A Nigerian based in the United Kingdom, Ifedayo Johnson, has lost in a viral English skills showdown to an English X user who goes by the name Angantýr, with the handle @BasedNorthmathr, on social media.

Johnson, who hails from Oyo State, scored 79, losing by just four marks in the EFSET quiz competition with Angantyr, the Britain who scored 83.

The competition took place in separate X Spaces on Sunday, and was followed live by over 5,000 netizens.

PUNCH Online had reported that a heated immigration debate on X has turned into a linguistic showdown after the British user claimed the UK care sector had become “critically dependent on Nigerians who barely speak English.” 

Angantýr said, “Why did we make our care sector critically dependent on Nigerians who barely speak English and each bring with them three dependents?”

Johnson with the X username @Ifedayo_Jimcruz, who faulted what he called the disrespect on Nigerians challenged Angantýr to a full English language proficiency test, including writing, listening, reading, and speaking.

Johnson tweeted, “I’m openly challenging you to an English Language skills test. This would entail writing, listening, speaking and listening tests.

“If your overall score is higher than mine, I’ll quietly pack my bags and leave this country within 24 hours.

“But if I score higher than you, you’ll keep your mouth shut and never again question or disrespect the English Language skills of any Nigerian.

“Let me know when you’re ready, so we fix the date and other modalities. About time y’all are put where you belong.”

After the competition results were announced on social media on Sunday, mixed reactions had followed the Nigerian-born contestant’s loss, with both criticism and praise pouring in.

In response, Johnson took to his social media handle to challenge the stereotype that Nigerians hardly speak English, asserting that this misconception has long been disproven.

“I hate to explain as I like how everyone is running their narratives. I enjoy it so much and it’s expected.

“The challenge was to have the test done in the four Basic Language Skills but we couldn’t come to terms on that and only did two.

“Meanwhile, those were the strong forte of native speaker of any language.

“Let me repeat, Nigerians speak English and they do so very well.

“Yes, I boasted and I’m still boasting. If you have a problem at boasting about what you know you’re good at, that’s your problem.”

For Angantyr, he took to his X account immediately to announce the results, declaring that he had made England proud in the linguistic showdown.

He wrote, ”Honour defended. England conquered.”

Recall, the controversy started when Rachel Clarke tweeting as #doctor_oxford wrote on Monday, “1 in 5 of the UK’s care workforce have a non-British passport. Starmer would have us believe these carers are the ‘squalid’ result of a ‘failed experiment.’

“I say they do vital, necessary, humane, skilled work and they are worth their weight in gold.”

The presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 elections, Peter Obi, has clarified that his involvement in the coalition ahead of the 2027 elections is focused on the fight against bad governance, hunger, and poverty, not personal political ambition.

Obi made this known in response to a question regarding reports of an alleged agreement with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to serve as his vice presidential candidate in the 2027 elections.

The report also claimed that Atiku had agreed to serve for only one term and was willing to formalise the agreement in writing.

Speaking at an event in Kubwa, Abuja, where he donated to a school and hospital project organised by the Anglican Church, Obi neither confirmed nor denied the existence of such an agreement.

Instead, he emphasised his commitment to the coalition’s mission.

Obi stated, “You can make of the report what you want, but I’m in a coalition against bad governance, hunger, and poverty.”

His remarks underscore his focus on national development and social welfare over political positioning.

Obi was Atiku ‘s vice presidential candidate in 2019 when both were in the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) but Obi moved over to the Labour Party to run as the party’s candidate.

Both lost out to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress and most political analysts had pointed to their separation as the reason they lost.

Ahead the next election in 2017, both Atiku and Obi are among opposition politicians seeking to unite towards stopping President Tinubu from winning re-election.

In other news, Peter Obi has emphasised that his participation in Pope Leo XIV’s inauguration ceremony in Rome should not be misconstrued as political.

In a statement posted on X (Twitter) on Monday, Obi clarified that the visit was spiritual and aligned with his tradition of attending significant global events.

[Leadership]

The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) has announced it will release the results of 379,000 candidates who sat for the rescheduled Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) on Wednesday.

The resit was conducted between Friday and Monday following widespread complaints of technical and human errors during the initial UTME, which significantly impacted candidates’ performance, especially in Lagos and the South-East.

JAMB said the glitches necessitated rescheduling the exam, acknowledging lapses in its system. Last week, the board’s Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, publicly accepted responsibility and even broke down in tears while announcing a makeup exam for the affected candidates.

Out of the 1,955,069 candidates who took the original UTME, more than 1.5 million scored below 200 marks out of a possible 400, fueling concern over the fairness and credibility of the exam.

Speaking to journalists on Monday, JAMB spokesperson Dr. Fabian Benjamin confirmed the resit results would be released on Wednesday.

“The results of the candidates who took the rescheduled exam will be released on Wednesday,” Benjamin said.

Prof. Oloyede previously disclosed that 379,997 candidates were affected—206,610 across 65 centres in Lagos and 173,387 in 92 centres in the South-East. He described the disruptions as an act of “sabotage” and said affected candidates were notified via SMS starting last Thursday.

Of the nearly two million results processed, only 4,756 candidates (0.24%) scored 320 and above. Another 7,658 candidates (0.39%) scored between 300 and 319, bringing the number of those who scored 300 and above to just 12,414 (0.63%).

Some 73,441 candidates (3.76%) scored between 250–299, 334,560 (17.11%) scored between 200–249, 983,187 (50.29%) scored between 160–199, 488,197 (24.97%) scored between 140–159, 57,419 (2.94%) scored between 120–139, 3,820 (0.20%) scored between 100–119, while 2,031 (0.10%) scored below 100.

[Vanguard]

Of all Nigerian political elite, our current military-baked ‘new-breed’ politicians have come to be regarded by most Nigerians as the most cynical.  Twenty-six years into the Fourth Republic, Nigerians remember with nostalgia that not even the departing colonial British administrators were this contemptuous.

Unlike our founding fathers that put their differences and individual ambition aside to foist a working federal constitution which defined how we were to live together in peace and justice, as brothers even though tribes and tongue may differ, our current leaders, driven more by greed for power and its dividends, have continued to take Nigerians for a ride. Thinking they could decree unity or wish away tribes, forgetting that tribes are the building blocks of African society, they have wasted billions of taxpayers’ money tinkering with our current unworkable ‘unitary’ constitution. They have done everything except revisiting the national question, which is about the challenges of living together in justice and respect as civilised human beings as was the case until January1966.

Of course, we have had different administrations, including that of President Obasanjo, who probably genuinely believed attainment of economic justice, equitable allocation of resources, and effective and sustainable production and distribution of appropriate goods and services is the ultimate solution to the national question. But we have seen how this was marred by massive looting of the nation’s resources under Obasanjo and Jonathan, especially by those who saw undermining the nation’s economy as an answer to distributive injustice arising from non-resolution of the national question.

We have also seen the effort of the current administration of Tinubu, who believes promoting efficiency within the existing structure will usher in all-round prosperity and life abundant for people of Nigeria, leading to equitable and peaceful cohabitation of the various communities in Nigeria. Even while the jury is out, there is already a basic misconception that leaders of ethnic nationalities in Nigeria who are at different levels of cultural development want life more abundant for their citizens.

It is just as well that the House of Representatives, last Tuesday, rejected a constitutional amendment bill seeking to rotate the office of the president and vice president among the six geopolitical zones of the country. Deputy Minority Leader Aliyu Madaki led the opposition to the bill, saying that issues the bill intends to cure have been addressed by the Federal Character Commission, warning that the issue of rotation should not be included in the constitution, but allowed to remain the way it is.

The dead proposed bill was at best diversionary. The truth is that rotation of the presidency, like past social engineering efforts of the military, including NYSC, quota system of admission into tertiary institutions and bureaucracy, and other government brainwaves turned into government policies in a desperate attempt to ignore the national question, would have failed.

 Zero sum struggles for power at the centre is a symptom of our unresolved national question, just as it is a phenomenon associated with our new-breed politicians.

With our independence constitution, which indeed addressed the national question, the centre was not as attractive. Ahmadu Bello did not think twice before ceding it to Tafawa Balewa, a minority from southern Bauchi, where the Fulani were only being tolerated. Zik had a chance to be prime minister at the centre, but conceded it to Tafawa Balewa, according to him, to promote the unity of the country. The only national leader that seriously aspired to go to the centre, ostensibly to replicate his miracle in the west, was Obafemi Awolowo. And having lost the 1959 election, he offered to serve as Finance Minister under Zik.

That the north has since 1954 dominated the centre was not an accident. At the 1950 Ibadan constitutional debate, the North’s demand for control of fifty percent of members of the House of Representatives, which was not informed by the population factor, as a condition for remaining a part of Nigerian federation, was acceptable to all stakeholders, including the outgoing colonial government, which was ready to do anything to accommodate their preferred successors.

The northern leaders, who never hid their desire to belong only to Nigeria they could control, got what they wanted. The Yoruba, being federalist by nature, wanted a federal constitution or regionalism where the centre will not interfere in how they manage their own affairs The Igbo, a landlocked nation with hostile neighbours, canvassed for a unitary system for a multicultural and heterogeneous society. But in the end, they succumbed to the superior argument of the British umpires, including Oliver Stanley, who reminded them that Nigeria is a multicultural and multilingual society where ethnic nationalities were at different levels of cultural development.

That the age of ‘divine right of Kings’ ended around 1600 did not stop northern leaders from developing a mindset of being born to rule. There was, therefore, continued insistence by the northern hegemonic class including Ahmadu Bello, who according to Clark, swore he would never support southern leaders with real executive power. There was also the late elder statesman, Maitama Sule, Nigeria former permanent representative to the United Nations, who said,” Everyone has a gift from God. The Northerners are endowed by God with leadership qualities. The Yoruba man knows how to earn a living and has diplomatic qualities. The Igbo are gifted in commerce, trade and technology.”  Similarly, not too long ago, the immediate past governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El Rufai, tried to justify the northern monopoly of power on the grounds that the north has the population, especially if we accept that democracy is a game of numbers.

Except for the new-breed politicians of the Fourth Republic that breed nothing but corruption, I am not sure old politicians from the east and the west envied the north for its monopoly of power that has brought nothing but misery to the northern masses.

As for the east, despite being out of power but serving only as ever- willing bride to the northern hegemonic group to satisfy the demand of politics of participation and identification, the east was adjudged the fastest growing economy in the world in the early sixties. The west, which accepted its role as that of opposition, was ahead of the two other regions, paying higher minimum wage than even the federal government and sending more western region youths on foreign scholarship than the colonial master ever did for the whole of Nigeria in three years.

What made all the difference was the independence constitution, which not only provided an answer to the national question by defining how we live as human beings in control of different culture, language and the education of their children, but also allowed groups/regions to develop at their own pace without interference from others.

But the coalition partners made up of the hegemonic ruling cast in the north and their ever-willing bride were envious of the independence and giant strides of the western region. They, in breach of the constitution, interfered in the affairs of the west. In 1962, Chief SL Akintola, the premier of the west, was removed from power by 82 votes to 29 for anti-party offences. Chief Adegbenro was constitutionally sworn in as replacement. Premiers Ahmadu Bello and Okpara refused to recognise him as stipulated by the constitution, despite the Privy Council judicial pronouncement that upheld the action of the governor of western region.  A subsequent attempt to pass a vote of confidence in Adegbenro at the western house was resisted by a few NCNC members who started throwing chairs. This was all the coalition partners who did not declare a state of emergency in the north or in the east, where there had been Tiv popular uprising and Isaac Boro insurrection suppressed by the military, needed to declare a state of emergency in the west.

With the declaration of a state of emergency, Awo was detained in mosquito-infested Lekki while Akintola was installed premier of the west without an election. While in detention, Awo was charged with treasonable felony – attempt to overthrow her majesty’s government and sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. The military finally intervened in January 19666 to end the First Republic while the ‘living’ constitution was thrown into the dustbin.

While our current new-breed leaders play the ostrich, concerned Nigerians stakeholders are saying if we don’t know where we are going after 59 years in the wilderness, it makes sense to return to where the rain started to beat us.  It is for this reason many Nigerians believe we had more freedom and attracted more respect from the colonial masters than our new-breed politicians that have since the beginning of the Fourth Republic swindled Nigerians of billions of naira on self-serving periodic constitutional review without addressing the fundamental issue of the national question.

We all know that our current crisis of nation building, including the Boko Hara insurgency, immigrant Fulani herdsmen criminals, bandits, kidnapping for ransom, massive corruption, are all but symptoms of the unresolved national question.

Aliko Dangote, founder of the Dangote Group, says he would not have built the 650,000 barrels per day (bpd) refinery if he had fully understood the challenges involved.

Dangote spoke on Monday while receiving a delegation from the Lagos branch of the Nigerian Society of Engineers (NSE) at the Dangote refinery in the state.

According to NAN, he said the scale of the refinery exceeded initial expectations.

“Honestly, if we had fully understood the magnitude and challenges involved, we may not have even attempted it, but it is because we didn’t know what we were into initially and the courage, or maybe, naivety that got us this far,” Dangote said.

He said the refinery was designed to handle large volumes, with up to 600 product vessels and about 240 crude oil tankers expected annually.

The billionaire said the challenges faced during construction included working on swampy terrain, extensive land clearing, and dredging 65 million cubic metres of sand from 20 kilometres offshore.

He said all the efforts were aimed at protecting local fishing communities.

“We had to uproot thousands of trees manually. Sand-filling alone took 18 months, but we made a deliberate decision to preserve the livelihoods of those living nearby, especially fishermen,” Dangote said.

When asked by an engineer how Nigerian professionals could be given more opportunities and take control of their future, Dangote said, “we appreciate that”.

“There are many more projects coming, and with them, we will continue to develop our engineering base,” he said.

“Even when we don’t have enough jobs to give, we must still train people.

“Skills are assets — whether they are used here or abroad. We want Nigeria to earn from exporting knowledge, not just oil.”

He said the project, initially planned to deploy up to 50,000 foreign workers, eventually used only 12,000 to 14,000 expatriates.

Dangote said most of the company’s workforce — including fitters, welders, and engineers — are Nigerians.

‘85% OF COMMISSIONING WORK IN DANGOTE REFINERY DONE BY NIGERIANS’

Speaking further, the entrepreneur said “85 percent of the commissioning work was done by Nigerians”.

“It is not because I am an engineer, but because they have proven to be among the best,” he added.

“Today, we are our own EPC (engineering, procurement and construction) contractors. We are building this country ourselves.”

Dangote urged members of the NSE branch to view the visit as a step toward aligning with a national vision of self-sufficiency and industrial excellence.

[TheCable]

Last Thursday, I was going through This Day and, on Page 34, I saw a news story titled “DSS Files Charge Against Utomi Over Planned Shadow Government”. I didn’t know how to react, whether to fall on the floor rolling with laughter because it sounded so ludicrous, or whether to cry, because such a serious security agency which Nigerians look upon to take care of their internal security, could be wasting precious time on such instead of concentrating fully on Bandits, Kidnappers, Insurgents, so-called Herdsmen, and all the other new criminals that have emerged to cause Nigeria‘s internal insecurity. The news story stated that the Department of State Services (DSS) had gone to the Federal High Court, to get a perpetual injunction to stop Professor Pat Utomi and his associates from establishing a Shadow Government! The DSS claims that the Shadow Government is contrary to Sections 1(1), (2) & 14(2)(a) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution). 

One wonders if the DSS or its legal representatives understand what a Shadow Government is, at least, in Prof Utomi’s context, as the term ‘Shadow Government’ could have several appearances, and how needless their action of filing a suit in this regard is. To most Nigerians, it appears like a not-so-subtle attempt to stifle Nigerians’ right to freedom of thought and expression, which is enshrined in Sections 38(1) & 39(1) of the Constitution. See Shuaibu & Ors v Utomwen & Ors (2022) LPELR-58237(CA) per Biobele Abraham Georgewill, JCA on the right to freedom of expression. How does inaugurating a group that shadows government, monitoring whether government delivers good governance and churns out sound economic and public policies, translate to being a group that wants to control government and seize the sovereignty of Nigerians contrary to Sections 1(2) & 14(2)(a) of the Constitution? This is called accountability, checks and balances, encouragement of transparency in governance, and possibly opposition, if the Shadow Group disagrees with government policies; these are essential elements of democracy, and cannot be said to be unconstitutional. Unless there are many more facts that the public is unaware of, beyond Prof Utomi’s television interviews and social media activities which were referred to in the aforementioned news story, it is preposterous to conclude that he’s in breach of the aforementioned Section 1(2) & 14(2)(a) of the Constitution. 

Appearances of Shadow Government 

In the first context, you have a Shadow Government which is a clandestine group, such as a secret cult, populated with members from the different arms of government and all walks of life, and together, the members exercise immense powers over every aspect of government and its policies. This context is not applicable to Prof Utomi’s group, as it’s neither clandestine (some of the names of the members and their designations were published in the aforementioned news story), nor does his group wield any power.

In the second context, a Shadow Government could be an informal group that isn’t publicly accountable, possibly one that comprises of family members, cronies and associates of a political leader/top government official, but is well informed about all the important aspects of governance, even more so than those who may hold office and wields power over government policies, aka ‘Kitchen Cabinet’. We know that this certainly does not and cannot describe Prof Utomi and at least, one of the alleged members of his team, Dele Farotimi, who is a critic of Government. Even as a Politician aspiring to be the APC Delta State Gubernatorial candidate for the 2019 election, sometime in 2018 after the Delta State APC Primaries, a video trended in which Prof Utomi described his fellow APC Members as ‘evil’, because not only was he excluded from the Party Primaries which he was to participate in, the venue of the intra-party event wasn’t even shared with him! Obviously, Prof Utomi, who one can safely conclude has since left APC, is certainly not an inner caucus member of the powers that be, and this context of the definition of Shadow Government is inapplicable to his group, as he is even seen by some as a disgruntled former APC Member who turned sour after failing to achieve his political goal. Prof Utomi wasn’t even given any usual consolation prize appointment, like other party members who don’t get or don’t win their elective positions are usually given.

In the third context, like in the UK, a Shadow Government is simply the strong opposition having its own Shadow Government complete with a Shadow Cabinet who study the policies of the corresponding Cabinet actually in office, criticise them, develop alternative/substitute policies and hold government accountable. For example, the UK Secretary of State for Education is Bridget Phillipson (she had been Shadow Minister with the same portfolio when Labour was the opposition), while the Shadow Minister of Education is now Laura Trott of the Conservative Party. It is in this third context that it makes sense to consider Prof Utomi’s Shadow Group, though they do not appear to have a full Shadow Cabinet, nor can they be said to be a strong opposition, at least, not in the way and manner the Conservative and Labour are to each other. 

In the first context of the clandestine Shadow Government, there should certainly be concern, because no one but the members of their secret group know what their motives and goals are; even the knowledge of the existence such groups or their membership is usually mostly cloudy. In the second and third contexts, the essence of a Shadow Government is obviously not to overthrow the incumbent government. If anything, the second group wants to keep the government in office, so they can continue to wield power, while the third group gains popularity and experience from their shadowing, in preparation for taking up office if their Party wins the next election, as in the case of Bridget Phillipson who took over the substantive Education portfolio she had previously shadowed, when Labour won the election. In short, in the third scenario, such as Prof Utomi’s, unless government is trying to stifle all opposition and in so doing, this may be tantamount to breaching some fundamental rights such as the right to freedom of thought, expression, peaceful assembly, association and freedom from discrimination contrary to Sections 38(1), 39(1), 40 and 42(1)(a) of the Constitution, ordinarily there’s really nothing wrong in having an organised opposition. In Ransome-Kuti & Ors v AGF & Ors (1985) LPELR-2940(SC) per Kayode Eso, JSC, the Supreme Court held inter alia that, fundamental rights stand above the ordinary laws of the land. 

Functions of SSS

The action filed against Prof Utomi, is civil in nature. But, since what the Plaintiff is asking the court for in the case appears to be misconceived, seeing as trying to form a viable opposition is Prof Utomi’s right and cannot by the stretch of a vivid imagination, be said to be him trying to take control of the Government of Nigeria contrary to Section 1(2) of the Constitution, nor can him and his group be said to be trying to wrestle sovereignty from the people of Nigeria whom it belongs to, contrary to Section 14(2)(a) of the Constitution, I decided to examine the action of Prof Utomi through a criminal lens, particularly because the SSS (DSS) exercises criminal jurisdiction. 

The National Security Agencies Act 2006 (NSA Act), the establishment law of Nigeria’s Security Agencies, namely the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and State Security Service (SSS) makes no mention of the DSS as one of the three national security agencies (see Section 1 (a)-(c) of the NSA Act), though the claim by the SSS is that DSS is its alter-ego, the same as SSS, or something like that.

The functions of SSS which are not at large, but border on dealing with crimes that affect the internal security of the country, are set out in Section 2(3) of the NSA Act; and we can easily rule out Section 2(3)(b) which deals with non-military classified matters. See Section 9(1) of the Official Secrets Act 1962 on the definition of classified matter. Prof Utomi, who wasn’t informed of the venue of the Party Primaries in which he was to participate in, and was unable to discover the location of the venue through his own investigative efforts, is unlikely to be in possession of any classified information. There’s nothing classified about Government’s public policies, and letting Nigerians know the pitfalls therein, whether better ideas are put forward or not. This is called freedom of expression. It is bad enough that Chapter II of the Constitution, that is, the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy that makes Government accountable to the people, is not directly justiciable, then to use all kinds of means of stopping people from expressing their opinions/displeasure resembles an autocratic, and not a democratic environment. 

As for Section 2(3)(a) of the NSA Act which provides for the prevention and detection of crimes that affect the internal security of Nigeria, internal security includes things to do with treason, insurgency, terrorism, subversion, spying and sedition. The first three offences have to do with violence, the fourth and fifth, leaking political or official information/secrets to another country and we can rule them all out in Prof Utomi’s case, since the DSS has brought a civil and not criminal against him. The sixth, Sedition, is inter alia, publications or actions which tend to bring the Government, President or Governors into disrepute, or incite hatred and disaffection against them, or promote hostility amongst different sections of Nigerians. See Sections 50 & 51 of the Criminal Code Act (CCA). However, in DPP v Obi (1961) LPELR-24982(SC) per Adetokunbo Adegboyega Ademola, JSC, the Supreme Court, inter alia, enumerated circumstances in which a publication or an action wouldn’t be seditious, such as when it shows that the President or Governor was misled or made a mistake in any measure, or pointing out errors in the measures. It appears that Prof Utomi’s actions fall within this exception, and are also protected by the aforementioned fundamental rights. 

Even Section 2(3)(c) of the NSA Act which endows the National Assembly and the President with powers to assign other responsibilities to the SSS that are deemed necessary, such responsibilities are also not at large - they must be related to Nigeria’s internal security. 

Conclusion 

Is the DSS now trying to insist that everyone must support the Tinubu administration, and those who are not in support are a threat to its existence? With the wave of defections to the ruling APC going on at the moment, Nigerians are asking whether the country is moving towards a one-party State, which could be undemocratic, because one of the drawbacks of a one-Party State is that it promotes less accountability from the ruling party. In a country where the level of accountability on the part of the Federal Government has been rather low, and that of the Governors, even less, it would be like having no opposition and zero accountability in a one-Party State. 

As for the SSS or DSS, they already have their work very well cut out for them with the numerous threats against Nigeria’s internal security, and they should face this squarely without distraction. Insurgency in the North East and Banditry/Farmer-Herder Crisis or whatever it is called in the North Central, seem to be on the rise again. It would be better if the SSS (DSS) concentrates more on these important matters bordering on insecurity, instead of wasting time on absurdities. Have they even watched any of Prof Utomi’s interviews on television? Mostly, only people who have some basic knowledge of economics can relate to his submissions. The average man on the street may not even have a television to watch Prof Utomi, or electricity supply to tune in, let alone understand and be influenced by Prof Utomi’s economic theories. 

The irresistible conclusion about the DSS’s suit against Prof Utomi is, as we say in legal parlance when we want the court to dismiss our opponent’s application, that it is ‘misconceived, frivolous and vexatious’!

His Holiness, Pope Leo XIV—the first American‑born pontiff in the Catholic Church’s 2,000‑year history—was inaugurated on Sunday, 18 May 2025, in St Peter’s Square, the worldwide headquarters of the Church.

In his homily, the 267th pope told the congregation:

“I was chosen, without any merit of my own, and now, with fear and trembling, I come to you as a brother who desires to be the servant of your faith and your joy.”

The remark was striking for its humility, reminiscent of his predecessor, Pope Francis, whose Spartan, down‑to‑earth approach to life and the papacy led him to forgo the traditional papal mansion and the mill­ion‑dollar gold Fisherman’s Ring. Instead, Francis opted for a more modest gold‑plated version.

From Pope Leo XIV’s homily and body language—echoing Francis’s example of washing the feet of society’s least privileged—it is clear that the new pontiff seeks to be servus servorum Dei, “a servant of the servants of God,” and to unify not only Catholics but Christians and humanity at large.

Although he is white, Pope Leo XIV, like Francis, appears determined to embrace every race. His homily, delivered in Italian, was immediately translated into English, Spanish, and Japanese. Diversity was also evident on the altar: many of the celebrating clergy were non‑white—Black and Brown men from every continent.

In my assessment, this reflects the Americanness of the Chicago‑born pope. Following his Augustinian calling, he left the United States for Peru—much less affluent—to become, like Saint Peter, a “fisher of men,” striving to bring lost sheep back to God’s flock.

Later in this essay, I will compare the Catholic Church’s record with its Black members—who comprise roughly 20 percent of all Catholics worldwide—with the United States’ record of welcoming Black Americans into national leadership, even though blacks are a mere 14% of the population.

⸻

The Making of Pope Leo XIV

Media interviews with his brothers, John and Louis Prevost, reveal that Leo XIV (born Robert Prevost) had long aspired to the priesthood:

“As a child,” they recall, “he would drape a towel over his shoulders and pretend to preach homilies.”

While serving in Peru he extended his outreach to Africa. As recently as 2024, he presided over the consecration of the chapel at the Augustinian International House of Theology in Nairobi, Kenya. In his invitation to President  Bola Tinubu for the papal inauguration, he wrote:

“Your great nation is particularly dear to me; I served in the Apostolic Nunciature in Lagos during the 1980s.”

On a lighter note, President Tinubu notwithstanding that he is a Muslim by faith, but being liberal-minded, honored the pope’s invitation to the Vatican City. And he was looking dapper in his Savile row suit in Saint Peter’s Square with his son Seyi in tow. I do not know if l am the only one who noticed, but for the first time, l spotted a striking resemblance between father and son to the extent that it could be said that Seyi is a spitting image of his dad. Maybe President Tinubu should adorn himself in suits more often so that he may not be too stereotypical in his dress sense.

Also, the symbolism of President Tinubu meeting in Saint Peter’s Square Mr. Peter Obi, the Labor Party presidential candidate for the first time since their electoral face-off in 2023 is noteworthy. 

It reminds me of how US President Donald Trump met in the same Saint Peter’s Square with Ukrainian president Vldomir Zelensky for the first time after their not-too-friendly encounter in the White House. Equally, US Vice President J. D Vance, who appeared to have been hostile to Zelensky during the referenced Oval Office meeting, as a guest of the pope at the inauguration was also seen in a convivial posture with the embattled Ukrainian president in Saint Peter's Square. 

In light of the above, somehow, the Vatican City is fast acquiring the image of a Haven of Diplomacy and Enclave of Peace without any extraordinary effort of the new Pope Leo XIV to make the catholic church a beacon of peace as he elaborately enunciated in his inauguration speech.

⸻

Two Millennia of Continuity—and Calls for Reform

Since Jesus entrusted the Church to Saint Peter, Catholicism has grown to more than 1.4 billion faithful (some estimates say 1.5 billion). Though often called the world’s oldest continuously functioning institution, the Church’s doctrine and leadership structures have seen relatively modest reforms—despite efforts by modernizers such as Pope Francis, who died on Easter Monday.

Leading nearly 18 percent of humanity makes the pope, resident in Vatican City (a sovereign state enclaved within Rome, Italy), a spiritual head of a population larger than that of China (≈1.4 billion) or India (≈1.4 billion). Were all Catholics gathered in one territory, they would form the most populous nation on earth—comparable to the combined total of Africa’s 54 countries which is roughly over l.4 billion people.

The Church’s global scope is captured in the very word catholic, from the Greek katholikós, meaning “universal” or “all‑inclusive.” The term appears in the original Greek New Testament in Acts 5:11 and Acts 9:31, though later translations rendered it simply as “church.”

It is surely within the Greek sense of katholikós—“inclusive” or “universal”—that the reforms begun by Pope Francis, and which Pope Leo XIV seems determined to continue, are being driven. The goal is to make the Church as truly universal as the First Council of Nicaea (AD 325) envisioned—even before the era of Jesus Christ, who was acclaimed as the head of the Church.

The most visible sign of reform is that the papacy is no longer the exclusive preserve of Europeans or South Americans; a North American now leads the Catholic Church. An American from Chicago has become Pope Leo XIV.

Few observers noticed the symbolism when U.S. President Donald Trump released an artificial intelligence image of himself in papal vestments. Some critics claimed he was mocking Catholicism. In truth, Trump—ever leveraging his brinksmanship—was sending a subtle signal that significant change was afoot.

Consider the timeline. After Pope Francis’s funeral on 26 April 2025, 133 cardinals from every continent entered the conclave on 7 May. In just 24 hours—and only two rounds of voting—they elected Robert Prevost of Chicago as Pope Leo XIV. 

Politics, no doubt, had been at play during the funeral period. I have no hard evidence, yet the AI image and the rapid election speak volumes.

Although the world’s four largest Catholic populations are in Brazil, Mexico, the Philippines, and the United States, the Church is growing fastest in Africa and Asia. Roughly 40 million Africans joined the faith between 2022 and 2023. It is plausible—perhaps within our lifetime—that an African or Asian pope will emerge; Pope Leo XIV is still only 69.

Africa already accounts for about 20 percent of Catholics worldwide, led by the Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria. Yet the continent has no decisive voice in Church leadership. Cardinal Francis Arinze of Nigeria was a strong contender in 2013, when Pope Francis was chosen; in the latest conclave Cardinals Peter Turkson (Ghana) and Fridolin Ambongo Besungu (DRC) were also front‑runners, but none prevailed.

The College of Cardinals now includes 29 members from 23 African countries; 18 of them are electors, and all but three were appointed by Pope Francis—testimony to his influence, much as a U.S. president shapes the Supreme Court through appointments. Right now, President Donald J. Trump enjoys similar leverage in Washington.

In the United States, where Black people constitute only 14 percent of the population (versus 20 percent of global Catholics who are Black), the majority‑white electorate nonetheless accepted and elected a Black leader. In 2008, Barack Obama—son of a Kenyan father—became America’s 44th president. By contrast, the Catholic Church has yet to elect a Black pope even though Blacks constitute 20% of the 1.4 billion flock worldwide.

The larger point is that politics pervades every human enterprise; as Aristotle observed, we are “political animals.” Africa, lacking both economic and military clout, still holds the short end of the stick. Just unfair trade has relegated the continent to a supplier of raw materials, Africa has remained a victim while more powerful nations—like the United States under President Trump since 20 January 2025—have retaliated and are forcing renegotiation. Lamentably without the US type of financial and military muzzle, Africa cannot compel her exploiters to renegotiate trade with her on equal and fair terms and thus remains vulnerable.

Likewise, Africa still has no permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council, even though 54 of the 193 U.N. member states are African.

With an American, renowned for championing inclusivity and equity as the pope, a Black pope may be in the making in the not-too-distant future.  

On the socioeconomic front, can the African Continental Free Trade Area, AfCFTA help to give the continent better bargaining power? And would the new world trade order being forged by President Trump open the window for Africa to get a seat at the table in the comity of nations?

Those are the pertinent questions that need to be pondered by leaders of Africa and indeed conscientious leaders of the superpower nations of the world. 

That is assuming there is still justice in this world.

Magnus Onyibe—entrepreneur, public‑policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, and development strategist

LAGOS, May 19, 2025 : It was a happy reunion on Monday as the lost-but-found- Adeola, the 41-year old daughter of Actress Jumoke George finally reunited with her mother and family in Lagos on Monday.

This was sequel to an alarm raised by Jumoke George about not hearing from her daughter in four years during an interview on the Talk to B show hosted by Abiola Bayo.

Following the interview, the host, Biola had reaching f out to the Federal Government of Nigeria through Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), whose Chairman immediately got in touch with the Ag Nigerian High Commissioner, Amb Ugo Chime who both facilitated her transportation back home 

Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, NIDCOM Chairman/CEO, was at hand in Lagos office of the Commission where the very excited Adeola, thanked the NiDCOM Chairman, the Acting Nigeria Ambassador in Mali, Amb. Ugo Chime, and popular actress, Abiola Bayo, who highlighted her mothers ordeal on her programme “ Talk with B” as well as Actor Niyi Johnson who was also in attendance.

Dabiri-Erewa welcomed Adeola, and hoped that others would learn from her story, a story of being deceived into a job that never was.

She warned others to resist any temptation of any supposed job offers in Libya, Mali as its all journey to slavery.

She said she was promised, through someone close to her , to get employed in a Pharmacy. Only to get there to be told she had been sold to a “ madam”,a move she vehemently resisted.

Adeola said she did not get in touch with her family, out of shame of unfulfilled dreams, and expressed happiness to be back.

Adeola had been living with her grandmother in Ibadan and was last seen after informing the family she was travelling to Lagos.

Abiola Bayo, the host of the program, Talk with B, expressed deep gratitude to the Federal government for its speedy intervention. 

E-signed.

Abdur-Rahman Balogun 

Director of Media, Public Relations and Protocols Unit NiDCOM, Abuja.