Observing Nigeria’s Constitution in Its Breach

Observing the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution) in its breach, is nothing new. Some have argued that the reason for its incessant breach, is that the Constitution is an imperfect document which has outlived its usefulness; that it’s time for a Referendum, Constituent Assembly and all the other necessary steps required to usher in a new, improved and acceptable Constitution and Fifth Republic. On the other hand, others have also argued that there’s not that much wrong with the Constitution, and that how ever perfect a Constitution Nigeria has, with the self-serving mindset of our Politicians and so-called leaders, the Constitution will always be observed in its breach, once its provisions are at variance with their personal agendas. 

Nigeria’s Autocratic Democracy 

Since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, Nigeria’s so-called democracy appears to be quite different from the concept of ‘Democracy’ in the true sense of the word. In the past, on this page, I defined the democracy that exists in Nigeria today as, Government of Politicians, by Politicians for Politicians, while former Military Head of State and former President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo’s recent definition is, “Government of a small number of people, by a small number of people, over a large number of people”. Using either definition, and the fact that it is alleged that the Nigerian Military Generals who are still alive today, always have a strong say about who becomes President of Nigeria, we see that even the type of system we have been running in the Fourth Republic to date, is, from the get-go, a clear breach of Sections 1(2), 14(2)(a) & (c) of the Constitution, as it 1) allows the governance of Nigeria or the control of the Government of Nigeria to be in the hands of persons or groups of persons; 2) deprives the people of their sovereignty and 3) deprives Nigerians of the right to effectively participate in their government.

There’s also Electoral Authoritarianism (Electoral Autocracy), so that even though there is the veneer of democracy, that is, people appearing to exercise their franchise by voting when general elections are held every four years, the elections are sometimes manipulated/rigged at various levels to achieve the desired results. The number of election petitions filed at the Tribunals, keeps increasing with every passing election cycle, which means that, if anything, the electoral process may be deteriorating instead of improving. President Umaru Yar’Adua of blessed memory, was honest enough to admit that the 2007 election that brought him into office was flawed, and advocated for electoral reform before his death.

If we are to be truthful to ourselves, we will all agree that the Fourth Republic has predominantly been an Autocratic Democracy, in which the basic principles of democracy appear to have been undermined by dictatorial practices. Nigeria appears to have a Hybrid System, whereby, once government policies, initiatives, actions or whatsoever-called deviate from the tenets of democracy - rule of law, separation of powers, due process etc (see Sections 4, 5 & 6 of the Constitution), the arbitrary/autocratic actions of government take precedence or are followed, over and above the provisions of the Constitution even when such actions are unconstitutional, contrary to Section 1(1) & (3) of the Constitution. In short, Nigeria’s so-called democracy, is in some ways, run side by side with autocratic practices; and, that is why for example, in November 1999, during the Obasanjo administration, there was what is now sometimes referred to as the ’Odi Massacre’, where Odi, a town in Bayelsa State was razed to the ground, allegedly in retaliation for militant activities and the murder of several law enforcement officers. In October 2016, during the Buhari administration, following allegations of corruption which, for the most part, couldn’t be substantiated, in a ‘Gestapo’ style operation in the dead of night, there was a DSS raid on the residences of judicial officers, as if they were searching for violent criminals who had been declared wanted by law enforcement agencies. In these two scenarios, judicial remedies were readily available to bring any wrongdoers to justice, but, instead of following due process and upholding the rule of law, Government preferred to use military style tactics - maybe more so, because, at the time, the two leaders involved were former Army Generals, General Olusegun Obasanjo and Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who claimed to have shed the toga of military dictatorship and become ‘born-again’ Democrats! Obviously, their actions betrayed their claims.  

Unfortunately, Nigeria appears to combine all the different forms of autocratic democracy rolled into one! Whether PDP or APC, we also have a somewhat Managed/Orchestrated Democracy, obviously not in the same category as a country like Russia which has been used as the prime example of same, but, all the same, one in which important democratic institutions are regularly manipulated by those in power.

The outcome of an autocratic democracy like we see in Nigeria today, is that the tools of democracy, including the Constitution and democratic institutions, are weakened. 

Example of Constitutional Breach: Security and Welfare of Nigerians 

By now, even non-Lawyers know Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution by heart, that is, that the security and welfare of the people is the primary purpose of Government. 

Section 214(1) of the Constitution provides for the establishment of only one Police Force in Nigeria, the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), while Items 45 & 60(a) on the Exclusive Legislative List are Police; Other Security Services established by law; and Agencies established to promote and enforce Chapter II of the Constitution, respectively. This means that anything security, be it Àmòtèkun in the Southwest, Ebubeagu in the Southeast, or Hisbah in the Northern Sharia States, since they do not form part of the NPF and are types of ‘security’ agencies established by their various State Laws, they appear to be unconstitutional agencies. Even though Section 4(7) of the Constitution empowers State Houses of Assembly (SHAs) to make laws for the order, peace and good government of their States, and this would certainly concern the security and welfare of people, the same Section 4(7)(a) thereof, clearly excludes items on the Exclusive Legislative List from matters which SHAs can legislate upon, and that obviously includes security. Is this one of the imperfections in the Constitution? That a State, which is in charge of the security of its people, and SHAs, are unable to deal directly on their State security? See the case of AG Kano State v AGF (2007) LPELR-618 (SC) per Mahmud Mohammed, JSC (later CJN) on interpretation of the words in the Constitution and statute in their ordinary and literal meaning.

Some States have nevertheless, established security outfits to fight insecurity in their areas, in order to fulfil their foremost constitutional mandate of protecting the lives and property of their people, seeing as the existing security apparatus appears to be inadequate. While the Executive and Legislature have wasted over 25 years debating on whether or not to amend the Constitution to establish State Police, a few years ago, some Southern Governors decided not to continue to fold their arms while their people are attacked, killed and maimed by violent criminals regularly. Today, however, the Northern Governors are now in the forefront of clamouring for State Police. Kindly, note that, Hisbah wasn’t established to play the same type of role as Àmòtèkun or Ebubeagu; it was established mainly to enforce Sharia Law.

I was discussing with my friend, and I commented that, in the meantime, while this never ending debate on the pros and cons of State Police continues, why doesn’t the NPF do the needful, by recruiting local personnel in each State of the Federation to do community policing? It is trite that, Nigeria is under-policed, and something needs to be done about this urgently. 

Katsina State Hisbah

Interestingly, if unconstitutionality has levels, while Àmòtèkun and Ebubeagu are Level 1 unconstitutionality, Hisbah appears to be multiple levels of unconstitutionality. The Level 1 unconstitutionality of the former stems from the fact that, even if they cannot be said to be full fledged Police, only the National Assembly, and not any SHA is empowered to enact legislation to establish any security agency. 

The first level of unconstitutionality in the case of Hisbah, is the fact that it was established to enforce Islamic moral standards, based upon the unlawful introduction of Sharia Law in 12 Northern States of Nigeria contrary to Section 10 of the Constitution, which provides that neither the Government of the Federation nor that of any State may adopt a State religion. It is surprising that this unconstitutional implementation of Sharia which was started by then Governor of Zamfara State, Ahmed Yerima in 1999, hasn’t been declared by the courts to be the unconstitutionality that it is. This wrongfulness has deepened with the way Hisbah enforces Sharia Law, wielding some powers of a security agency, when the Constitution restricts Sharia to Islamic Personal Law - marriage/inheritance, and not criminal law, and in so doing, meting out all sort of outdated corporal punishments that can only be described as torture, when the Constitution doesn’t endow the Sharia Courts that offenders would be brought before, with requisite criminal jurisdiction to deal with them.

On Sunday, May 4, on News Central, I watched a mini-documentary on the Katsina State Hisbah (KSH), where victims of KSH’s abuse were showcased. Asmau Abba Shuaib was slapped and beaten, possibly because of her dressing. Hauwa Muhammad, another female victim’s mother, said her daughter’s experience with KSH was barbaric; that her daughter was dragged like a dog by four men, after being accused of indecent dressing. Mrs Muhammad stated thus: “There’s no law on earth that says you can brutalise a fellow human being, let alone a woman”. I concur. See Section 34(1)(a) of the Constitution on the prohibition of torture and inhuman treatment. What the KSH did in these instances, not only amounts to the offence of causing hurt or grievous hurt against these ladies (see Sections 240-243, 246, 247, 248 and generally, Chapter XVIII (Offences Affecting the Human Body) of the Penal Code Act 1960), but discriminates against women contrary to Section 42(1)(a) of the Constitution, as women appear to be the most targeted by Hisbah. In a true democracy, such cruel practices wouldn’t be permitted, let alone be the norm in certain areas. 

The KSH Commander, Dr Aminu Usman, who was featured in the same interview, was rather unapologetic about KSH’s activities. He stated that KSH punishing people, is following the Quran and Hadith. He said they are punished for gambling, wearing inappropriate clothing, playing music or going out late at night, as such is prohibited in Islam, and enforcement of compliance by beating is allowed in Islam. But, all these Islamic infractions, are not prohibited by the criminal law of the land. Furthermore, it is a false claim that the Quran and Hadith prescribe the punishment of beating for immodest dressing; nowhere in the Holy Book is such stated - see The Holy Quran 24:30-31; 33:59, and even if it did, the Constitution doesn’t provide for the implementation of the punitive part of Sharia Law in Nigeria. 

On the contrary, Section 38 of the Constitution guarantees the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. Adhering to religious instruction is voluntary, so that, even a Muslim cannot be forced to submit to Sharia Law. If a Muslim chooses to listen to secular or Christian music, the KSH isn’t empowered to breach such an individual’s freedom of choice, by stopping them from listening to same. 

Conclusion 

Some of the golden rules of democracy are the supremacy of the Constitution and utmost regard for the rule of law, and in their absence, we cannot really be said to be practising true democracy. 

While pursuing the security and welfare of Nigerians is constitutional, and the sentiment behind Àmòtèkun or Ebubeagu is good, that is, trying to secure the lives and property of Nigerians in those areas, in law, those agencies are standing on extremely slippery ground, and any serious Government would have regularised their status long ago, to make the fight against insecurity more efficient and effective.

On the other hand, the basis for Hisbah, the declaration of Sharia, is unconstitutional, while that of the establishment of Hisbah, like Àmòtèkun and Ebubeagu is questionable. The actions of Hisbah, like that of KSH, usually amounts to breaches of the fundamental rights of citizens. To be honest, an agency such as Hisbah, is actually antithetical to democracy, as several of the tenets of the religion it seeks to enforce, are guaranteed as fundamental rights and not prohibited by law. The fact that KSH even metes out punishments that are not prescribed by the Quran, is even more curious and troubling, since they profess to be followers of the Quran and Hadith. Even Sharia Courts hearing criminal cases and handing down death sentences is unconstitutional and unlawful, as the Constitution doesn’t endow the Sharia or Customary Courts with criminal jurisdiction.

It is time to decide whether Nigeria desires the development of her democracy, which necessarily demands upholding the supremacy of the Constitution and global best democratic practices, or if she wants to continue to regress, playing politics with religion and the like, while disregarding the rule of law. Whether an individual’s name is Munir or Martha, once they have reached the age of 18, it is their right to drink alcohol, indulge in amorous relationships if they so desire, and enjoy all the fundamental rights contained in Chapter IV of the Constitution. The first thing we were taught in Law is that, even though they sometimes intersect, Law and Morals are different. That what may be considered to be immoral, isn’t necessarily unlawful. The essence of a body like Hisbah, is to reject this. The framers of the Constitution knew what they were doing, when they included Section 10 in the Constitution, as forcing or enforcing religious doctrine doesn’t gel properly with the freedoms donated in a democracy. In a true democracy, particularly a multi-ethnic and multi-religious one like Nigeria's, the Constitution is supreme, not religion. 

In the News Central mini-documentary, one of the Speakers concluded by stating that the people believe that the Government of Katsina is using the KSH to serve a political agenda. And, this is one of the reservations of those who do not support the establishment of State Police. That it will become a tool of abuse in the hands of Governors, against the people and their political opponents, particularly if they are equipped with weapons like the NPF.

Over the past month or so—particularly since Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and the entire political structure in Delta state defected to the ruling party —not a day has passed without a significant and consequential member or group of political actors from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) defecting to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Metaphorically, the PDP is hemorrhaging, with critical members fleeing the party.

The alarming rate at which PDP members are shedding the party’s identity—as though it were a bad habit—includes not only regular members but also bigwigs ranging from some ex-governors and the incumbent governor to senators and members of the House of Representatives as well as state house of assembly members including even Local Govt. Area, LGA chairmen, and councilors.

In addition to the high-profile defections, rank-and-file PDP members are also making their way en masse to the ruling APC nationwide. This political migration is akin to the seasonal movement of birds or animals from their native habitats to new environments—often in search of more favorable breeding conditions, better climates, or simply survival.

Just last week the three PDP senators from Kebbi state visited President Tinubu in Aso Rock Villa to announce their imminent defection to the APC.

Beyond those that have openly defected, there are lots whose bodies are in their current political platforms but their souls are in the APC and plan to step out of the shadows at the appropriate time.

Given this wave of defections from various opposition parties to the ruling APC, Nigerian politicians appear to be behaving like the migrating animals just described.

The APC, like a pride of lions on the prowl, seems to have stumbled upon a herd of confused gazelles—the PDP—unsure of their direction or destiny. Like the lions which are carnivores, the APC is devouring the gazelles-opposition parties particularly, the PDP, but not excluding the Labor Party, and the New Nigeria National Party, NNPP.

Apart from the Delta state arm of the PDP, which has dissolved into the ruling party, elected politicians from the LP and NNPP stables are also pivoting to the APC without fanfare.

Arising from the above developments, the former ruling party has been severely weakened and battle-weary, worn down by unending internecine wars since 2010, when sitting president Umar Yar’Adua passed away and then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan inherited the presidency.

Apparently, what is currently unfolding in Nigeria’s political landscape can be likened to a concept from the business world: a “flight to quality” or “flight to safety.”

This is a financial market phenomenon where investors sell off riskier assets and turn to safer ones, such as gold or government bonds, to protect their investments.

At the moment, President Tinubu is increasingly projecting the image of a politically savvy leader—perhaps even a political maverick.

This is underscored by his use of realpolitik to gain ground, as he continues to reach out to governors across the political divide, regardless of party affiliations.

He reminds me of Senator Barack Obama, who, in his 2004 address at the Democratic National Convention, famously declared: “There is no blue America or red America; there is only the United States of America.”

By adopting a bipartisan approach, Obama broadened his base of support.

As a result, the then-freshman senator was able to defeat Hillary Clinton—the Democratic establishment’s favorite—in the primaries and later overcame all odds to defeat Republican Senator John McCain in the 2008 presidential election, serving as the 44th U.S. president from 2009 to 2017.

Now, I’ve heard former President Joe Biden blame Kamala Harris’s gender for her loss to Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential election. Just as l do not buy the rhetoric by PDP members that Tinubu is responsible for their woes, 

I do not share the sentiment of the leadership of the Democratic party in the US that Kamala Harris’s gender alone was her Achilles heels.

In my view, several factors played a role in her loss, including the short campaign window of just four months, the immigration crisis that had reached epidemic proportions and overwhelmed the administration, and key “kitchen table” issues like high inflation manifesting as high cost of living—all of which created unfavorable political headwinds for her candidacy.

A combination of all these factors frustrated the electorate—along with the superior campaign skill and style deployed by her opponent, then highly experienced President Donald Trump. Enriched by his previous experience in office, Trump executed a strategic and convincing campaign, winning more popular votes, securing more electoral college votes, and capturing all seven swing states.

Trump’s emphatic victory is evidence of the kind of superior strategy that wins elections—a playbook that President Bola Tinubu appears to be replicating in Nigeria, thereby expanding the fortunes of his party, the APC.

In the U.S., the reality is that like Vice President Harris, former President Barack Obama also faced significant barriers to the White House because of his skin color—an impediment that had derailed the ambitions of numerous Black presidential hopefuls from both major parties before him.

Notably, before Senator Hillary Clinton’s bid for the White House in 2016, Shirley Chisholm—a trailblazer—was the first African-American woman to run for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1972. Chisholm faced both racial and gender biases that proved to be formidable obstacles which Harris might have also contended with in 2024. But they were not insurmountable with the right strategy as underscored by how Obama prevailed when faced with similar barriers.

Following Chisolm, Jesse Jackson was one of the blacks who made two attempts at the Democratic nomination in 1984 and 1988. Alan Keyes ran for the Republican nomination in 1996, 2000, and 2008. Carol Moseley Braun and Rev. Al Sharpton contested on the Democratic platform in 2004. Herman Cain joined the Republican race in 2012, Ben Carson in 2016, and most recently, Tim Scott in 2024.

A simple trend analysis reveals a common thread among all these candidates: none succeeded in winning the White House. This failure cannot be attributed solely to racial bias but also to their inability to craft a political message with broad appeal beyond the African-American and Hispanic communities as Obama did.

Together, Black and Hispanic populations make up about 30% of the U.S. demographic—14% and 16% respectively. Without expanding their appeal to the larger Caucasian electorate, the chances of any Black candidate securing the presidency were slim. That is why, before Obama, no Black candidate had ever succeeded in turning their aspiration into reality.

It is particularly striking that Shirley Chisholm—the first Black woman to run for president—faced the double disadvantage of race and gender, much like Vice President Kamala Harris contended with in 2024.

As it may be recalled, Hillary Clinton, a white female was on track to win the party primaries until Obama, through superior strategy and political brinksmanship, outmaneuvered her.

Clinton would later face Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Although pre-election polls projected her as the favorite and she won the popular vote by nearly three million, Trump ultimately triumphed through the Electoral College—again, a demonstration of strategic superiority.

The context above underscores a crucial truth: political brinksmanship matters. It is what enabled Obama—a Black minority candidate—to overcome the challenges that had historically thwarted other Black aspirants, making him the first African-American president of the United States.

A similar “business-unusual” approach is what President Tinubu is now employing in Nigeria. Through legitimate means, he is effectively destabilizing, weakening, and disorganizing the opposition parties ahead of the 2027 election, positioning himself for re-election.

For that, he deserves to be credited for his political dexterity. The two closest rival parties in the 2023 presidential election—the PDP and the LP—are currently in disarray and disorganized, largely due to the leaders of the parties being bereft of basic ethos in leadership and the strategic political maneuvers such as the charm offensive unleashed by Tinubu and APC.

The Unraveling of the Opposition and APC’s Strategic Triumph.

The current state of affairs within the PDP and LP reminds me of the coordinated actions taken by President Ronald Reagan of the United States and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom in December 1991. Together, after they discovered the prevailing economic weakness of the country on the other side of the Iron Curtain, the USSR, they plotted to dismantle the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), which, like Humpty Dumpty in the famous nursery rhyme, had a great fall and could not be put back together again, and a remnant of which is Russia of today.

It is rather inconvenient but quite comfortable for the political class that halfway into Nigeria’s four-year electoral cycle, with general elections scheduled for 2027, both veteran and emerging politicians have begun jostling for tickets in anticipation of the next political season, a huge 24 months away.

In media statements, former President Goodluck Jonathan—who rose to the highest office under the PDP—raised the alarm that with President Tinubu’s conquests, or consolidation of his political influence, Nigeria may be drifting toward becoming a one-party state, a scenario he believes could be detrimental to the country’s fledgling democracy. He echoed concerns previously expressed by former Sokoto State Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, who alleged that the growing wave of defections is fueled by fear of the anti-corruption agency, EFCC, with opposition members joining the ruling party out of self-preservation.

Similarly, Dr. Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats, recently argued that politicians are abusing the constitutional provisions that prohibit elected officials from defecting while still occupying the positions they won on a different party platform. However, the same constitution permits defections if the politician can prove that it is a result of a serious crisis plaguing their party. In that context, Dr. Ardo’s assertion may not be entirely valid.

It appears instead that the hemorrhaging opposition parties have failed to effectively challenge these defections in court. When they do pursue legal recourse, their inability to prove that there are no internal party schisms as justification or insufficient evidence to establish that the party is in pristine condition and not wracked by crisis would prevent them from securing favorable judgments. This suggests that the parties themselves are bleeding membership due to self-inflicted wounds.

In my view, contrary to unsubstantiated claims that President Tinubu is using the EFCC to coerce defections, he appears to be employing a more subtle and strategic method—courting opposition figures as a groom woos a bride. A recent example is his state visit to Anambra, where Governor Charles Soludo warmly received him. In appreciation, President Tinubu was jointly honored with a chieftaincy title conferred by all the state’s traditional rulers—a symbolic endorsement of his outreach by ndi-Igbo.

In my assessment, Tinubu’s approach is part of a larger charm offensive aimed at winning hearts and minds across party lines, regardless of creed or political affiliation, as he positions himself for re-election in 2027. During his Anambra visit, he greeted the crowd in halting Igbo, calling them Ndi-Igbo—a term of endearment. He was also served popular local dishes like ukwa and abacha. Earlier, he was similarly welcomed in Enugu by Governor Peter Mbah where after commissioning remarkable projects executed by the PDP state governor, showers of encomiums were traded between the host and guest. During his visit to Katsina state, a praise song was composed by a popular local musician in his honor and performed at a banquet held by the state governor to welcome him.

That was after the president visited the war theatre and charged the commanders in the frontline to fish out the bandits and religious insurgents wreaking havoc on the lives of those living in the locations considered to be the ground zero for insecurity in Nigeria.

These engagements reflect personal efforts by President Tinubu to build goodwill while awaiting the tangible impact of his economic reforms. Though Nigeria’s macroeconomic fundamentals are reportedly improving, the effects have yet to trickle down to the average citizen, hence there still exists apathy. Therefore, claims that the EFCC is the tool behind the APC’s current political gains appear to ignore these broader, more nuanced efforts.

In truth, what afflicts the opposition parties is not fear of the EFCC—but leadership paralysis.

Let me illustrate this with a simple idiom from my native Ika dialect: “It is the grass that grows on a well-trodden path that invites being trampled.” Translated, this reflects the fate of the PDP and LP, which have exposed themselves to erosion by failing to address internal crises. As a result, they resemble vulnerable landscapes—barren and deteriorating under the weight of neglect and the pursuit of personal agendas by their leaders.

Disappointingly, the PDP, which ruled Nigeria from 1999 to 2015, now resembles a devastated terrain—akin to parts of Zamfara State scarred by illegal mining. The trenches and ditches left behind are symbolic of the reckless internal strife and lack of control within the party. While its leaders engage in endless legal battles, the APC continues to harvest its members—senators, governors, legislators, and local government officials.

The LP, which had a meteoric rise in 2023 with Peter Obi’s populist-driven campaign, is now facing a similar fate. After its surprising superlative performance in the 2023 presidential election and emerging as the second main opposition force, the party began to unravel almost immediately. Internal disputes, leadership disarray, and missed opportunities have weakened its structure significantly, such that it is no longer the winning machine that it used to be barely 24 months ago.

In an attempt to salvage the PDP, a meeting of its Governors’ Forum—hosted in Ibadan by Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde—advised against any coalition with other opposition parties. Rather than heal wounds, the decision further alienated members, culminating in a massive defection in Delta State, where a wave of leaders and grassroots supporters switched allegiance to the APC. From governors and senators to local councilors, the exodus has been described as unprecedented and monumental.

In a last-ditch effort to stop the bleeding, Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, who also chairs the PDP Governors’ Forum, convened a high-level meeting over the weekend. Attendees included acting National Chairman Iliya Damagun, former Senate President Bukola Saraki, and several former governors. Whether this effort can halt the party’s decline ahead of its upcoming National Working Committee meeting remains uncertain.

As I see it, the trials of the PDP and LP, and the triumphs of the APC, are not merely due to coercion or external manipulation as some PDP leaders are claiming. They are primarily the result of poor planning, shallow strategy, and leadership failure within the opposition. Conversely, it is the strategic and tactical brilliance of President Tinubu—marked by calculated outreach and political brinksmanship—that is driving the ruling party’s exponential growth.

While each party may have its version of the truth, one fact remains incontestable: the opposition parties are their own worst enemies. Their inability to maintain internal cohesion and vision has led them to the edge of political irrelevance.

Perhaps as a demonstration of political machismo and to bolster confidence amongst PDP members that have remained faithful, Sule Lamido, an ex-governor of Jigawa state and a PDP stalwart, has predicted that by accommodating politicians from multiple orientations and ideologies the APC will soon disintegrate with members returning to the APC. Something akin to the Big Bang theory in the political sphere.

That expectation appears to me as utopian because the APC after its founding in 2013 was deemed by skeptics as a Special Purpose Vehicle, SPV is expected to disintegrate after winning the presidency and more states in the 2015 general elections.

Perhaps due to some inbuilt mechanisms for coping with internal intrigues, APC has continued to wax stronger to the chagrin of the opposition parties that have been in the death throes like patients in Intensive Care Units, and ICU in hospitals.

Even worse is the fact that some aggrieved politicians who have quit or planning to quit the PDP and APC and are seeking to berth or migrate to the less visible parties such as the Social Democratic Party, SDP, are currently in limbo. 

Unsurprisingly that crop of politicians is experiencing roadblocks with the hostile original owners of the party platform that they are eying.

That said, it is morning yet to decipher the possible outcome of the unfolding 2027 general elections that promises to be a showdown if the opposition parties get their acts right, or a no-show with the president cruising into his second term unchallenged in any significant shape or form.

Magnus Onyibe, is an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, & development strategist

The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) acknowledges the significant volume of unusual complaints following the release of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results, which were officially published last Friday . In response, the Board is fast forwarding its annual system review—a comprehensive post-mortem of the examination process that is conducted each year months after the exercise.

The Board’s annual review encompasses three key stages: registration, examination, and result release. During the examination phase, JAMB ensures that every candidate is afforded the opportunity to sit for the test. Should any technical issues arise, the Board reschedules the examination for affected candidates without hesitation.

We are particularly concerned about the unusual complaints originating from a few states within the Federation. We are currently scrutinising these complaints in detail to identify and rectify any potential technical issues. To assist in this process, we have engaged a number of experts, including members from the Computer Professionals Association of Nigeria, Chief External Examiners, who are heads of tertiary institutions, the Educational Association and Research Network in Africa, measurement experts, and Vice Chancellors from various institutions. If it is determined that there were indeed glitches, we will implement appropriate remedial measures promptly, as we do in the case of the examinations themselves.

Fabian Benjamin, Ph.D.,

Public Communication Advisor, JAMB

Public primary schools in Owukpa, a district in Ogbadibo Local Government Area of Benue State, are facing a slow and painful extinction.

Once nurturing grounds that shaped some of Nigeria state’s finest doctors, lawyers, journalists and professionals, these schools have now deteriorated into crumbling structures, deserted by both teachers and pupils, now overrun by reptiles.

Years of government neglect, insecurity and policy setbacks have left the schools in ruins, with classrooms sitting empty, walls fallen apart, roofs blown off and only a handful of pupils still enrolled.

A recent tour of the community by DAILY POST reporter revealed the alarming extent of the decay, raising urgent questions about the future of public education in Owukpa.

One of the most disturbing sights on the tour was at LGEA Primary School Ikwo, a village in Itabono that borders Enugu State.

Established in the early 1970s, this once-thriving educational institution has deteriorated beyond recognition.

The school is now in a state of complete disrepair.

The buildings have collapsed, classrooms are without chairs and the walls have crumbled to dust.

The school currently has no single pupil, only snakes and lizards now roam freely through the abandoned structure.

The decay is not confined to Ikwo alone. At LGEA Primary School Ekere Owukpa, the situation is even worse.

The school, founded in the 1950s, which once played a central role in educating the community, now faces a severe shortage of both teachers and pupils.

The classrooms are now largely empty, with many parents opting to send their children to private schools instead.

Clement ‘All-Rounder’ Ocheme, a former headteacher and education supervisor from Ekere Owukpa, said that the lack of interest in public schools has been a major contributing factor.

“Parents no longer see the value in public education. They are pulling their children out and enrolling them in private schools, which they believe offer better opportunities,” Ocheme told our reporter.

Chief John Ameh Onuh, a veteran teacher and the traditional ruler of Agbogiri Clan, echoed similar concerns.

He recalled the days in the 1960s-1990s when the schools in the region were bustling with pupils.

“We had over 500 students enrolled at that time, but now, the population has dwindled to less than 20,” Onuh noted with a sense of despair.

“We need the government to take action before these schools vanish entirely.

“There are hardly any teachers left. Since many of us retired, the government hasn’t recruited replacements and that has left a huge gap,” Chief Onuh lamented.

“Most parents are no longer willing to gamble with their children’s future, so they’re turning to private schools. Take Ekere, for example, we have only one teacher in the entire school. How can one person possibly handle six different classes? It’s a heartbreaking reality. Public primary schools in our communities are slowly dying.”

Similarly, at LGEA Primary School Achi Ugbugbu, the situation is particularly dire.

The school, which once produced countless individuals who went on to make a mark in various fields, today has structures that are falling apart, classrooms that are bare, and not a single teacher to be found.

Edwin ‘Dandy’ Apochi, a teacher who served in the school for decades, described the situation as “pathetic.”

He said for years now, the school has had no teachers and its future is now uncertain.

Sadly, LGEA Primary School Udaburu has also fallen into a state of neglect, with just two teachers left and only three pupils enrolled, most of whom barely show up for classes.

Godwin Adikwu, one of the school’s teachers employed by the community, is responsible for all the classes, a daunting task given the school’s declining enrollment.

Many parents have since pulled their children out, unable to tolerate the lack of proper facilities or teachers.

Speaking with our reporter, the Clan Head of Udaburu, Chief Simon Idoko, said the situation is beyond the community’s control and requires urgent government intervention.

“We have done all we can as a people, raised funds, employed volunteer teachers, even provided teaching materials from our pockets, but there’s only so much a community can do.

“The schools are collapsing, both physically and structurally. Our children are being left behind, and that is something no society can afford.

“This is not just a local issue anymore; it is a state emergency. If the government continues to look away, we will wake up one day to find that public primary education in Owukpa no longer exists,” he lamented.

Barrister David Mike Agada, a legal practitioner and proud alumnus of LGEA Primary School Udaburu, also decried the current state of his alma mater.

Agada, who graduated from the school in 1993, recalled the vibrancy and overpopulation that once defined the institution.

“Back then, the classrooms were so full that some pupils were sent home simply because there wasn’t enough space to accommodate everyone,” he reminisced.

“Imagine being told you were too small to be in school because the place was bursting with pupils. That’s how vibrant the school used to be.

“It’s heartbreaking to return to a place that once shaped the future of so many, only to find it in ruins.

“It’s not just a building falling apart; it’s an entire generation’s opportunity being lost. Government silence is no longer just neglect; it’s a betrayal,” Agada added.

The situation has only worsened since the retirement of key education figures in the area.

Chief Simon Agada, former Head of School Services in Ogbadibo LGA, who is a native of Udaburu, voiced his frustration with the government’s neglect of public education in the region.

“Since my wife, who was the headteacher of LGEA Primary School Udaburu, retired, the school has been left in the hands of no one,” Agada explained.

“The people we have now are what we call gatecrashers; most of them lack proper training.

“The government is not helping matters at all. The last time there was a meaningful recruitment of teachers was during George Akume’s tenure as governor back in 2007.

“Since then, successive administrations have ignored the plight of government schools, not just in Owukpa, but across the entire Idoma land and Benue State at large.

“The government has failed to provide the necessary support to keep these schools operational,” he lamented.

In Ejule, another community within Owukpa, the public school faces similar challenges.

The school, which once produced some of the region’s best medical doctors and lawyers, is now largely abandoned.

“The lack of attention from the government is appalling,” said Mr Benedict Abutu, Education Secretary of Ogbadibo.

Mr Augustine Akor Ameh, a former headteacher in the school, said, “One of our major challenges is the lack of basic teaching materials. For instance, many schools don’t even have chairs or desks, not for the pupils and not even for the teachers.

“Moreover, there has been no clear effort or commitment from the government to support or motivate teachers.

“Right now, private schools are taking over because they provide better learning environments and parents are withdrawing their children from public schools in large numbers.

“Imagine, only two teachers are managing an entire primary school with six classes. That’s unacceptable. The government needs to take urgent action.”

Wesley Primary School in Okpudu, the first primary school in Owukpa community, is yet another victim of this neglect.

With its roofs blown off and classrooms empty, the school stands as a shadow of its former self.

The school has no teacher with less than 10 pupils

The situation in Atamaka, where insecurity has taken a heavy toll, is perhaps the most troubling.

Last year, six young men were kidnapped along the Atamaka-Ugbugbu road, causing the only teacher at the LGEA Primary School Atamaka to flee.

Today, the school stands vacant and parents are left with no choice but to seek alternatives for their children.

“The situation is dire,” said a community leader.

“We need urgent intervention from the government to ensure the safety of our children and teachers,” he added.

Other schools, such as LGEA Primary School Ai-Fam (St Michael), LGEA Priamry School Ai-Ujah, LGEA Primary School Ikpochi and LGEA Primary School Ai-Odu, are also in a state of disrepair, lacking teachers and proper facilities.

The situation has been worsened by the policies of the current state government.

In 2022, the Benue State Government under then-Governor Samuel Ortom recruited a number of civil servants, including teachers.

However, shortly after assuming office, Governor Hyacinth Alia reversed the move, ordering the dismissal of those employed during Ortom’s final months in office, among them, the newly recruited teachers.

DAILY POST learnt that the last time the state government recruited teachers in large numbers was in 2007, during the first tenure of then-Governor George Akume.

Nearly two decades later, many of those teachers have either retired or died, with no replacements hired, leaving a devastating vacuum in the public education system.

When this reporter contacted the office of Grace Adagba, Chairperson of the Benue State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB), which oversees public primary schools in the state, an official requested a call back in one hour.

Also, when the reporter visited the High Level, Makurdi office of the board, an official redirected him to the Ministry of Education and Knowledge Management, stating that the ministry was in a better position to respond to the development.

“This matter you are talking about falls under the purview of the Ministry of Education and Knowledge Management.

“They’re better positioned to provide detailed responses,” the official who craved anonymity said.

However, repeated attempts to reach the Commissioner, Frederick Ikyaan, were unsuccessful, as calls were ignored and text messages went unanswered.

Meanwhile, when reached for reaction, Mr Emmanuel Agese, information officer, SUBEB, denied knowledge of such dire situation in Owukpa.

“There is no situation of dilapidated primary schools in Owukpa which has made pupils attend schools in neighboring states to the knowledge of SUBEB.

“If there is such a situation then the head teachers of such schools have not reported the conditions of such schools to the executive chairman of SUBEB, Grace Adagba who is very proactive in responding to such cases.

“The head teacher may not have reported the exodus of pupils from their schools because they could be benefiting from such an unfortunate incident.

“The Executive Chairman is committed to the positive development of primary education in the state as can be seen in the uncommon transformation of the sector like the modern structures in our schools.

“The head teachers should endeavor to promptly report such a situation to the appropriate authority if at all there is any.”

• PDP, SDP chairmen, LP tackle APC chair

The one-party state controversy, which arose after a spate of defections into the All Progressives Congress (APC) since the tsunami in Delta State, deepened at the weekend.

Many commentators and opposition figures have accused the APC of plotting a one-party state by wooing and winning over opposition political office holders – governors, federal and state lawmakers.

But the APC has consistently said those joining it are doing so willingly, having been attracted by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s performance and plans for the country.

The APC National Chairman, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, chided those accusing the ruling party of plotting to push the country into a one-party system.

Ganduje, a former Kano State governor, said: “A one-party state is not by force. It’s by negotiation. It’s because other political parties see the effect of the positive governance of our party.

“If they decide to come to our party, willingly, I think there is nothing wrong with that.

“Today, democratic China is one of the strongest countries in the world, and it’s a one-party system.

“We are not saying we are working for a one-party system, but if this is the wish of Nigerians, we cannot quarrel with that.

“You know they say too many cooks spoil the soup, too many political parties spoil governance.”

Ganduje spoke at Aso Villa when he led the three Kebbi State senators – Adamu Aliero (Kebbi Central), Yahaya Abdullahi (Kebbi North), and Garba Maidoki (Kebbi South) – all elected on the PDP platform, to meet with President Tinubu for final negotiation ahead of their defection this week to the ruling party.

But PDP National Chairman Umar Ilya Damagum and National Chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) Shehu Musa Gabam lashed out at Ganduje on his position.

Damgum described the idea of a single-party state as “madness”.

He said: “One-party system can only happen somewhere else, not in this country.

“Recall what history says about anybody wishing for a one-party state. Where will such people end?”

Gabam said: “The PDP, the party in power before the emergence of APC, passed through that route some time ago, deluding themselves that they would be in control of levers of power forever, but that fell on their faces. 

“It is Nigerians who are in the best position to tell if their lives have changed for the better or that they have been impacted positively under the APC.

“The motivation of the ongoing gale of defections, particularly by some governors and elected political office holders, is not altruistic.

“It is self-serving and undeniably done for self-preservation. 

“Nigerians are in agreement that the power of choice through democratic options that multi-party democracy offers is one that cannot and should not be compromised.

“A one-party system breeds authoritarian rule and erodes the freedom of the electorate.

“It is not debatable that Nigeria needs a strong opposition for democratic consolidation.”

Gabam spoke through the National Publicity Secretary of SDP, Rufus Aiyenigba.

The Labour Party, which criticised the ruling class for being selfish, said self-interest is behind defections to the ruling party.

Publicity Secretary of the Julius Abure faction, Obiora Ifoh, who spoke on behalf of the party, said Nigerians would not support a one-party state.

He said: “One-party system is undemocratic and it breeds tyranny. Nigerians will not be pushed into that political system.

“However, it must be said that many political parties are in crisis today because some leaders of those parties are not willing to subject themselves to party supremacy.

“As such, political office holders use the inherent confusion in these parties to jump over to the ruling party, hoping to have easy access to political relevance and the cover provided by the ruling party.

“Is it not absurd that a governor of an opposition party cannot even critique constructively or even appraise the ruling party in the face of the myriad economic challenges in the country today?

“Or how do you explain how another opposition governor, barely two years into a government, is now campaigning for a president from another party against his own party?

“The political class is so selfish that what counts for them is survival first, and they can do everything to ensure that they hold onto power, including betraying the party that sponsored them to the office.”

President Bola Tinubu has bagged the Lifetime African Achievement award from the Millennium Excellence Foundation based in Ghana, NAN reports on Monday.

Tinubu, while receiving the award, commended the patron of the Foundation, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, Asantehene, for the invitation extended to him and the success of the event put together by the foundation.

The President, represented by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Amb. Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, received the award as special guest of honour during the 25th anniversary of the Millennium Excellence Prize in Kumasi, Ghana.

Tinubu said, “I salute the visionaries who have nurtured this institution for a quarter of a century and also celebrate the values of honour, integrity, service, and excellence that underpin its work. 

“Specifically, the organisers for identifying and celebrating Africa’s shining lights, individuals whose lives and work had lifted the continent and inspired generations.

“It is no small achievement to have honoured such illustrious figures as the late Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Prof. Wole Soyinka, President Cyril Ramaphosa and Dr Mo Ibrahim, among others.”

He charged the young generation of Africans to rise with courage towards contributing their quota to make the African continent a more united, peaceful, and prosperous one.

He emphasised the need for such contribution to be carried out in the area of science, technology, education, governance, entrepreneurship and arts.

He further called on Africans to always work closely together in shaping their shared destiny, while urging the event organisers to continue to inspire excellence, uphold values of leadership with service and invest in the youth to foster collaboration across borders.

“The award ceremony, from inception in 1988, remained a beacon of inspiration and recognition across the continent.

“Its mission of identifying, celebrating and supporting those who had distinguished themselves in the pursuit of African development resonated deeply with the aspirations of Nigeria and indeed, all African nations,” he added.

The event featured the presentation of the Lifetime African Achievement Prize to Tinubu, the global intra-African trade excellence in Africa to the President/Chairman, African Export-Import Bank (AFREXIM), Dr Benedict Oramah.

Also, Akwa Ibom State Governor, Pastor Umo Eno, received the Lifetime Africa Achievement Prize for Governance and Public Service, the Founder/Chairman, BUA Group, Alhaji AbdulSamad Rabiu, received African Excellence in Business, while Mr Dumo Lulu-Briggs received the African Traditional Leadership and Business Excellence award.

NAN

Owing to its unique and dynamic nature, navigating Africa’s volatile business landscape requires resilience, vision, and strategy built on long-term commitment.

In a continent where business mortality rates are usually among the highest globally, only a few institutions have demonstrated the staying power and adaptability needed to not just survive but thrive.

United Bank for Africa (UBA) which prides itself as Africa’s Global Bank stands as a remarkable example of an organisation with such resilience.

From its origin in 1949 as the French and British Bank of West Africa to its transformation through a strategic merger with Standard Trust Bank in 2005, UBA has truly evolved into a  Pan-African and global financial powerhouse in its over seven decades of operation. With presence in 24 Africa countries and active operations in major financial capitals of Europe, America, and Asia, UBA  continues to retain its position as Africa’s brand with global influence.

Last year, the bank commenced a year-long series of activities to mark its 75^th anniversary, and one of the events to close at year-long commemoration was the Group Chairman’s Forum, which was held between April 22 and 23, 2025, at the iconic Transcorp Hilton in Abuja.

Conceived by UBA’s Group Chairman, Mr.  Tony O. Elumelu, CFR, the Forum has become a strategic platform for charting the bank’s future. This year’s edition convened over 120 senior stakeholders ranging from chairpersons and Chief Executive Officers of UBA’s 24 subsidiaries to top executives and board members – focused on reviewing performance, aligning priorities, and reinforcing the bank’s customer-first philosophy.

Addressing participants at the opening of the two-day session, Elumelu said, “This gathering is for knowledge sharing, group integration and, re-strategising mechanisms with the overall aim of putting UBA Group on firm standing to actualise its goals and targets for the financial year and the foreseeable future.”

Continuing, he said, “Throughout our over seven decades, our group has demonstrated capacity to adapt, to transform and to disrupt, establish, further and uphold fundamental responsibility to our customers and stakeholders.”

The Forum afforded participants the opportunity to critically review the bank’s performance, discuss strategic initiatives and chart the course for the future. Discussions were built on interactive panel sessions moderated by the Group Chairman and key issues around UBA’s International and African reach; brand building, projection and reputation management; Customer Experience; and Governance and Risk were thoroughly discussed and interrogated.

Day 1 kicked off with a comprehensive review of the Bank’s financial performance in 2024, followed by an engaging panel session with key stakeholders in Risk and Corporate Governance. The first day wrapped up with another powerful panel featuring leaders from UBA Africa, highlighting regional perspectives and strategic direction.

The Day 2 was more interesting as top players discussed international footprint and the power of brand building and reputation management.

The Forum came on the heels of a very successful 2024 financial year, where the Bank not only recorded excellent performances across key indicators with its ex-Nigerian operations contributing seventy percent of the profit.

Participants were unanimous in their decision to do all in their power to accentuate the Bank’s position as the leading Pan-African Bank across all key indices including brand equity, human capital, customer service and profitability, whilst also inculcating a culture of responsiveness, with zero tolerance for any regulatory infraction across all its subsidiaries.

Constant in Elumelu’s intervention at the discussions was positioning UBA for leadership in the banking space in Africa and global space, within the short and medium term. “Banking is a marathon and not sprint, we are building to last, and our drive is for long term, bringing rewards to our Shareholders,” Elumelu constantly said while urging participants to continue to live up to the expectations.

Elumelu proffered that the Bank’s success would be driven by adherence to strong corporate governance, execution of established rules, principles and procedures, improving speed of execution, operational efficiency and fraud mitigation and most importantly, making the customer the centerpiece of what UBA does.

The Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, who spoke at the dinner organized to celebrate the Bank’s 75^th Year Anniversary attributed the 75-year banking growth of the United Bank for Africa (UBA) to innovation and resilience despite economic challenges.

“Seventy-five years is not something you pick up at a supermarket. It is earned. It’s through risks and calculations, through storms and sunshine, through mergers and acquisitions, and through the brainpower, resilience and courage of those who believe in its promise of a new world. That is what leadership means,” he said.

He added, “The United Bank for Africa, or simply UBA, is not what it is because of the age of its ideas. It is what it is because of the attention it pays—attention to innovation, attention to emerging markets, attention to shifting dreams, and attention to the changing contours of generational ambition because it is led by people who do not just manage capital, but manage curiosity.”

A cursory glance at the full year results revealed that it was a very strong and rewarding 2024 for the bank, as it generated a gross revenue of N3.2 trillion and profit after tax of N767billion. It successfully sustained its deposit mobilization efforts, growing total deposits by 42% to N24.6 trillion. UBA’s loan book expanded by 35 percent to N7.5 trillion, demonstrating its commitment to fund growth, thus, contributing to Nigeria and Africa’s economic transformation.

UBA Group maintained a well structures and diversified balance sheet with total assets and Shareholders’ Funds closing at N30.3 trillion and N3.4 trillion respectively.

UBA, with a global staff of over 25,000, is proud supporter of businesses, governments, and consumers across Africa and globally, serving over 45 million people in 24 countries across Africa, Europe, America and Asia.

Nasir is the group head, media and external relations, UBA.

President Bola Tinubu is expected to inaugurate the disaster relief fund (DRF) committee on May 13.

According to an invitation by Wale Edun, the minister of finance and coordinating minister of the economy, the launch and inauguration of the committee will be held at the council chamber of the State House, Abuja.

The planned inauguration follows a directive by the federal executive council (FEC) on September 23, 2024, calling for the establishment of a coordinated national strategy to respond to disasters.

Edun said the launch will mark the commencement of the committee’s mandate to develop a nationwide disaster-response and climate-resilience framework.

The committee will be chaired by Tony Elumelu, chairman of Heirs Holdings, representing the private sector.

Other members of the committee include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, governor of Kwara and chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (representing sub-national governments); Ali Pate, coordinating minister of health and social welfare; and Abubakar Bagudu, the minister of budget and economic planning.

Others are Festus Keyamo, minister of aviation; Joseph Utsev, minister of water resources; Balarabe Lawal, minister of environment; and Zubaida Umar, the director-general of the Nigeria Emergency Management Agency (NEMA).

[TheCable]

It will be fallacious to say the military taught Nigerians how to steal. In truth, stealing maybe as old as humanity itself. In fact, stealing is so old that it features in the Ten Commandments God reportedly gave humanity: ‘Thou Shall Not Steal’.

However, while the politicians who stole  before military rule commenced in Nigeria, were petty thieves, the Generals raised the standard to actual ‘state capture’. While the former, given the consequences, were afraid to be caught, the latter actually lived in the treasury, conscious that, even if caught, there might be no adverse consequences. In any case, esprit de corps obliges Generals to look out for each other. So, despite all the accusations of looting against the Babangida regime, including the Gulf War windfall, nobody dared or has dared to probe it.

 Even when there are documents and claims that retired General Muhammadu Buhari was not transparent in running the Petroleum Trust Fund, PTF, there was no probe. Undoubtedly, the most infamous looter in Nigerian history was General Sani Abacha. He was indisputably, the ‘Looter-in-Chief’. However, despite over $5 billion being recovered from the funds he looted and stashed abroad, his predecessors like Babangida and Muhammadu Buhari, retired Generals like Ishaya Bamaiyi, reigning anti-corruption crusaders like Buba Galadima and their hordes of  ‘bloody civilian’ supporters like Amina Mohammed,  swear Abacha never stole. This is despite years of Europe and United States returning the loot and the 175 million Euro  stolen funds recovered from the Abacha  family.

The only Nigerian Head of State I know who acknowledged that Abacha was a most  audacious treasury looter is retired General Abdulsalam Abubakar, his immediate successor. He was Head of the Military Provisional Ruling Council, PRC, which the press dubbed the ‘Provisional Looting Council’, PLC – for its own prowess in cleaning the national treasury.  Abubakar ruled that  despite Abacha’s loot, nobody can be brought to book. He had  ready answers why those caught with stolen funds would not be brought to justice.  On May 18, 1999, that  is eleven  days before he was to  hand over power, Abubakar made it his duty to publicly clear all the accused. Although huge sums of stolen public funds were recovered from Ismaila Gwarzo, Abacha’s Security Adviser,  General Abubakar ruled there will be no prosecution because Gwarzo claimed “he only acted  as his master’s post office”. That is, he  was Abacha’s money launderer.  

Huge amounts of stolen Nigerian funds were found on Mrs Maryam Abacha  and her family. But Abubakar ruled that they should not be prosecuted because “these people never signed anything  to collect the recovered money.” Etubom Anthony Ani, Abacha’s Finance Minister, was caught with lots of stolen public funds out of which he willingly refunded N350 million.  His colleague, Alhaji Bashir  Dalhatu, who was the Energy Minister was also caught in possession of huge funds taken from the public treasury. He offered to refund N500 million to the treasury. Abubakar said both men will not be prosecuted because they claimed the stolen funds were gifts from Abacha.

In his own case, all Abubakar did was to swear he had not stolen public funds, although he did not declare his assets. His Deputy, then Admiral Mike Akhigbe, was variously accused of fraudulent acquisition of stupendous wealth and challenged to reveal the source; he could not. Rather, he tried to shut down those demanding accountability by threatening to take them to court. Needless to say, Akhigbe never took anybody to court. Meanwhile a so-called ‘Committee of Friends’ galloped to defend the inhuman atrocities and looting by Abacha and Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, his Chief Security Officer. This body, composed of Umaru Faruk Yola, Ahmed Ubale, Abdullahi Mohammed, Rabiu Isiaku and Amina Mohammed on April 15, 1999 took an advertisement in the ‘Guardian Newspapers’.  They, in claiming  to be stating “the facts on the ground”, strived  to defend Abacha against the billions of dollars he looted by characterising the recovered funds as “…seemingly mind boggling tales  of treasury looting.”

Over the years, lots of funds looted by Abacha were retrieved. These included $750 million from the Abacha family in 1998; $1.2 billion in 2002; $160 million from Jersey in 2003; and $88 million from Switzerland the same year. In 2005, $461.3 million was retrieved from Switzerland. Despite these recoveries, when Babangida visited the Abacha family in Kano on June 8, 2008 he declared that Abacha never stole any money from the Nigerian treasury. On that same day, Buhari stood before man and God and declared that the facts against Abacha’s looting are “baseless”. He added that “…ten years after Abacha those allegations remain unproven because of lack of facts.”

Another ten years later, Buhari after being Nigerian President from 2015 and spending parts of the retrieved Abacha loot, could no longer utter such barefaced lies, especially when he was an integral part of the Abacha regime. But, he would not apologise for his untruths. Rather, when his Buhari Support Organisation, BSO, paid him a solidarity visit in 2018, he said: “No matter what opinion you have about Abacha, I agreed to work with him…” Buhari  is not alone in the campaign to present the internationally certified treasury looter as a saint. Retired General Ishaya Bamaiyi who was Abacha’s Chief of Army Staff also swore in 2017, that is 19 years after Nigeria started receiving the looted funds, that Abacha never stole. While launching his book, ‘Vindication of a General’, Bamaiyi  declared; “Abacha loot is a media creation.”

Buba Galadima, an engineer who today, waxes lyrical about probity and good governance, makes  a rather untenable defence of Abacha. He claimed that it was Saddam Hussein of Iraq and Libya’s Muammar Ghadaffi who advised Abacha to loot Nigeria’s funds and deposit them in various banks abroad in order to avoid likely sanctions by the United States. Incredible! So the solution to possible US sanctions is to go deposit Nigeria’s funds in US and European banks. How idiotic! After 29 years cumulative military misrule during which gun-wielding  terrorists from the barracks held the country and its treasury hostage, exerting ransom, Nigeria has become a graduate of that military culture. Many politicians have been good students of the Generals School of Lootocracy.

This piece is one of a number I have hesitated writing for a long time because there would be too many people who will feel offended. Also, I have become quite conscious that the bunker of self-evident Truth from which I have been firing my columns is now susceptible  to bunker buster bombs like the cyber-stalking laws. Therefore, I am fleeing to shelter in the bunker of History. There, I hope to be exonerated by time, which today, is still a toddler.