokes. Nigerians entered last year and suffered the stroke of escalating petrol prices – one of Buhari’s parting gunshots. Today’s president, as that president’s reluctant candidate, campaigned vigorously against the pains of that era. On his campaign rostra, Bola Tinubu told the distraught to trust him with their votes: “E lo f’okàn ba’lè (be calm), we will bring down the price of petrol.” The candidate on heat got what he wanted and, in his very first speech as president, the conquistador pulled the plug on the livelihood of hope: “subsidy is gone.” He fired that shot into the darkness of our market and nothing has remained the same for all since. He said in China that he could not help it. When he made the be-calm promise before the election, did he know that what he said was a lie? In every context (and contestation) of lies, at least one side is not deceived. And that is the liar. Lies can kill, and they kill. The lie teller may keep his body while victims of his untruth lose theirs. But he loses his essence. “Lying is dying…There is a taint of death, a flavour of mortality in lies”. For the source of that line, check Conrad’s ‘Heart of Darkness’.

While the petrol price tragedy drags on forever, people are dropping dead farm and stream. Nothing walks the land at this moment except poverty and pain. But the president said in China that our eyes needed to see what we are seeing for Nigeria to be sturdy and stable. It is in Orwell’s dystopian ‘1984’ that you read that a stable society is “only possible on a basis of poverty and ignorance.” Listen to Orwell: “For if leisure and security were enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who are normally stupefied by poverty would become literate and would learn to think for themselves…” (page 198). No one, not even regime backers, are free from this pain. For I have seen some very committed Emilokan people writhe in pain, wetting their withering plants with tears. Why are they not excused from what we suffer? “It is deliberate policy to keep even the favoured groups somewhere near the brink of hardship, because a general state of scarcity increases the importance of small privileges…” (Orwell’s Nineteen-Eighty-Four; page 199).

The city burns but Nero has just finished playing tambourine in Chinese cafes. The end of the world is having the street empty. It is having ghostly trekkers casting no shadows everywhere. It is Nigeria becoming Malcolm Cowley’s “empty streets of air.” How many will live to tell the end of these hard times, only God knows. Bill Gates said in Abuja last Tuesday that “the actual tax collection in Nigeria is actually low.” Our president echoed him in China on Friday that the petrol we buy must be this costly for the country to stand. There are ‘rumours’ that VAT may move from 7.5 percent to 10 percent. Wahala! Eleven years ago, a barrage of austerity measures was wracking the people of Greece. Just as Nigeria has its own husbands feeding it doses of poison as elixir, Greece had Germany as its guardian angel, its doctor which prescribed for it poisonous doses of magical wellness. Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, paid a visit to Greece on Thursday, July 18, 2013. To welcome that visitor, a troublesome Greek newspaper exclaimed: “Hail Schaube, those who are about to die salute you.”

The Greek newspaper got the about-to-die salutation from Ancient Rome. In ancient Rome, captive gladiators are routinely driven to death in a horrid game supervised by the emperor. They called it a gladiatorial match. The fights had large, loud crowds watching and applauding as men hacked men to death. It was an event that saw fighters die after fighters until the last man standing dropped dead. In AD 52, Emperor Claudius reviewed an edition of that ‘game’, then he heard those fated to die let out a cry: “Hail, Emperor, those who are about to die salute you (Ave Imperator, morituri te salutant).” And the emperor responded in practical terms demanding that they died.

Malcolm Cowley’s poet persona hears a scratching at his door, “the noise of some one fingering the latch once.” He opens “and found the night empty of sound, empty.” A long time ago, Emeritus Professor Ladipo Akinkugbe’s uncles heard their own “scratch at the door.” They also found “night” but it was not “empty”. He writes: “Asleep in their little mud hut, they were suddenly roused by some knock at the door in the middle of the night. His elder brother bade him open the door as he had assumed that this was a neighbour seeking assistance. He refused and soon the knocking ceased and the caller’s footsteps faded into the darkness. Peeping through a small hole in the mud wall, they discovered to their horror that it was a leopard. Had that door been opened, they both would never have lived to tell the story.”

My muse told me we’ve finally opened our door to the leopard of Big Brother. It was the muse’s summation of the many things that happened at the same time last week. Reports of trials and tribulations, of protesters in police courts, and of traumatized paupers at petrol pumps. Petrol, for the first time since 1914, sells for more than a thousand naira per litre. If you can buy, buy it quietly and drive home; if you are too poor to buy, trek home silently in peace. Whichever you choose, BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU. Those words in capital letters you find in George Orwell’s ‘Nineteen Eighty Four’. They make up the caption beneath a huge poster that displays “…an enormous face, more than a metre wide”. It is not enough that the face is enormous, you find, to your horror and dread, that the eyes in the poster “follow you about when you move.”

The leopard-at-the-door story above is a paragraph in Akinkugbe’s autobiography, ‘Footprints & Footnotes’. The book is a personal story which provides some ghastly details about this country, the demons in its forest and why it may never work well. A leopard at the door cannot be a friend or a totem of good fortune. Not all who knock at doors seek help or seek to help. Beware of those you open your heart or stall to, especially when it is dark. You may be sorry if every rap on your door unbolts the access. Nigerians did this – many times during their election cycles. They are always sorry after the act. They did it yesterday, – and today, they are very sorry. But, they will do it again.

In July 1986, Nigeria’s military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, launched a public policy initiative hailed as the silver bullet for Nigeria’s distressed economy: the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). A local adaptation of an IMF/World Bank  initiative, SAP was intended to stabilise the economy. However, within a year of its implementation, the programme had left a trail of hunger, industry closures, unemployment, and acute poverty. Instead of achieving its objectives, SAP exacerbated the economic crisis, leaving Nigerians groaning under economic hardship. SAP was part of a broader World Bank/IMF global economic policy framework.

While SAP failed from a broad perspective, certain socio-economic elements—like poverty alleviation, job creation, and rural development—experienced some success in the medium term.

 Fast forward 37 years to 2023, and Nigeria’s new political leadership revisited two critical elements of the 1986 SAP: the policy on petrol subsidies and the floating of the Naira. While these policies’ medium to long-term impacts are still uncertain, their short-term effects bear an uncanny resemblance to those of their predecessor.

The issue is not necessarily the nobility of these policies’ intentions—after all, the road to hell is often paved with good intentions. Nor is it about the appropriateness of the policies themselves. What’s indisputable is that these public policies have imposed unintended consequences, hurting the very people they were meant to help. These aren’t the only government policies in Nigeria, at both the national and state levels, that have failed to achieve their intended objectives or have produced adverse effects.

It is not uncommon to see government policies fail to meet their goals. Such failures drain public resources, exacerbate the suffering of the people rather than alleviate it, and erode public trust in the government. The question is, why? As Nigeria continues to embark on new public policies that, if not carefully examined, may produce unintended consequences, I will explore why public policies fail in Nigeria and how we can do things differently.

First is the need for more rigour in policy conception. Most policies emerge as reactive measures to imminent problems the government seeks to solve. This reactive approach often forces a sense of urgency in policy formulation, leaving little time for proper planning, research, cost-benefit analysis, and scenario mapping of both intended and unintended consequences. We often see policy statements made in the media by leaders on the fly, with policy implementing institutions scrambling to catch up in executing  these policies. This approach is dangerous in a democracy and detrimental to economic development. The lack of rigour in developing the fuel subsidy removal policy is evident for all to see.

For instance, the president made a straightforward policy statement during his inaugural speech that “oil subsidy is gone,” triggering immediate reactions from the people and the economy. However, there was no clear, overarching policy framework to guide the process, consider intervening variables, anticipate unintended consequences, and devise ways of mitigating them. The policy apparatus was unprepared, and implementation has been a game of catch-up with unintended  results. The ongoing attempts to rein in the consequences of this policy have largely failed, and the damage is evident for all to see.

Contrastingly, the Philippines, one of the few countries that successfully removed petrol subsidies, took a markedly different approach. The government meticulously laid the groundwork for the policy over nearly five years, engaging independent assessors to evaluate the potential impact of subsidy removal and mitigation measures. The implementation was phased, with provisions for targeted support to assist vulnerable citizens, ensuring the impact was cushioned for lower-income households. The Philippine government also proactively communicated the rationale behind price changes and the benefits of deregulation, which helped build public trust and acceptance of the reforms. This strategic, long-term approach fostered a more sustainable oil and gas market in the country, a stark contrast to Nigeria’s short-term, reactive policy formulation.

Second, policymakers in Nigeria are often driven by short-term gains and personal interests. The prospect of immediate results or benefit too easily sways them, and they seldom consider the long-term impact. True leaders think about generational impact and provide solutions that transform society for posterity. Unfortunately, such leaders are not common in Nigeria . Many policymakers are so short-sighted and parochial that their focus on policy is as narrow as pursuing the subsequent election victory. Even when good policies are created to benefit society, a lack of political continuity often kills their implementation. Political discontinuity in policy execution has led to frequent policy disruptions. New policymakers tend to abandon previous policies to create new ones, even if the old policies are addressing the challenge it was designed to address   or nearing completion. This constant change fosters confusion and instability.

Thirdly, policymakers in Nigeria often lack a deep understanding of the policies they plan to implement or the economic context. Instead of developing solutions that are tailored to Nigeria’s unique circumstances, they often defer to foreign solutions—a copy-and-paste approach, without the necessary adaptation . The floating of the Naira under this administration is a prime example. On paper, the policy aligns with recommendations from international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank and was heralded as the solution to Nigeria’s exchange rate problems. However, previous governments resisted the policy due to fears of unintended consequences in an import-dependent and mono-product export economy. This lack of understanding and the blind adoption of foreign solutions have led to the current exchange rate crisis. May be adaptation could have produced a different result . 

Nigeria’s economic structure means that fluctuations in the Naira’s value against major currencies directly affect the cost of living for millions of Nigerians, especially those living in multidimensional poverty. The government was overly optimistic, expecting the Naira to stabilize at around N750 per USD. However, within a year of implementing the policy, the exchange rate has mostly harmonized and partially deregulated (with the CBN still intervening to influence the Naira’s value). However, the currency has depreciated by over 300%, from N500 per USD at the start of this administration to N1600 recently. The problem lies in the supply of USD in the market, which neither the Nigerian government nor the private sector has significantly impacted. Demand far outweighs supply, leading to a severe erosion of the Naira’s value.

It is evident that policymakers in Nigeria often underestimate the challenges and potential unintended consequences of their policies. This was the case with both the oil subsidy removal and the exchange rate floating. As a result, they have yet to find answers to the many unintended consequences that have nearly overwhelmed the planned policy objectives. Most Nigerians are less concerned with the policies’ good intentions and more affected by the harsh consequences. Furthermore, there was poor communication with stakeholders. The government needed to adequately prepare the public for the unintended consequences or provide sufficient remedial and palliative measures. As the saying goes, ‘To be forewarned is to be forearmed.’ Nigerians were unprepared for what they are now facing.

Moreover, misleading narratives led to these policies. The government framed the economic situation under the Buhari administration as dire, suggesting that without these two policies, the country would collapse. This doomsday narrative initially led to the policies being received as the panacea to Nigeria’s economic woes. But time is proving the opposite, and people are increasingly frustrated. The difference between the tail end of Buhari’s regime and now feels like a lifetime. The price of everything has at least doubled, if not more.

I advocate for a more intellectual approach to governance. Politics seems to dominate everything, and this lack of capacity to engage with the complexities of governance leads to ineffective policymaking and implementation. Nigeria must develop a national policy elite capable of creating, pursuing, and sustaining sound policies. Nigerian leaders must work to bridge the gap between policy formulation and implementation. Most policies fail at the implementation stage due to conflicting interests and the impunity that hinders Nigeria’s economic and social progress.

In Nigeria, the persistent failures of public policy reflect more profound issues in the governance structure, where reactive measures, short-term thinking, and a reliance on foreign templates overshadow the need for tailored, well-researched, and rigorously planned policies. The consequences of these approaches are evident in the current economic distress and public disillusionment. Nigeria must cultivate a new generation of leaders and policymakers who prioritize long-term societal transformation over immediate political gains to break this cycle. These leaders must embrace a more intellectual and context-sensitive approach to governance, ensuring that policies are well-conceived and effectively implemented, with robust mechanisms in place to mitigate unintended consequences. Only through such a paradigm shift can Nigeria hope to achieve sustainable economic and social progress.

Today, 8 September, is traditionally celebrated as the birthday of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Our chaplain,
Fr. Chigozie Jidere mentioned that the celebration might be somewhat subdued because, traditionally, the Church dedicates Sundays to Christ, which Archbishop Albert Obiefuna described as our “weekly Easter”. As a result, the Sunday liturgy is not adjusted for any other celebration, reflecting the Church's focus on worship solely reserved for Christ. While we hold profound respect for the Blessed Virgin Mary, it is crucial to remember that we do not worship her.

Unlike the dogmas concerning the Blessed Virgin Mary - namely, the Immaculate Conception, the Assumption, her Motherhood of God (Theotokos), and her Perpetual Virginity - her Nativity is not considered a dogma. As Ichie Fred Chukwuelobe acknowledged, some of these beliefs can be challenging, but by faith, we are called to believe before questioning. For me, as long as it falls within the realm of Christianity, the Catholic Church is always correct. However, it does not require special revelation for us to acknowledge that she was born.

Fr. clarified that not only Catholics but all Christians should celebrate today, as it marks the birthday of Mary, who holds a significant place in the scheme of salvation. He recalled how Christ entrusted Mary to the world as the mother of all, symbolically giving her to John at the foot of the cross with the words, "Son, behold your mother; mother, behold your son." This act extends to us, making us partakers in that solemn and profound motherhood. Disagreements, often due to ignorance, do not alter this reality.

As we celebrate the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, I wish her a heartfelt happy birthday. She will forever remain our mother.

I recall a pilgrimage to Israel a few years ago, where we visited the Church of St. Anne, built over the traditional birthplace of the Blessed Virgin Mary. This church is situated near the Pool of Bethesda. Such traditions illustrate how the Church’s tradition evolve. Although the Bible does not explicitly name Mary's parents, Anne and Joachim, we know of them through tradition. Similarly, tradition informs us of the names of the three wise men who visited Christ and the two thieves crucified alongside Him, one of whom is honoured as a saint today.

This underscores why the Church holds apostolic tradition in high regard. These traditions, practised by the apostles and the early Church Fathers, are truths that may not be explicitly stated in the Bible but are integral to the faith. As a Church founded by Christ, the Catholic Church, along with other churches that share in its universality and apostolicity, maintains the custody of these traditions.

Curiously, the Church of St. Anne, like almost all other holy sites, is under the custody of the Catholic Church (specifically, the Franciscans, to whom the present Pope belongs) as the custodian of Christian tradition and heritage. This is among their core duties in the Catholic Church. Other churches in the Holy Land under their custody include: the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Church of the Nativity, the Church of the Pater Noster, the Church of the Ascension, the Church of All Nations, the Basilica of the Annunciation, the Church of the Beatitudes, the Church of the Multiplication, the Monastery of the Temptation, the Church of the Dormition, and the Church of the Flagellation (where Jesus was flogged).

These churches, along with many not mentioned here, are part of the Franciscans’ extensive custodianship of Christian holy places, further proving that the Catholic Church’s role as the mother of all Christians can only be ignorantly denied, but not disproved.

This brief excursion aims to educate those who may condemn what they do not understand - those I refer to as little demons, without respect for the holy water. As usual, they will read not to understand or appreciate the Church’s rich history but to express their usual unadulterated ignorance and nonsense.

The Peter Obi Media Reach, POMR, wishes to inform members of the public, especially media operatives, of some minor changes in the media reach personnel.
The Spokesman of POMR, who was also the chief Spokesperson of the Peter Obi Presidential Campaign, Dr Yunusa Tanko, is leaving his position for another huge challenge.

Dr Tanko has been appointed the interim National Coordinator of the Obedient Movement. A job that will see him coordinate the activities of the Obedient Movement nationally and internationally.

Recall that the Obedient Movement, a quasi-political movement that was created in 2023 during the electioneering, reflects the philosophy and dreams of our Principal, Peter Obi, whose members are drawn from across all political parties and non-politicians as well as from within the country and in Diasporas who are desiring a new Nigeria that is Possible.

Dr Tanko will be replaced in POMR by Mallam Ibrahim Umar another versatile Obidient that is as hungry as Dr Tanko for a new Nigeria.
We, therefore, appeal to members of the public to cooperate with these Nigerians in their new endeavour as we continue the struggle towards dismantling the gang of political criminals holding our dear nation hostage. New Nigeria is Possible.

Signed
Ibrahim Umar.
POMR Spokesman
September 7, 2024

The remains of Onyeka Onwenu, Nigeria’s renowned singer, songwriter, actress, social justice advocate and journalist were laid to rest at the Ikoyi cemetery in Lagos after a solemn funeral service on the 31st of August.

It is an understatement that Onyeka 72, accomplished great exploits in her chosen fields and left indelible marks on the African music, culture and entertainment industry.

Unknown to many are Onyeka’s sacrifices and selfless services in the promotion and improvement of public health in rural Africa.

From early 2000, she accompanied Global health teams led by the World Health Organisation (WHO) and Prof Uche Amazigo for advocacy and to sensitise poor and difficult-to-reach communities on the fight against river blindness in West Africa, including Nigerian states.

Onyeka willingly spent nights in bugs and cockroach-infested rooms during visits to rural communities, where she encouraged and sang for poor families free of charge as part of her contributions and advocacy for good health.

Her galvanising songs inspired impactful actions toward elimination of the river blindness and enabled farmers to resume cultivation in fertile river basins for improved food security in the affected communities in Nigeria’s Benue, Kogi, Taraba and Kaduna states, and in Burkina Faso.

Until her death, Onyeka never declined any requests or invitations to use her talent to promote the health and well-being of Africa's rural populations free of charge.

For effective control of river blindness also known as onchocerciasis, people in endemic communities were required to take the control drug Ivermectin once a year for about 14 years.

The WHO through its African Programme for River blindness control, APOC and the predecessor Onchocerciasis Control Programme (OCP), achieved the feat of scaling the campaign from control to elimination, thereby making the river blindness programme one of the most successful health interventions in Africa.

This could not have been possible without the resilience of the health workers and the contributions of non-state actors such as Onyeka Onwenu, her friend and fellow music icon Amity Ameria of Burkina Faso.

A patriotic advocate for the poor and an irrepressible voice for the voiceless, Onyeka touched many lives in her eventful and versatile career.

Her autobiography My Father’s Daughter released in 2020 is a no holds barred, that chronicled Onyeka’s life as a musician, activist, wife, mother, and politician, her formative contact with feminism and how her father’s life influenced her decisions and character as an independent woman.

In the book, Onyeka explained how her political philosophy took after the exemplary foundation laid by her father, Dixon Kanu (DK) Onwenu, who cared deeply about the development of Nigeria when politics was not a means to ill-gotten wealth.

Onyeka’s songs evoked affection, empathy, love, unity, and taught tolerance and peaceful human co-existence.

That the diva chose to be laid to rest in Lagos, hundreds of kilometres from her native Imo State, speaks volumes for her cosmopolitan disposition.

Onyeka’s patriotism and love for Nigeria shone throughout the book. Little wonder it was officially released on October 1st to coincide with the Day of country’s 60th Independence anniversary.

She narrated her transition from a musician to an actress, and provided a rare peep into her private life, her marriage, the challenges faced by women and her resolve never to allow others to define or validate her life.

Onyeka’s wish for a low-key funeral did not stop the outpouring of love and eulogies for a humanitarian affectionately called the “Elegant Stallion.”

The funeral service was attended by family, friends, and colleagues from the entertainment industry.

Dignitaries included former Anambra State governor Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s flag-bearer in the 2023 presidential election and Abia state governor Alex Otti.

On behalf of Onyeka’s numerous friends from the health community (WHO/APOC, OCP, PACIEH and MITOSATH in West Africa, we morn our dear sister with a big heart for the poor and at the same time, take solace in the immortality of the abiding legacies of her invaluable service to God and humanity.

Adieu Onyeka!

For and on behalf of Health Community Friends/Colleagues