In 2021, Mrs. Maria Igbinedion, the 85-year-old mother of former Edo State governor Chief Lucky Igbinedion, was tragically murdered by her domestic worker, Dominion Okoro. The sorrow is deepened by the fact that her murder was driven by the desire to steal her jewelry and other cherished items, gifts from her children.

This shocking event sent ripples through Nigerian society, exposing the risks that domestic workers can pose to families. It emphasizes the need for thorough vetting and continuous monitoring of domestic staff, as well as addressing any issues in the employer-employee dynamic.

Before the tragic death of Mrs. Igbinedion, which left her family—her children Bright, Michael, and others—grieving the premature loss of their mother at the hands of a worker driven by greed and malice, similar cases of domestic workers murdering their employers had occurred in Nigeria.

In 2015, Nigerian businessman Oyibo Amachree was brutally murdered by his driver and domestic worker. In 2016, 78-year-old Chief Mrs. Olusola Olubunmi was killed by her domestic worker, and in 2018, Lagos businessman Mr. Tunde Sunmonu met the same fate.

One of the most horrifying recent cases was the murder of Dr. Aribemchukwu Ajumogobia, the daughter of Justice Rita Ofili-Ajumogobia. On July 31, 2024, Dr. Ajumogobia was found dead outside their Parkview, Lagos residence. Following an investigation, a 21-year-old housemaid, Abigail Peter, a 35-year-old driver, Olatunji Oluwasegun, and a 45-year-old security guard, Umaru Mamman, admitted to killing her. They revealed that they had gagged and stabbed her in the neck, intending to steal cash and valuables.

It is heartbreaking that the stolen items were likely of little value, yet a promising young doctor in her early thirties lost her life due to the greed of domestic workers who conspired to carry out such a heinous act.

The disturbing rise in violent crimes committed by domestic staff against their employers is not unique to Nigeria. In fact, a quick online search shows that such crimes are prevalent across the African continent and even on a global scale.

Here are a few examples of such murders in Africa: In 2019, a 79-year-old woman in South Africa was killed by her domestic worker. In 2018, a couple in Kenya was murdered by their domestic worker, and in Uganda in 2017, a 60-year-old woman faced a similar fate at the hands of her domestic worker.

Globally, this trend can be seen in other countries as well. In 2019, a 61-year-old woman in France was murdered by her domestic worker. In India, a 70-year-old woman was killed by her domestic worker in 2018. In the United States, a 65-year-old woman was murdered by her caregiver in 2019.

The question remains: what drives domestic workers to murder their employers? Several factors have been identified, including greed fueled by financial struggles, stress from work, mental health issues, personal grudges, and social and economic inequality. Other contributing factors include poor working conditions, mistreatment by employers, low wages, exploitation, and the absence of proper background checks for domestic workers.

Given these statistics and factors, the troubling trend of domestic workers killing or poisoning their employers, who are essentially their benefactors, is becoming a global problem. In Nigeria, it is quickly becoming a national crisis, nearing epidemic proportions. Recently, news broke about Ronke, the wife of David Edevbie, a former Delta State finance commissioner and 2023 gubernatorial candidate, narrowly escaping a deadly plot by her domestic staff, who had laced her breakfast with a sleep-inducing drug.

Thankfully, she locked herself in her section of their Parkview Estate, Ikoyi home before succumbing to the drug's effects. Had she not done so, she might have been another victim of domestic worker violence, which has been growing alarmingly. The timing of her escape is particularly chilling, as it occurred just one month after the tragic murder of Justice Ajumogobia’s daughter, also in Parkview Estate, Ikoyi, Lagos.

There are numerous similar incidents across the country that have garnered media attention, along with many others that have not. For example, in southwestern Nigeria, a maid bought rat poison with the intent to put it in a pot of soup, which could have been consumed by an entire family. The family might have all been killed if she hadn’t been caught before carrying out her deadly plan.

Considering the severity of these situations, it's clear that this disturbing trend has sparked serious concerns about household safety in Nigeria. This problem must be addressed urgently before it escalates into a full-blown crisis.

However, amid these grim stories of domestic workers turning against their employers, there are solutions to this growing threat. Some of the key remedies involve better communication, diligent background checks, and proper training. As Miyamoto Musashi wisely said:
"The purpose of today's training is to defeat yesterday's understanding."
To reduce and possibly prevent future occurrences of such crimes, experts recommend several steps for employers. These include conducting thorough background checks on domestic workers, fostering open and effective communication, and ensuring fair treatment of staff—especially since some domestic workers have faced abuse from their employers.

Additionally, employers must ensure that domestic workers receive fair compensation and are provided with humane working conditions. Training in conflict resolution should also be introduced, along with stronger security measures, such as restricting access to certain areas of the home. Such steps may have helped protect Mrs. Ronke Edevbie, as shown by her recent experience.

These measures could serve as vital models to address this crisis in Nigeria. As the saying goes, "nothing is new under the sun." From available records of similar crimes in other countries, it’s evident that the strategies mentioned earlier have been effective in places where domestic worker violence has been curbed. This has led to a noticeable reduction in such crimes.

For example, countries like the US, UK, and Singapore have stringent background check and verification processes before hiring domestic workers. In Nigeria, the absence of such measures is glaring, and the need for their introduction is urgent. This is further highlighted by the fact that the employee responsible for Dr. Ajumogobia’s murder was reportedly newly hired without a proper vetting process.

Currently, domestic worker providers in Nigeria operate informally and without regulation. There is a pressing need for regulated employment agencies to screen and train domestic workers before placing them in homes. In many advanced countries, regulated agencies ensure domestic workers are properly vetted, trained, and placed in appropriate households. The rise in these crimes in Nigeria may be due, in part, to the absence of such a system here, making it crucial to establish one without delay.

There was a time when child trafficking posed a major threat in Nigeria, leading to the creation of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) to address and combat the issue. Similarly, it is now crucial for both the Executive and Legislative branches of government to take urgent action and create legislation to deal with the current crisis. In this context, countries like the Philippines, Indonesia, and South Africa have introduced labor laws that protect domestic workers, including provisions for minimum wages, paid leave, and protection from abuse.

Recently, Nigeria approved a new minimum wage of N70,000, and Senate President Godswill Akpabio confirmed that it applies to domestic workers. However, clarification is needed from the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and relevant government bodies about the standing of domestic workers, as the current minimum wage legislation only applies to employers with more than 15 employees.

Given this, the proposed agency would focus on the training and support of domestic workers. Some countries already offer training for both employers and workers to foster healthy relationships, improve conflict resolution, and promote cultural understanding. In certain places, domestic workers also undergo psychological evaluations to identify any potential mental health concerns before being placed in homes.

Government support is not the only solution. Based on research, community-based initiatives and support groups can also help address the socio-economic challenges that domestic workers face, acting as a safety net. Religious institutions, like churches and mosques, have a vital role to play in this process. Additionally, law enforcement and the prosecution of domestic worker-related crimes must be strengthened to deter future violence against employers.

Several international examples demonstrate the effectiveness of these approaches. For instance, the Philippines, which sends the highest number of domestic workers abroad and is one of the top three nations for foreign exchange remittances, has established the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA). This agency has significantly improved the management of domestic workers. Likewise, Singapore has a maid levy and mandatory training to regulate the sector, and in the United States, the National Domestic Workers Alliance (NDWA) ensures proper oversight and protection for domestic workers.

Domestic workers—whether they are security guards, housemaids, or drivers—play a critical role in society, especially when they work closely with our loved ones. It is essential that their activities are carefully monitored, just as other countries have done. This is the central argument of this discussion, and I hope it emphasizes the need for the Nigerian government to take responsibility and put in place safeguards to address this growing issue. While these concerns may seem minor, they can have significant and potentially devastating effects on society.

Some readers might question why I have chosen to focus on such a sensitive topic—one that evokes sadness and grief, and which some may prefer to forget. In essence, why revisit painful memories?
My response is that l share the pains of the families of the victims of domestic workers violence because it is something that is relatable.
In 2017, l suffered the tragedy of lossing my 18 years old adorable daughter , Kikaose Ebiye-Onyibe who was on track to graduate as a lawyer from the university of Birmingham in England. Her sudden passage which was a result of a badly performed surgery for appendix in Gold Cross hospital, now Lagoon hospital on Bourdilon road, ikoyi,Lagos , had a profound effect on me and my family.
Since l did not want a similar tragedy to happen to other families owing to ignorance and not having anyone to advocate for potential victims as patients in hospitals, where some shady activities can happen in the theatre ,l shared my family’s sad experience in a book titled: “Beyond Loss And Grief. The Story of Kikaose Ebiye-Onyibe,a Survivor’s Manual for Coping With the Loss of a Child”.
It is a personal memoir which l believe helped to shine the light on the painful experience of grief. ln a chapter titled “United ln Grief” l listed prominent and ordinary Nigerians including the sitting president, serving and ex-governors and musicians as well as sports enthusiats who lost their young children under tragic circumstances as aimed to share in their grief.
It is my hope that l would achieve a similar goal with this media intervention aimed at gingering the authorities into taking actions to end the rising tide of domestic workers killing their employeres before another such avoidable tragedy befalls another family.

Magnus Onyibe,an entrepreneur,public policy analyst ,author,democracy advocate,development strategist,alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,Tufts University, Massachusetts,USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

Many Nigerians have never heard of the expression ‘’federal might’’ as an important factor in gubernatorial elections until Gov. Godwin Obaseki started talking about it in the weeks leading to the September 21 election in his state. He told the press that Senator Adams Oshiomhole and other APC stalwarts in the state were planning to rig the election and impose their candidate, Senator Monday Okpebholo, on the state with the use of ‘’Federal Might’’. Okpebholo won the election, polling 291,667 votes to beat Obaseki’s candidate, Asue Ighodalo of PDP, who got 247,274 votes and Labour Party’s Olumide Akpata, who got a paltry 22,763 votes. But did Federal Might play a role in APC’s victory? Perhaps. I have participated in three governorship elections in Akwa Ibom State as a communications strategist and I have seen first hand how politicians crave the use of Federal Might to secure victory. This article is therefore based on by my personal experiences.

Federal Might is the deployment of federal resources, especially the security forces, to intimidate and harass opponents in order to create ample environment for the favoured party to rig election, often with the collusion of INEC. To procure Federal Might, an influential political figure in Abuja must give orders to the IGP and/or the Army chief to deploy excessive number of policemen and soldiers to the affected state with specific instructions to cow the opposition politicians and arrest some, if need be. Federal Might also entails INEC colluding with one party to the disadvantage of the others. Federal Might is therefore more valuable to a politician, especially those seeking to defeat a strong incumbent, than any other support he can get.

There are a few signs of the presence of Federal Might during an election. As soon as the policemen or ‘’federal forces’’ arrive the state to be captured, the leader of the command, typically an AIG, will establish contact with the favoured governorship candidate; and his first order of business is to arrest selected members of the opposition. The arrested men are usually influential leaders who command the respect of their party members. To create maximum impact, the arrest will happen at night and they’d be whisked off to Abuja before dawn. No doubt, the incarceration creates considerable embarrassment and trauma from the governor to the rank-and-file members of the party affected party.

The detention of some PDP henchmen, including local government chairmen in Edo, by the police in Abuja was an unmistakable early signal that Federal Might was being activated prior to the election. Despite Gov. Obaseki’s cries and Asue Ighodalo’s lamentations, the police did not explain the rational for the arrest and no charges have been brought against them till today.

Another sign of Federal Might is the disposition of the Resident Electoral Commissioner. If the REC is newly posted to the state just before the election, or if he had been found to be too chummy with members of one party, and INEC refuses to redeploy him out of the state despite pleas from the other party, then Federal Might is suspected. For some time, the PDP in Edo State has asked INEC to transfer the REC, Dr. Anugbum Onuoha, out of the state because he is a cousin of the FCT Minister, Nyesome Wike. Wike is a PDP member who as Rivers State governor helped APC win the presidential election in his state and as a reward, is now serving in the APC controlled federal government. It is enough reason to expect the REC to be biased. But INEC refused to budge, with the REC arguing that that his family relationship with Wike would not becloud his sense of duty. By refusing to move the REC from Edo, INEC failed to give all parties a sense of fairness and appearance of a level playing ground. An umpire, including a football referee, must be fair and be seen to be unbiased in all materials particular.

A REC is the number one electoral official in the state and if he decides to work against you in any election in your state, you’d be swimming against the currents and the chance of a loss is greater than 90%. An unconscionable REC has an arsenal of weapons he can use against a party he dislikes. He can, for example, substitute genuine result sheets with fake ones; instigate late arrival of voting materials in some areas to suppress voting and even blatantly facilitate forgery at the collation centers. Even after the elections, a REC can frustrate aggrieved parties from accessing the voting materials in preparation for litigation. I saw that play out in 2015 and 2019 in Akwa Ibom. However, to succeed in his wicked schemes, the REC must have the cooperation of the electoral officers (EOs) who are the chief superintendents of elections at the local government areas. In the 2015 governorship election in Akwa Ibom State, we had a REC who was openly biased against one of the two major parties. It was the most flagrant case of bias by a senior electoral official ever recorded in history. The REC eventually retired from INEC into stupendous wealth. In Edo State, the PDP is currently complaining that some of the results announced at the State Collation Center in Benin are different from what was uploaded on INEC’s iREV portal. That’s a very serious allegation that borders on the integrity of INEC.

The 2019 governorship election in Akwa Ibom State was an eye-opener on how Federal Might could work or fail to work. In August 2018, Senator Godswill Akpabio had decamped to APC from the PDP, thereby giving members and supporters of his new party the assurances that he would flip the state. we can all recall the infamous ‘’Warsaw saw War’’ statement, which further fueled tensions and frightened the PDP and the state government. At a stakeholders’ meeting of PDP in the Government House, a crestfallen member reportedly asked the governor, ‘’Your excellency, we don’t have INEC; we don’t have the police; what are we going to do’’? It was a poignant question for a party that had controlled the centre for 16 years and had known the importance of Federal Might.

The governor, Mr. Udom Emmanuel, seeking reelection, appeared beleaguered, cowed and insecure, but he was very clever. While his party, PDP, was campaigning hard, going from village to village, APC members were engrossed in endless meetings, planning and waiting for the arrival of the Federal Might. Besides, APC was bereft of the cohesion and stamina required to mount an effective assault against the PDP which had governed the state since 1999. The arrival of Akpabio in a way became an Achilles heel for the APC as some members’ resentments against him was beginning to sap the party of its mojo. In the welter of all the tensions in the state, anger in APC and frustration in the PDP, the governor sneaked into Abuja and struck a deal with the people in ASO Rock, including the then chief of Staff to the President, who received a huge erosion-control contract from the state government, in exchange for a support to the governor and his party. It was a masterstroke. With that, the table turned against APC in the state. Its cry for the redeployment of the REC, Mike Igini, who had appeared as a pro-PDP person and the request for support from the police and army, were completely rebuffed by Abuja. No Federal Might was forthcoming and, of course, APC lost the election woefully. Members began to heap blame on President Buhari for not helping out with the expected ‘’Federal Might’’. There’s no name they did not call Buhari.

Now, with the victory of APC in Edo over the weekend, APC members in Akwa Ibom State were once again jubilant, hoping that there is now a better chance for the Federal Might in 2027. ‘’Buhari did not care about the party in our state; but Asiwaju understands the game’’, an APC chieftain told me, after sharing a video of Akpabio and others dancing in Benin. Really? I told him that there are other circumstances that played out in Edo that may not happen in Akwa Ibom in 2027. For one, Obaseki’s fight with the powerful Oba of Benin and his meanness to his erstwhile deputy, Philip Shuaibu, were not helpful.

In the aftermath of the just-concluded gubernatorial election, it has become clear that the defeat of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) can largely be attributed to a combination of political missteps, most notably the exit of Philip Shaibu, the deputy governor, and Governor Godwin Obaseki’s tendency to burn bridges with political allies. These events highlight a broader lesson for politicians: the need to manage crises and strained relationships with fellow leaders, as failure to do so can unravel the strongest political alliances and weaken a party’s electoral chances.

Philip Shaibu’s departure from the PDP earlier in the political cycle sent shockwaves through the party. As a key political figure in Edo State and a grassroots mobilizer, Shaibu had been instrumental in ensuring Governor Obaseki’s political success, especially during their joint defection from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the PDP. His exit, however, was driven by mounting differences with Obaseki and a growing sense of isolation. As deputy governor, Shaibu became disillusioned with the way Obaseki managed internal affairs, leaving him little room to operate politically. His eventual exit did not just hurt the PDP but also reflected deeper cracks within the party structure.

Shaibu’s exit robbed the PDP of his loyal following in Edo North, a critical stronghold, significantly weakening the party’s voting base. Moreover, it sent a clear message to voters and supporters: if the party’s own leadership could not remain united, how could they be trusted to lead the state effectively? Shaibu’s defection highlighted the consequences of poor crisis management and failure to maintain healthy relationships among political allies, which became a key factor in the PDP’s electoral defeat.

However, Shaibu’s departure was only one symptom of a larger issue. Governor Obaseki’s penchant for alienating key political allies has been a recurring problem throughout his tenure. Over the years, he has distanced himself from powerful figures and internal party leaders, creating a reputation for burning bridges. His fallout with political allies, both within Edo State and at the national level, had weakened his support base well before the election.

One of the most notable instances of Obaseki’s tendency to burn bridges was his public clash with the PDP leadership shortly after his re-election in 2020. The governor’s refusal to fully integrate into the party’s structure caused a rift between him and core PDP members, many of whom felt sidelined. Obaseki’s perceived lack of commitment to party unity bred resentment, creating internal divisions that festered until they reached a breaking point.

This inability to manage political relationships not only weakened the PDP but also cost the governor the confidence of party faithful and the electorate. In a political landscape where loyalty and unity are critical, Obaseki’s habit of severing ties with key allies made it difficult for the party to present a unified front, further damaging their prospects in the election.

Beyond internal party issues, Obaseki’s administration struggled to deliver tangible democratic dividends to the people of Edo State. Voters became increasingly frustrated with the lack of visible progress in critical sectors such as infrastructure, employment, and economic empowerment. Despite numerous promises, many citizens felt the administration was more focused on political wrangling than delivering real benefits to the people.

This perception of underperformance became a potent weapon for the opposition, which capitalized on the growing dissatisfaction. Obaseki’s failure to demonstrate meaningful progress on the ground further alienated voters, who began to see his administration as disconnected from their daily struggles. By the time the election arrived, the PDP was fighting an uphill battle against not just a united opposition but also widespread discontent among its traditional supporters.

The PDP’s loss in the Edo gubernatorial election serves as a cautionary tale for politicians across Nigeria. The exit of Shaibu and Obaseki’s deteriorating relationships with political allies underscore the critical importance of managing crises and maintaining alliances. In politics, relationships are often the glue that holds parties and administrations together, especially during challenging times. Leaders must be adept at conflict resolution, compromise, and managing strained partnerships, as the failure to do so can have devastating electoral consequences.

Likewise, in states where political relationships are strained, this scenario serves as a warning. Politicians must prioritize the management of internal conflicts and maintain open channels of communication with their allies. Failing to do so risk the kind of fragmentation that plagued the PDP in Edo and contributed to its eventual defeat.

The collapse of the PDP’s electoral fortunes in Edo State can be traced back to a series of avoidable political missteps, most notably, the exit of Philip Shaibu and Governor Obaseki’s inability to maintain strong alliances. In the complex world of Nigerian politics, where personal relationships and grassroots mobilization are key to electoral success, political leaders must learn to manage crises with care. Obaseki’s experience should serve as a reminder to politicians across the country, especially in states like Rivers and beyond, that political bridges should be built and maintained, not burned.

As the PDP reflects on its defeat, the lessons from this election should resonate beyond Edo State. Politicians everywhere should take heed: mismanagement of internal conflicts, coupled with a failure to deliver democratic dividends, can derail even the most promising political careers. Only through careful crisis management and alliance-building can they hope to maintain the trust of the electorate and secure lasting political success.

As the dust settles after the gubernatorial elections, the people of Edo State are left wondering: “Has Edo finally chosen the Governor in Monday Okpebholo?” This question is not just one of curiosity but a reflection of years of pent-up frustration. Since Nigeria transitioned to democracy in 1999, Edo has had governors who entered office with grand promises of change, only for those promises to wither once they took power.

Governor after governor has been greeted with optimism, but as their tenures progressed, Edolites found themselves disillusioned, betrayed by leaders whose actions did not align with their campaign manifestos. The most recent example is Governor Godwin Obaseki, whose administration began with high hopes of industrial growth, infrastructural improvements, and financial prudence. While there have been pockets of achievement, many residents feel that the Obaseki’s two-termed tenure has left Edo State much as it found it, burdened by underdevelopment, decaying infrastructure, and a struggling economy.

This growing skepticism has cast a shadow over Monday Okpebholo’s victory. Despite the optimism that comes with a new leader, many are approaching this change with a blend of hope and caution. As Mr. Osahon Igbinovia, a small business owner in Benin City put it: “We have been burnt before. Obaseki came in with so many promises, but look at the state of things now, roads are still bad, and jobs are still scarce. Okpebholo has to be different, or else we will be back here in four years asking the same question.”

Edo State, historically known for its rich culture and strategic importance, has long struggled with leadership challenges. From the tenure of Chief Lucky Igbinedion, marred by corruption allegations, to Adams Oshiomhole’s populist approach, which resonated with many but eventually left a mix of successes and failures, the leadership cycle in Edo has been marked by high expectations followed by declining trust.

Governor Godwin Obaseki was elected with the promise of continuity and improvement, riding on the wave of Oshiomhole’s achievements. He campaigned on a platform of transparency, economic revival, and infrastructural development, pledging to modernize Edo and transform it into a business hub. However, as his tenure draws to a close, it is evident that many of those grand promises have not materialized as expected. The disconnect between the government’s claimed achievements and the daily realities of the average Edo citizen is stark.

Mr. Benson Orumwense, a retired civil servant, lamented: “We thought Obaseki would be different because he came in as a technocrat, someone who understood how to manage people and resources. But, in the end, it feels like we are still stuck in the same cycle, bad roads, failing hospitals, and nothing to show for the billions of naira allocated for development.”

The state of Edo’s infrastructure is particularly emblematic of the leadership failures. From pothole-riddled roads to poorly maintained public services, the gap between the promises made and the current state of things has left many Edolites wondering if Okpebholo can truly bring about the change the state desperately needs.

Monday Okpebholo, known popularly as “Akpakomiza,” presents himself as a man of the people, someone deeply connected to the grassroots, having come from humble beginnings. His political rise has been accompanied by the narrative that he understands the struggles of the average Edo citizen, given his own life story of rising through the ranks from poverty to prominence.

His campaign rhetoric focused on infrastructure development, job creation, and building a self-sufficient economy in Edo. Unlike Obaseki, who was perceived as being distanced from the people, Okpebholo promises to maintain close ties with the grassroots, a strategy that endeared him to voters during the campaign. His promises to revitalize agriculture, improve healthcare, and bring a new wave of industrialization have struck a chord with the populace.

However, the people of Edo have heard similar promises before. Mr. Lucky Ehiosun, a political observer, explained the prevailing sentiment: “Okpebholo’s story resonates with people, especially those from rural areas. But leadership is not just about your past; it is about your ability to deliver on your promises. He has to prove that he is not like the others who came before him.”

In particular, Edolites are keenly watching to see how Okpebholo addresses the state’s infrastructural decay. Over the years, residents have expressed frustrations over the deplorable state of roads, inadequate healthcare facilities, and the slow pace of economic growth. Many believe that unless the governor takes a firm stand on these issues within his first 100 days, he will face the same criticisms that have plagued past administrations.

Across the state, residents are speaking out about their hopes and concerns for the new administration. In Uromi, a professional colleague of this writer on phone voiced his thoughts: “We need a governor who will actually listen to us. The roads in the rural areas are terrible, and it is hard to transport our goods to the market. Okpebholo must focus on helping farmers and making the roads passable.”

A civil rights advocate, Mr. Chukwuma Eze, also shared his concerns: “The government needs to prioritize the welfare of the people over politics. If Okpebholo is serious, he will address the issues of unemployment and underemployment in the state. We need industries that will create jobs for our youth.”

Meanwhile, in Benin City, a youth leader, Osaro Osayande, emphasized the need for transparency in governance: “We have had governors who come in and make decisions without consulting the people. Okpebholo needs to be different. He must engage with the community, hold town halls, and actually involve the people in the decision-making process. That is the only way to build trust.”

Mr. Martins Eboigbe, in his counsel to Okpebholo, emphasized the importance of showing respect to the revered Benin Monarch, noting that such an attitude is not only a sign of humility but also a strategic move that resonates deeply with the people of Edo State. “In our rich cultural history,” Eboigbe stated, “the Oba is the embodiment of the people’s identity, unity, and tradition. Disrespecting the crown is seen as a grave taboo among Edolites, and anyone who does so risks alienating themselves from the very people they wish to lead.” He urged Okpebholo to align himself with the values that the Benin Kingdom holds dear, as doing so would earn him the favor of the people and place him in their good graces.

Furthermore, Eboigbe pointed out that Edolites have a profound reverence for their Oba, a sentiment that transcends politics and influences how leaders are perceived and accepted. “Any disregard for the monarchy,” he cautioned, “could result in a permanent stain on your public image.” He urged Okpebholo to seek the blessing and approval of the royal house, as those who honor the Benin throne often find themselves embraced by the people. Respecting the Oba is not only an obligation but also a strategic necessity for anyone aspiring to hold a leadership position in Edo State.

As Monday Okpebholo steps into the Edo State Government House, he must be keenly aware that the burden of expectations is heavy. The people of Edo are tired of empty promises and half-measures. They want a leader who will act decisively, focus on long-term development, and rebuild trust between the government and its citizens.

The key areas that will define his legacy include infrastructural renewal, job creation, and transparency in governance. He must prioritize fixing Edo’s crumbling infrastructure, from its rural roads to urban centers, ensuring that development reaches all corners of the state. His focus on economic growth must also translate into job creation, especially for the youth, whose unemployment rate remains alarmingly high.

However, beyond policy, Okpebholo must also work to restore the faith of the people in their leadership. After years of disappointment, the people of Edo deserve a governor who not only makes promises but delivers on them.

As Mr. AghoEsosa, a local artisan puts it: “We are tired of being fooled. Okpebholo has to be the one to break the cycle. If he does, Edo will finally be on the path to greatness. If not, we will be back to square one, looking for another leader.”

The question remains: “Has Edo found the right leader in Monday Okpebholo?” Only time will tell if he can rise to the occasion and lead Edo to a brighter future.

Naija News understands that the meeting is being held amidst plan to reshuffle is cabinet.

Before the commencement of the council meeting, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, commended President Tinubu for his commitment to democracy through “the conduct of free and fair election in Edo State.”

Akume also commended the leadership of Edo State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) following the victory of Monday Okpebholo.

He said, “We want to use this opportunity, Mr. Chairman, to congratulate the people of Edo State, particularly the APC family, properly guided by the father of APC, in their fantastic outing, recording a huge victory, which had eluded the APC for over eight years.

“The election has been adjudged to be free and fair and that is what Mr. President has always stood for. We want to thank you, Mr. President, for being committed to the electoral process and ethos of democracy.

“Once again, we thank our family members of the APC from Edo state for this wonderful showing.”

The SGF also formally notified the council of the passing a former Minister of Women Affairs and Youth Development, Mrs Salome Jankada.

Mrs Salome Jankada was a Minister of Women Affairs and Youth Development in the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

The council then observed a minute silence in honour of the late former council member, who died in August 27 this year.

Those in attendance at the meeting include the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, the National security Adviser, NSA, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu and the Chief of Staff to the President, Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila.

Majority of the Ministers were also in attendance.

[NaijaNews]

Some residents who infiltrated the Internally Displaced Persons camps for flood victims in Borno State have stated that they were forced to enter the camps due to the current hardship in the country.

The residents, mostly women, disclosed this during an interactive session with our correspondent in Maiduguri on Monday.

They expressed that the economic situation in the country is no longer bearable, and they cannot sit idly by while trucks of food items and cash enter the camps daily without being beneficiaries.

Speaking with one of the residents who infiltrated the camp at Ajilari Community Secondary School, Aisha Kuda, she said, “We are suffering from hunger; our children have started stealing due to poverty. Our girls are getting unwanted pregnancies because they are lured with money.

That is why we are going there to get something to eat.”
“We are pleading with the government to help us as they are helping the IDPs because we are in a critical condition too,” she pleaded.

Safiya Abdullahi stressed that it is unjust to overlook those affected by the flood who are residing with relatives instead of in the camps.

“We are hungry. Not everyone can stay in the camp because some have relatives who are not affected, just like myself. This does not mean we should be exempted. When the flood came, my family was displaced from Gwange, and we left to stay with my relative in Wulari. When we heard about the food and cash distribution in Bakassi camp, we went there.

“Upon getting there, they said we were not eligible to receive items. This happened the day the governor visited to share 10,000 Naira in the camp,” she stated.

On her part, Hannah Johnson, a Maiduguri resident, mentioned that she was aware of the different church denominations that have donated to the camp.

“I know some churches, including Dunamis and Apostle Suleiman’s church, have donated. Even though it was meant for those in the camp, some of us were affected by the flood, and we decided to stay out of the camp. How can you remove us from the list of beneficiaries?”

She continued, “I was in Yerwa camp a few days ago, and they said we wouldn’t benefit as long as we are not living in the camp. I went back home with nothing. This is uncalled-for.”

PUNCH reported that the governor of the state, Babagana Zulum, alleged the infiltration of camps by people not affected by the flood.

Following the allegation, he directed that only camps being operated in schools would be closed to allow learning activities to fully resume across the state.

[Punch]

Anthony Joshua insists his career is “far from over” following his devastating knockout defeat to Daniel Dubois at Wembley, which raised doubts about his future in boxing.

Joshua was aiming to become a three-time world champion by claiming the IBF world heavyweight title on Saturday but was knocked out in the fifth round in front of a record-breaking official attendance of more than 98,000.

The 34-year-old was floored four times by Dubois and many people called for Joshua to retire afterwards.

But the British former Olympic champion released a video on X on Monday saying his journey in boxing is not over yet, with a potential rematch with Dubois as well as another all-British clash with Tyson Fury options in the future.

Joshua said he was determined to take the positives from the situation despite his mauling — the fourth defeat of a 32-fight career in boxing.

“What a rollercoaster journey, but do you know what the problem is? It is far from over yet,” he said.

“We’ve done it once, we’ve done it twice, doing it a third time hasn’t been easy but I believe it is something I can achieve. It’s about making the right steps forward, working hard, improving and it has to come from here (heart) more than anything.

“It’s only been a day but I know when I sit back I know I’ve got a lot of this (heart), thanks for your support, thanks for being on this rollercoaster journey with me.

“Keep your seatbelts tight because deep down in here I know we have a lot more to bring to this game.”

Vanguard News

On Saturday, September 21, 2024, Yiaga Africa deployed the Process and Results  Verification for Transparency (PRVT) methodology to observe the Edo State governorship election. This involved 300 stationary and 25 roving observers,  covering a representative sample of polling units across all 18 LGAs. The PRVT enables Yiaga Africa to independently assess the quality of election day processes  and verify the accuracy of the official election results as announced by INEC.

Yiaga Africa observers also deployed to the State and LGA results collation  centers to observe the process, ensuring timely and accurate reporting of the election process. Yiaga Africa has successfully deployed this methodology in two Presidential elections and sixteen off-cycle governorship elections.

Yiaga Africa’s election day situation analysis statement highlighted logistical challenges that led to delays in the commencement of accreditation and voting at various polling units across the state. Inadequate planning in the supply of  vehicles for transporting ad hoc officials and election materials, along with the absence of accompanying security personnel, further exacerbated the delays.

Yiaga Africa also condemns acts of violence and disruption of voting and results collation process by political thugs and hoodlums, particularly violence directed at voters and election officials. These unwholesome acts undermine the integrity of the elections. Yiaga Africa extends its sympathies to citizens and polling officials who suffered severe injuries and loss of valuable properties due to these attacks and violence. Yiaga Africa calls on security agencies to thoroughly investigate these cases of attacks and intimidation against voters and polling officials.

Statement on INEC’s official results

Yiaga Africa’s estimates are based on official results announced at the polling unit, from a representative random sample of polling units. As highlighted in our pre-election report, Yiaga Africa will amongst other factors consider the quality of election day processes in assessing whether the 2024 Edo governorship satisfies the electoral integrity test. In this regard, Yiaga Africa considered the integrity of accreditation, voting, counting, and collation of results.

INEC consistently applied its guidelines in managing the accreditation and voting process in a significant number of polling units. Despite some isolated incidents of inadequate election materials, the BVAS machines functioned optimally, and all voters in the queue by 2:30pm were allowed to vote, despite the late opening of polls. The polling officials uploaded polling unit results on the IReV in a timely manner, making it possible for citizens to access polling unit level results.

However, the incidents of results manipulation and disruptions during ward and local government collation in Ikpoba/Okha, Etsako West, Egor and Oredo LGAs, including intimidation of INEC officials, observers and party agents and the collation of results contrary to the provisions of the Electoral Act and INEC guidelines, severely undermine the credibility of the election results.

Inconsistencies in the officially announced results

Based on reports received from the sampled polling units, Yiaga Africa can project the expected vote shares for each party within a narrow margin. However, Yiaga Africa is only able to verify the election outcome if it falls within its estimated margins. If the official results do not fall within Yiaga Africa’s estimated ranges, then the results may have been manipulated.

According to INEC, the All Progressive Congress (APC) received 51.1% of the votes, People’s Democratic Party (PDP) 43.3% of the votes, and the Labor Party garnered 4.0% of the votes. Based on reports from 287 of 300 (96%) sampled polling units, Yiaga Africa’s statistical analysis shows inconsistencies in the official results announced by INEC. For instance, the official results announced by INEC for APC in Oredo and Egor, LGAs fall outside the PRVT estimate. In Esan West LGA, the official results for PDP fall outside the PRVT estimates. Also, in Oredo LGA, the official results as announced for LP fall outside the PRVT estimates.

These inconsistencies with Yiaga Africa’s PRVT estimates indicate that the results were altered at the level of collation.

The disparities between the official results released by INEC and Yiaga Africa’s PRVT estimates indicate manipulation of results during the collation process.

Yiaga Africa strongly condemns the actions of some biased INEC officials who altered figures during collation including the actions of some security officials who interfered with the collation process. Yiaga Africa notes that the cases of disruption in Ikpoba/Okha, Etsako West, Egor, and Oredo LGAs in the course of collation created opportunities for election manipulation, raising significant concerns about the credibility and integrity of the results collation process.

Turnout Estimates

INEC’s turnout and rejected ballots for the 18 LGA released are consistent with Yiaga Africa WTV PRVT estimates. Yiaga Africa is able to estimate that turnout is between 20.9% and 24.1% (22.5% ± 1.6%), while INEC’s official result is 22.4%. Similarly, Yiaga Africa estimates for rejected ballots are between 2.2% and 3.2% (2.7% ± 0.5%).

Yiaga Africa notes that in terms of turnout, voters did not meet the resilience test as voter turnout plummeted despite high PVC collection rates recorded for the governorship election. In this election, only 22.4% of the voters turned out to exercise their civic rights, lower than the 27% turnout observed in 2020.

Nevertheless, Yiaga Africa commends the resilience of the voters who turned out despite the rain and voting delays, staying back to fulfill their civic duties.

Recommendations

1. Yiaga Africa calls for the immediate investigation and prosecution of polling officials and collation officers who are engaged in results manipulation and flagrant violations of the guidelines on results collation.

2. Yiaga Africa calls on INEC to urgently clarify the inconsistencies in some of the results, especially election results from Oredo, Egor, Esan West and LGAs.

3. INEC should issue detailed guidelines for exercising its powers to review declarations and returns made contrary to provisions of the Electoral Act and regulations and guidelines. This should include procedures for receiving complaints, timeframe, format and who is eligible to submit complaints.

4. It is imperative to integrate the IReV and electronic transmission of results into the electoral legal framework to confer legality on polling unit level results uploaded on the portal. To this end, the National Assembly should expeditiously amend the Electoral Act to make electronic transmission of results mandatory.

Conclusion

As noted in our pre-election reports, Yiaga Africa emphasized that the 2024 Edo governorship election would be assessed against three key parameters: the resilience test, impartiality test, and integrity test.

On the resilience test, despite early warnings of potential violence and adverse  weather conditions, voter turnout was low. While voters were given the  opportunity to exercise their rights, many chose not to participate, resulting in a partial failure of the resilience test. Nevertheless, Yiaga Africa commends the resilience and patience of voters who did turn out, particularly in the face of logistical challenges and rainfall that caused late opening of polls.

On the impartiality test, Yiaga Africa monitored the role of security agencies and their engagement with the process. While there were isolated incidents of  intimidation, the security forces largely acted professionally, ensuring a peaceful  and secure environment on election day. However, reports of interference

during the results collation process, including the denial of access to accredited observers and party agents at collation centers, cast doubt on the neutrality of some security personnel. Additionally, the disruption of result collation raises concerns about the distribution and effectiveness of security deployment for the election.

Lastly, on the integrity test, Yiaga Africa concludes that the 2024 Edo governorship election fails the electoral integrity test due to the lack of transparency in the results collation process, which led to the manipulation of results. While key processes such as accreditation, voting, counting, and recording of results at the polling unit substantially complied with procedures, the results collation process was compromised by the actions of some baised INEC officials in connivance with other actors. This manipulation severely undermines the overall integrity of the election.

As Yiaga Africa stated after the 2023 general elections and the off-cycle governorship elections of Bayelsa, Imo, and Kogi states in 2023, as well as the inconsistencies in the Edo state governorship election results, especially for the LGAs identified in the reports, it is abundantly clear that drastic steps are now needed for fundamental electoral reforms to restore public confidence in the electoral process, especially the urgent need for political actors to change their attitude towards politics.

The Watching The Vote project is “Driven by Data – For All Nigerians – Beholden to None!”

Signed.

Dr. Aisha Abdullahi

Chair of the 2024 Edo

Election Mission

Samson Itodo

Executive Director,

Yiaga Africa

For media inquiries, please contact Jennifer Dafwat, Media Officer, Yiaga Africa. Tel. +234 (0) 806 899 5644, Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. Learn more about

#WatchingTheVote at www.watchingthevote.org or on social media on Facebook at facebook.com/yiaga.org or on Twitter @YIAGA.

The Context And Contradictions Of Nigeria’S Minimum Age Policy For University Admission

Let me today discuss an issue that is at once emotive as it is controversial: minimum age to enroll into a tertiary institution. My dissertation is therefore, understandably lengthy. I will try my best to explore them.

Education is for the well-being of every person regardless of age. It is a continuum and a necessity in this fast developing society of ours. Education is of two types. There is the formal education which is structured and regulated by the government, with the assistance of all the stake-holders in the education sector. The second, though not the focus of this writeup is the informal education. This form of education has no definite structure and operates at the whim and caprice of the proprietor. At the completion of the education, the attendees are given Certificates of Participation.

In the whirlwind of educational reforms across Nigeria, one policy has drawn more attention than others - the minimum age for university admission, recently mandated to be 18. This policy has triggered a nationwide debate, invoking questions about readiness, maturity, educational flexibility and perhaps more importantly, the future of Nigeria's youth.

The broader implications of such a policy - socially, legally and educationally - compel us to dig deeper. How did we arrive here? Does age truly reflect emotional maturity? Does this policy help or hinder Nigeria’s educational aspirations? And, more crucially, how does it sit in a country where other societal norms push young Nigerians into adulthood earlier than this policy anticipates?

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT’S POSITION

The Federal government of Nigeria, through the Minister of Education, Professor Tahir Mamman, has argued that this policy is designed to ensure that students are emotionally and intellectually mature before entering university. According to Professor Mamman, "It is not just a matter of academic readiness; it’s about emotional and psychological maturity. We have seen cases where students who entered university too early struggled to cope with the demands of higher education." This rationale has however been met with significant opposition from various stakeholders in the educational sector who view the policy as an unnecessary and regressive barrier to academic achievement.

Contradictions in Nigerian Society

The crux of the criticism lies in the paradoxical nature of the policy when juxtaposed with other societal practices in Nigeria. While the government insists that students under 18 are not mature enough to handle the rigors of university life, it simultaneously turns a blind eye to practices that thrust children into adult roles at much younger ages. This includes the widespread issue of child marriage, particularly in the northern parts of Nigeria, where girls as young as 12 or 13 are married off. According to UNICEF, Nigeria has one of the highest rates of child marriage in the world, with 43% of girls married before their 18th birthday.

Furthermore, the legal system in Nigeria also reflects these contradictions. Children as young as 13 have been incarcerated in adult prisons for various offences, raising serious concerns about the country's juvenile justice system. This practice therefore starkly contrasts with the government’s stance that students must be 18 to be deemed mature enough for higher education. As noted by journalist Oseni Rufai, "They say pupils can’t go to university before 18, but they can get married at 12. Is this alliance with the other side of the country really benefiting us? Their way of reasoning is becoming increasingly frustrating."

These contradictions expose the inconsistencies in Nigeria’s approach to child development and highlight the need for a more cohesive and comprehensive policy framework that aligns educational standards with the broader societal context.

The Legal and Educational Framework in Nigeria

Nigeria’s educational framework operates within the 6-3-3-4 system, which ideally sees students completing secondary education by the age of 17 or 18. However, various factors, including accelerated learning programs and early school enrollment, mean that many students complete secondary school before they turn 18. Under the new policy, these students would be forced to delay their progression to higher education, regardless of their academic readiness.

JAMB The Dictator

Admission into tertiary institutions in Nigeria is regulated by a body that appears to be an unhinged dictator. It is known as the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). Pursuant to the provisions of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board Act, 1989 (JAMB ACT), JAMB as a monopoly of tertiary education, is a body corporate with perpetual succession and a common seal and may sue and be sued in its corporate name. JAMB is responsible for the general control of the conduct of matriculation examinations for admissions into all Universities, Polytechnics (by whatever name called) and Colleges of Education (by whatever name called) in Nigeria. Under Section 6 of the JAMB ACT, the Minister of Education has the power to give JAMB “directives of a general character or relating generally to particular matters with regard to the exercise by the Board of its functions under this Act and it shall be the duty of the Board to comply with such directives.”

The Nigerian Constitution Speaks

The Nigerian Constitution of 1999 (as amended), particularly the Concurrent Legislative List, grants both the National Assembly and State Assemblies the power to legislate on matters of education. Section 4 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and Part II, items 27-30 of the Concurrent Legislative List, spelt out modalities for the establishment of formal education across all the sections of  Nigeria. For ease of reference, Items 27-30 of the Concurrent Legislative List read thus:

“27. The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the Federation or any part thereof with respect to university education, technological education or such professional education as may from time to time be designated by the National Assembly.

28. The Power conferred on the National Assembly under paragraph 27 of this item shall include power to establish an institution for the purposes of university, post-primary, technological or professional education.
29. Subject as herein provided, a House of Assembly shall have power to make laws for the state with respect to the establishment of an institution for purposes of university, technological or professional education.
30. Nothing in the foregoing paragraphs of this item shall be construed so as to limit the powers of a House of Assembly to make laws for the State with respect to technical, vocational, post-primary, primary or other forms of education, including the establishment of institutions for the pursuit of such education.”

However, the imposition of an age limit for university admission through a mere policy directive, rather than an enacted law, raises questions about the legitimacy of this approach. As highlighted by legal experts, the Constitution should be interpreted liberally and not restrictively, meaning that while the National Assembly may have the authority to prescribe a minimum age for university students, such a policy should be implemented through proper legislative processes, not through mere executive fiat.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a vocal critic of the policy, described it as a "disincentive to scholarship" and a step backward for Nigeria's educational advancement. "This policy belongs in the stone ages," Atiku remarked, emphasizing that such a rigid age limit stifles the academic potential of young Nigerians who are intellectually ready to pursue higher education. I agree with the Waziri.

The Societal Impact of the Minimum Age Policy

The societal implications of this policy are far-reaching. By imposing an arbitrary age limit on university admissions, the government risks creating a significant backlog in the education system. Students who complete secondary education before the age of 18 will be left in a state of limbo, unable to advance to higher education. This could lead to increased idleness among youths, a factor that has historically contributed to social unrest and higher crime rates.

Educational stakeholders have also expressed concern that the policy does not take into account the varying levels of maturity and intellectual development among students. Some students may be emotionally and intellectually ready for university at 16 or 17, while others may not be prepared even at 18. The one-size-fits-all approach of the policy fails to accommodate these peculiar differences and could have detrimental effects on the academic and personal development of young Nigerians.

The Chancellor of Afe Babalola University and foremost legal luminary, Aare Afe Babalola, OFR, CON, SAN, LL.D, in his article: “Admission: Age Limit and the discretionary powers of universities”, published on the 15th day of August, 2024, stated emphatically that “age is not maturity.” He described maturity as a function of the mindset, emotional intelligence and the ability to understand oneself and the world. He identified quite a number of children who have defied all the odds identified by the proponents of age limit for admission and achieved “even the seemingly impossible”. They are Soborno Isaac Bari, an 11-year-old genius christened as the Einstein of our time. There are also Yasha Asley, Alia Sabur, Colin Maclaurin, Erik Demaine, Charles Homer Haskins, Terence Tao. He also identified some notable Nigerians who would have made their marks in Nigeria if it weren’t for our retrogressive educational policies. They are Ekele Frankli, the overall best candidate in the 2020 UTME with a score of 347. He was denied admission into the tertiary institution because he was 15 years old. Another student, David Okorogheye, scored 332 in the UTME in 2021. Regrettably, he was denied admission on the ground that he was not yet 16 years. The list is endless. The learned silk noted that having a minimum age admission without any exception will affect the dreams and aspiration of the younger generation. I wholly share the views of this sage who should know, being the founder of one of the 300 leading universities in the world. Thank your Aare sir, for your constant illuminating national interventions even at 96.

Proponents of the 18 years university admission age

Many scholars have thrown their weight behind this directive of the Honourable Minister of Education. Farooq Kperogi, a great writer for example, said that the Honourable Minister did not create a new law and was merely implementing an existing law regarding admission into the tertiary institution, which had been serially violated by overeager parents who want their children to get ahead by any means. He referred to the 1982 Education Policy, also called the 6:3:3:4 system, which requires children to be at least 6 years before they start primary school. 3 years is for Junior Secondary School and another 3 years is for Senior Secondary School. Going by this system, anybody contemplating applying for an admission into the tertiary institution must be at least 18 years.

The courageous writer, Kperogi, in his article: “The 18-year-old age limit for School Certificate” published on the 31st day of August, 2024, submitted that students entering tertiary institutions at 18 are generally more mature, both emotionally and intellectually. They are more likely to handle the academic rigours, social pressures, and responsibilities that come with university life. At 18, he submits, students are legally considered adults in many jurisdictions, aligning with the legal age for various rights and responsibilities, such as voting, entering contracts, or being liable under the law. This consistency reduces complications around guardianship, consent, and legal obligations. He noted, further, that in the United States like in most countries, save exceptionally gifted students, students don’t begin their undergraduate education until they are 18. He concluded that the directive of the Honourable Minister is the extant law which is rooted and backed by psychology, neuroscience and social science. The President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, Prof. Emmanuel Osodeke, has also surprisingly thrown his weight behind the proposition of the Federal Government describing it as a welcome development. He noted in particular that the Union is in full support of the proposition and added that the issue of age benchmark was not a new thing.

THE LEGAL AND LEGISLATIVE DIMENSIONS

The debate over the Federal Government’s policy on minimum age for university admission extends beyond educational circles into the realm of legal interpretation and legislative authority. The policy raises significant questions about the extent of the government’s power to regulate educational practices and the potential infringement on individual rights and academic freedom.

Constitutional and Legislative Framework

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, outlines the division of powers between the federal and state governments, including matters related to education. Education is listed under the Concurrent Legislative List, which means both the National Assembly and State Assemblies have authority to make laws on educational matters. Specifically, Item 27 of the Concurrent Legislative List empowers the National Assembly to "make laws for the Federation or any part thereof with respect to university education."

However, the imposition of a minimum age for university admission through an executive policy directive, rather than a formal legislative process, raises concerns about the proper exercise of this power. Legal scholars argue that while the National Assembly may have the authority to set educational standards, including age requirements, such regulations must be enacted through a law passed by the legislative body (NASS), not through a mere policy diktat from the executive branch. This is crucial to ensure that any such policy has the necessary legal backing and is subject to the checks and balances inherent in the legislative process.

Furthermore, the Child Rights Act, 2003, which has been domesticated in several states in Nigeria, emphasizes the right to education for every child. This Act, along with the Universal Basic Education (UBE) Act, 2004, mandates the provision of free, compulsory and universal basic education for every Nigerian child. The imposition of an age limit on university admission could therefore be seen as a potential infringement on these rights, particularly for students who are academically qualified to advance to higher education before the age of 18.

The Role of the Judiciary in Protecting Educational Rights

The Judiciary plays a critical role in interpreting the Constitution and other laws to ensure that the rights of citizens are protected against arbitrary government actions. In the context of the minimum age policy, the judiciary could be called upon to determine the constitutionality of the policy and whether or not it infringes on the rights of young Nigerians to access education.

Legal challenges to the policy will likely focus on whether government’s directive aligns with the provisions of the Constitution and other relevant legislation. For instance, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), to which Nigeria is a signatory, asserts the right to education as a fundamental human right. Article 26 of the UDHR states that "everyone has the right to education" and that "education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality." It did not place any age limit.

In this light, the policy could be challenged on grounds that it restricts access to education for younger students who are otherwise qualified, thereby limiting their opportunities for personal and intellectual development. The judiciary’s interpretation of these legal provisions will be crucial in determining the future of the policy and its impact on Nigeria’s educational landscape.

Educational Autonomy and the Rights of Institutions to Administer Their Affairs

Another critical aspect of the debate is the issue of educational autonomy. Universities in Nigeria, particularly private institutions, have historically enjoyed a degree of autonomy in setting their admission standards, including age requirements. This autonomy is essential for maintaining the academic integrity and independence of these institutions.

The Chancellor of Afe Babalola University, Afe Babalola, SAN, has argued that the government’s policy infringes on this autonomy by imposing a blanket age restriction on all universities. He noted that university autonomy includes the discretion to admit students based on their academic qualifications and potential, regardless of age. Babalola’s stance highlights the importance of preserving the independence of educational institutions to make decisions that are in the best interests of their students and the broader academic community.

This view is supported by international best practices, where universities often have the flexibility to admit younger students who demonstrate exceptional academic abilities. For example, in the United States and the United Kingdom, students who excel academically are often allowed to enter university at a younger age, provided they meet the necessary qualifications. This approach recognizes that academic readiness and intellectual maturity are not solely determined by age and that students should be assessed on a case-by-case basis. I am a witness to this as all my children who schooled in tertiary institutions abroad did so at ages 16 or 17. They invariably graduated at 19 or 20. Some of them made First Class and others Second Class Upper. Thanks be to God.

IMPLICATIONS AND THE PATH FORWARD

The Federal Government’s policy on minimum age for university admission thus has far-reaching implications for Nigeria’s educational system, its legal framework, and the broader society. As the debate continues, it is essential to consider the potential consequences of the policy and explore alternative approaches that can better serve the interests of Nigerian students.

The Potential Impact on Nigeria’s Education System

One of the most significant concerns about the potential impact of the minimum age policy is its effect on the overall efficiency and accessibility of the Nigerian education system. The imposition of an arbitrary age limit risks creating a bottleneck in the academic progression of students, particularly those who have demonstrated the intellectual capacity to advance to higher education before reaching the age of 18.

Bottlenecks in Academic Progression

By requiring students to wait until they are 18 before taking crucial examinations such as the SSCE and JAMB, the policy will inadvertently create a backlog of students who are ready to move forward but are forced to delay their educational journey. This could lead to overcrowding in secondary schools, as students who would otherwise have progressed to tertiary institutions remain in the system longer than necessary to while away the time. Such overcrowding could strain already limited resources, including classroom space, teaching staff and educational materials.

Furthermore, the policy may discourage academic excellence among younger students, as the incentive to excel and move on to university as soon as they are ready is diminished. Gifted students who are capable of completing their secondary education at a younger age may feel demotivated if they are forced to wait until they reach an arbitrary age threshold, regardless of their academic preparedness.

Impact on Student Motivation and Mental Health

The enforced delay in progression to higher education could also have significant psychological effects on students. Being held back solely due to age, despite having the academic qualifications to advance, could lead to feelings of frustration and demotivation. For students who are particularly driven and focused on their academic goals, this policy could undermine their enthusiasm for learning and result in a decline in academic performance.

Moreover, the policy could have a broader impact on the mental health of students. Adolescence is already a challenging period for many young people, and adding an additional barrier to their educational progression could exacerbate stress, anxiety, and feelings of inadequacy. The policy may lead to a sense of stagnation among students who are forced to repeat courses or remain in an environment that no longer challenges them intellectually.

Potential Increase in Dropout Rates

Another significant concern is the potential for an increase in dropout rates as a result of the policy. Students who are ready to advance but are forced to wait may become disillusioned with the education system and choose to leave school altogether. This is particularly woorrisome in a country like Nigeria, where dropout rates are already a pressing issue, particularly in regions where access to quality education is limited.

For students in rural or underserved areas where economic pressures often compel young people to seek employment or take on adult responsibilities at an early age, the delay in advancing to higher education could result in more students leaving the education system entirely. This would undermine efforts to improve educational attainment and reduce poverty in these communities.

Widening Educational Inequality

The policy could also exacerbate existing inequalities within the Nigerian education system. Students from affluent backgrounds who attend private schools may be better equipped to cope with the enforced delay, as they have access to more resources, including extracurricular activities and specialized programs that can keep them engaged during the waiting period. In contrast, students from less privileged backgrounds may find it harder to remain motivated and engaged without the prospect of advancing to university.

This disparity could widen the educational gap between rich and poor students, further entrenching social inequalities. As former Nigerian Vice President Atiku Abubakar noted, "This policy belongs in the stone ages. It is a disincentive to scholarship and will only serve to deepen the divide between the haves and the have-nots in our society."

THE PATH FORWARD: A CALL FOR HOLISTIC EDUCATIONAL REFORM

Repealing the Minimum Age Policy and Its Implications

Repealing the minimum age policy is a crucial first step in addressing the concerns raised by educational stakeholders, legal experts, and the public. This policy, while obviously well-intentioned, fails to account for the diversity of student backgrounds, experiences and capabilities. By removing this arbitrary age barrier, government can prevent the potential stagnation of academic progress and ensure that students who are ready for higher education can advance without needless delays.

The implications of repealing the policy extend beyond the immediate benefit to students. It would signal a commitment by the government to prioritize educational equity and meritocracy, ensuring that all students, regardless of their age, are evaluated based on their abilities and readiness for the next stage of their academic journey.

Repeal would also restore a degree of autonomy to universities, allowing them to make admission decisions that reflect the unique needs and potential of each student. This autonomy is essential for maintaining the integrity and diversity of the higher education system in Nigeria, enabling institutions to develop specialized programs for gifted students and those who may need additional support.

Implementing a Merit-Based Admission System

A merit-based admission system offers a fairer and more effective approach to university admissions in Nigeria. By focusing on students' academic performance and readiness for university, rather than their age, this system would encourage excellence and allow students to progress based on their abilities.

Such a system would require clear and transparent criteria for assessing students' qualifications, including their performance in secondary school, standardized test scores, and other relevant factors such as extracurricular achievements and personal statements. Universities could also consider implementing interviews or entrance exams to further assess students' readiness for higher education.

The implementation of a merit-based system would likely necessitate changes to the current admission processes, including the development of new guidelines and training for admission officers. However, these changes would ultimately benefit students by creating a more inclusive and supportive educational environment.

Special Provisions for Gifted Students

Gifted students represent a unique group within the educational system, and their needs must be addressed to ensure they reach their full potential. Special provisions for these students could include early admission to university, access to advanced courses, or participation in accelerated learning programs.

Universities could establish talent identification programs that work with Secondary schools to identify and support gifted students from an early age. These programs could offer scholarships, mentoring, and opportunities for enrichment activities, such as research projects, internships, and participation in national and international competitions.

In addition, universities could develop specialized programs or schools within their institutions that cater specifically to gifted students, offering a challenging curriculum and opportunities for intellectual growth. These programs could be modeled on existing programs in other countries, such as the Johns Hopkins Centre for Talented Youth or the UK's National Academy for Gifted and Talented Youth.

By investing in the development of gifted students, Nigeria can cultivate a new generation of leaders, innovators, and scholars who can contribute to the country's development and global competitiveness.

Strengthening Legislative and Judicial Oversight

Legislative and judicial oversight is essential to ensure that educational policies are fair, effective, and in line with constitutional provisions. The National Assembly should take an active role in reviewing and debating educational policies, particularly those with significant implications for access to higher education.

To enhance legislative oversight, the National Assembly could establish a dedicated committee on education that includes representatives from all levels of government, as well as stakeholders from the education sector. This committee could be responsible for reviewing proposed policies, conducting public consultations, and making recommendations for improvement.

Judicial oversight is equally important, as it provides a mechanism for challenging policies that may infringe on constitutional rights or violate international obligations. The judiciary should be prepared to hear cases related to educational policies and to issue rulings that protect the rights of students and ensure that policies are implemented fairly.

To support judicial oversight, it may be necessary to establish specialized courts or tribunals that can handle education-related cases more efficiently. These bodies could provide a forum for resolving disputes over university admissions, access to education, and other issues that arise within the educational system.

Investing in Educational Infrastructure

Investment in educational infrastructure is critical to support the reforms outlined above. This includes upgrading school facilities, providing modern learning materials, and training teachers to meet the needs of a diverse student population.

The government should prioritize investments in areas where the need is greatest, such as rural and underserved communities. This could involve building new schools, expanding existing facilities, and ensuring that all schools have access to the resources they need to provide a quality education.

In addition to physical infrastructure, investment in digital infrastructure is also important. As technology plays an increasingly central role in education, the government should work to ensure that all students have access to the tools and resources they need to succeed in a digital world. This includes providing access to computers, internet connectivity, and digital learning platforms.

Teacher training is another key area for investment. To ensure that teachers are equipped to deliver a high-quality education, the government should provide ongoing professional development opportunities, including training in new teaching methods, technology integration, and inclusive education practices.

Reforming Secondary Education

Reforming secondary education is essential to ensuring that students are better prepared for the demands of higher education. This could involve revising curricula to focus more on critical thinking, problem-solving, and other skills that are essential for success in university and beyond.

Government should also consider expanding access to vocational and technical education, which can provide students with practical skills and qualifications that are relevant to the job market. By offering a broader range of educational pathways, government can ensure that all students have the opportunity to pursue their interests and develop the skills they need for their future careers.

Reforms to secondary education should also focus on improving the quality of teaching and learning. This includes providing teachers with the support and resources they need to deliver effective instruction, as well as implementing assessment systems that accurately reflect students' progress and achievements.

Finally, government should work to reduce the inequalities and inefficiencies that currently plague the secondary education system. By addressing issues such as overcrowding, dilapidated facilities, outdated curricula and inadequate resources, the government can create a more supportive and effective educational environment that prepares students for success in higher education and beyond.

CONCLUSION

Nigeria's minimum age policy for university admission reflects a complex intersection of legal, societal and educational challenges. While the intention to ensure emotional and intellectual maturity among students is clear, the policy obviously overlooks the diverse and peculiar realities of Nigerian society where children are often thrust into adult responsibilities much earlier in their age. By imposing an age restriction, government risks stifling the academic potential of young and intellectually gifted individuals and widening the educational inequality gap. The policy also highlights broader inconsistencies in Nigeria's approach to child development, particularly when compared to practices such as early child marriage and juvenile incarceration.

A more flexible, merit-based system would better serve Nigeria’s youth, allowing academically ready students to advance without unnecessary barriers. This approach, coupled with targeted reforms in secondary education and improved legislative oversight, would foster a more inclusive and supportive educational environment. In doing so, Nigeria can better align its educational framework with the aspirations and potential of its young people, ensuring that talent and intellect are not hindered by arbitrary age limits.

The future of Nigeria's education system hinges on finding a delicate balance between structure and flexibility, and this balance will ultimately determine whether the nation’s young scholars can contribute fully to its progress and development. I do not support a blanket imposition of age limit to attainment of tertiary education.