In a shocking video that has gone viral, a teacher at Christ Mitots School in Ikorodu, Lagos State, was captured physically assaulting a toddler who struggled to write the numbers 61 and 62 during a numeracy lesson. The heart-wrenching footage shows the boy, barely four years old, trembling and sobbing as the teacher repeatedly slapped him for his perceived inability to grasp the lesson.  

The public outrage has been swift, with calls for the teacher’s arrest and even the closure of the school. As the story unfolds, it is imperative to critically examine not just the incident but the broader societal attitudes that allow such abuse to occur in places meant to nurture children.  

At four years old, a child’s mind is an open field for exploration, creativity, and learning. This phase of life is delicate, marked by a natural curiosity that flourishes in nurturing environments. The toddler in this incident is emblematic of countless children across Nigeria whose potential is stifled by a system that prioritizes punitive discipline over encouragement.  

Children at that age learn at varying paces, influenced by factors like individual temperament, developmental milestones, and environmental stimuli. The teacher’s actions reflect a gross misunderstanding of child psychology and early education principles. No toddler, no matter how slow to grasp a concept, deserves physical or emotional abuse in the name of discipline.  

Teachers are meant to be mentors and role models, entrusted with the sacred duty of shaping young minds. A classroom should be a haven of safety, where mistakes are opportunities for growth, not grounds for punishment. Unfortunately, the actions of this teacher betray the profession’s ethical standards and the trust placed in her by the parents and the society at large.  

The justification given by the teacher, that the child belonged to her friend, only compounds the issue. Whether or not the child was related to her in any way is irrelevant. Abuse is abuse, and the notion that familiarity grants license to inflict harm is deeply flawed.  

This incident highlights the lingering shadow of corporal punishment in Nigerian schools, a practice that has been officially outlawed in many states but remains entrenched in some educational settings. Despite policies aimed at promoting child-friendly learning environments, the cultural acceptance of “spare the rod, spoil the child” persists.  

Research has consistently shown that corporal punishment harms children’s cognitive, emotional, and social development. The World Health Organization (WHO) recognizes it as a form of violence that can lead to lifelong psychological trauma. In this case, the visible fear and trembling of the child suggest an immediate impact on his emotional well-being.  

The damage inflicted on the toddler is not limited to physical pain. Being humiliated and hurt by someone entrusted with his care sends a devastating message: that he is unworthy and incapable. Over time, such treatment can erode a child’s self-esteem and impede their ability to trust others.  

Moreover, the ripple effects of such incidents extend beyond the individual. Parents who entrust their children to schools are now left questioning the safety of these institutions. For every child abused, there are countless others whose parents may begin to doubt the education system’s ability to protect and nurture.  

The incident at Christ Mitots School underscores the urgent need for stricter oversight of private and public educational institutions in Nigeria. Schools should be held accountable for the actions of their staff, and mechanisms must be put in place to ensure the safety and well-being of students.  

First, there must be a robust system for reporting and addressing complaints. The fact that this incident came to light only because of a video is alarming. How many similar cases go unreported? Authorities must create safe channels for students, parents, and even teachers to report misconduct without fear of retaliation.  

Second, teacher training programs need to emphasize modern pedagogical approaches, with a strong focus on child psychology and non-violent disciplinary techniques. The failure of this teacher is not hers alone, it is a failure of a system that may not have adequately prepared her for the responsibilities of her role.  

Beyond institutional reforms, society at large must reject the normalization of violence against children. Parents, educators, and policymakers all have a role to play in creating environments where children can thrive without fear.  

The outrage expressed by the caller in the video is a step in the right direction, but such incidents should not require viral moments to spur action. A collective effort is needed to shift societal attitudes, reinforcing the idea that violence has no place in education.  

Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu and the Lagos State government must take decisive action, not just in addressing this specific case but in preventing future occurrences. Closing the school temporarily or permanently may send a strong message, but it is only a band-aid solution. Systemic changes are needed, including stricter regulation of private schools, enhanced teacher training, and public awareness campaigns about the dangers of corporal punishment.  

Activists and human rights organizations must also remain vigilant, using their platforms to highlight abuses and advocate for child-friendly educational policies. The involvement of the Lagos State Neighborhood Safety Corps in this case is commendable, but follow-through is essential to ensure justice is served.  

The toddler in this story represents countless other children whose voices are silenced by fear and systemic neglect. Justice must be served, not just for this child but for all children who have suffered similar fates.  

This case should serve as a turning point, a moment when Nigeria collectively decides that its children deserve better. As a society, we must ask ourselves: what kind of future are we building if the hands meant to nurture are the ones causing harm?  

The teacher’s actions at Christ Mitots School are a stark reminder of the work that remains in ensuring a safe and nurturing environment for Nigeria’s children. A toddler’s world should be filled with curiosity, laughter, and learning, not fear and pain.  

As we hold the teacher accountable, as she has been arrested by the Lagos State Government, let us also commit to broader systemic changes that prioritize the well-being of every child. For in safeguarding their innocence, we secure our nation’s future. Nwadigbo was arrested by officials of Lagos Neighborhood Safety Agency, following the trending video of the toddler being physically abused by the teacher.

Only three Nigerian leaders have been invited by the British Monarch for state visits to Buckingham Palace. They are General Yakubu Gowon GCFR (90) and his wife Victoria Gowon (78) (12–15 June 1973), President Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari GCFR (25 February 1925 – 28 December 2018) (17–20 March 1981) and General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR (83) and his wife, Maryam  (9–12 May 1989).

In fact, Nigeria is more favoured than most African countries that have been invited for state visits to Buckingham Palace.

On the other hand, the British Monarch had visited Nigeria twice. Queen Elizabeth II (21 April 1926- 8 September 2022) first visited Nigeria between January 28 to February 16, 1956. She was accompanied by her husband, the then Duke of Edinburgh, Prince Phillip (10 June 1921- 9 April 2021). She visited Kaduna, Kano, Port Harcourt, Ibadan and Lagos.

While in Nigeria, she worshipped at the Cathedral Church of Christ in Marina, Lagos, an Anglican church founded by Reverend Samuel Ajayi Crowther (1809 – 31 December 1891) and which the Queen’s visit was under the Provost, Reverend A.W. Howells (17 September 1905- 7 March 1963). During her visit, the Queen donated a chair to the cathedral. The chair is still being preserved in the cathedral till today.

The Queen also commissioned the Nigerian painter and sculptor, Ben Enwonwu to make a bronze sculptor of herself. The next year, she posed in London as Enwonwu banged metal against his imagination in order to bring an outsized version of the Queen to life. The sculpture was completed in 1957, and in November of the same year was presented at the Royal Society of British Artists exhibition in London.

The Monarch was also in Nigeria between 3 to 6 December 2003 for the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOG) meeting in Abuja. She was received by President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR. The Queen also visited Nasarawa state.

General Gowon was actively preparing for a state visit by the British Monarch, Queen Elizabeth II before he was overthrown in a military coup by General Murtala Mohammed while in Kampala, Uganda, for the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) summit in July 1975.

The present British Monarch, King Charles III (76) is a regular visitor to Nigeria.

Charles, Prince of Wales, now King of England has visited Nigeria four times, in 1990, 1999, 2006, and 2018.

For his first visit, he and his now late wife, Diana, Princess of Wales (1 July 1961- 31 August 1997) arrived in Nigeria on March 15th, 1990. They left Gatwick Airport and were met at the Murtala Muhammed Airport, Lagos by the then Chief of General Staff, Admiral Augustus Akhabue Aikhomu (20 October 1939 – 17 August 2011) and Mrs. Rebecca Aikhomu. Nigeria was under military rule at the time with General Ibrahim Babangida serving as the military president.

The Prince and Princess were taken to State House Marina where General Babangida and his wife, Maryam Babangida (1 November 1948 – 27 December 2009) received them. That night, they were hosted at a state banquet after which they retired to the Royal Yacht. The Royal Yacht was docked next to the Marina in Lagos.

In 1999, the prince returned for the inauguration ceremony of President Olusegun Obasanjo (87) GCFR, late South African president, Nelson Mandela was also in attendance.

In 2006, The Prince of Wales, Prince Charles arrived at Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja to begin a 3-day state visit. At the time, the trip was seen as a boost to the democratization of Nigerian polity. While he was around, he also visited Kaduna and Kano.

2018 saw Prince Charles (now King Charles III) (76) return, but this time with a new wife, Camilla, the Duchess of Cornwall. They were received by President Muhammadu Buhari at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. While he was in Abuja, he met with some traditional rulers at the residence of the British High Commissioner, Paul Arkwright.

Some of the monarchs present include the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi (the Ọjájá II) CFR (50) , Sultan of Sokoto, His Majesty Sultan Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III (68) CFR,  Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II (63), Obi of Onitsha, Nnaemeka Alfred Ugochukwu Achebe (83), Etsu Nupe, Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar (72) CFR, Oba of Benin, His Royal Majesty, Omo N’Oba N’Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo Oba Ewuare II (71) and Shehu of Borno, Abubakar Ibn Umar Garba Al Amin El-Kanemi (67).

During the three-day visit, the couple also met with and talked to some Nigerian youths, the Armed forces, and people in the creative sectors, specifically in arts and fashion.

Only six British Prime Ministers have visited Nigeria. They are Harold Wilson, Alec Douglas-Home, Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair, David Cameron and Theresa May. Mr. Harold Wilson was in Nigeria for the Commonwealth Conference on Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, held at the Federal Palace, Hotel, Lagos, between 12 January and 14 January, 1966. Nigeria’s Prime Minister then, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – 15 January 1966) hosted the Conference. Other world leaders that attended the conference were Lester Pearson of Canada, Sir Dauda Jawara of The Gambia, Dr. Hastings Banda of Malawi, Dr. Borg Olivier of Malta, Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, Sir Albert Margai of Sierra Leone and Dr. Milton Obote of Uganda. Others at the meeting were President Archbishop Makarios of Cyprus, acting Prime Minister of Jamaica at that time, Donald Sangster, vice-President of Zambia, Mr. Kamanga and Ceylon’s Minister of Justice, India’s Minister of law and social security, Kenya’s Minister of Finance, Malaysia’s deputy Prime Minister, New Zealand’s High Commissioner in London, Pakistan’s High Commissioner in Lagos and Trinidad and Tobago’s deputy Prime Minister.

Twenty-four hours after the conference ended, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa was assassinated in Lagos.

Speaking in British Parliament on January 25, 1966, Mr. Harold Wilson said, “The whole house, especially those who in any capacity had dealings in the past with Sir Abubakar, will deeply regret the tragedy which occurred in Nigeria a few days ago. I should like to add—I am sure that I speak for all Commonwealth Prime Ministers—a tribute to his splendid chairmanship of what could have been a very difficult Commonwealth Conference. He as much as anybody was, I believe, responsible for the satisfactory outcome of it”.

Although Tony Blair (71) in his 718-page book titled “A JOURNEY”, after numerous visits to Nigeria, did not make any reference to Nigeria, but the alliance between Nigeria and Britain is still strong. There are over 3million Nigerians living in the United Kingdom now. This number is expected to double in the next few years. Over 2,500 Nigerians fly in and out of the United Kingdom daily.

 In some parts of London like Old Kent Road, Camberwell, Thamesmead, Islington, Barking, Abbey Wood, Woolwich, Deptford and of course Peckham, if you visit those areas, it is as if you are in any part of Nigeria. In fact, the Suya spot at Camberwell, apology to Egbon Tunji Oyelana is better than the Suya spot at Obalende in Lagos. It is common knowledge now that suya spots at Peckham in London are better organized and well managed than the suya spots in Lagos.

The UK deputy High Commissioner in Nigeria, Mr. Jonny Baxter, announced two years ago that ten percent of all visas granted by the British government, were to Nigerians. We are discussing Nigerian/Britain relationship on the sideline of current romance between Elysee Palace and Abuja specifically between President Bola Tinubu GCFR and Emmanuel Macron of France. Our President and our Foreign Minister, Alhaji Yusuf Tuggar, know that going by past records, France has not been Nigeria’s friend.

On 13 February 1960, France conducted its first nuclear test at Reggane, an oasis town in southern Algeria. The war for the North African country’s independence had been ongoing since 1954 and French President Charles de Gaulle was keen to show the world that France belonged at the top table of military powers.

To that end, the first French atomic bomb, named Gerboise Bleue after the blue of the tricolour flag and a small desert animal in the Sahara, was detonated in the Algerian desert. It released over four times the amount of energy as that of the US bomb dropped on Hiroshima.

A few months later, as Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was in France for an official visit, a second French bomb was detonated in the Sahara.

Between 1960 and 1966, four years after Algeria gained its independence, France detonated 17 bombs in the Sahara, including four in the atmosphere near Reggane. Witnesses to the tests described them as the most brutal thing they’d ever seen in their lives.

Four underground explosions in the Algerian Sahara “were not totally contained or confined”, according to a French parliamentary report.

Most famous of these was the Beryl incident, during which nine soldiers and a number of local Tuareg villagers were heavily contaminated by radioactivity. The impact of France’s nuclear testing programme in Algeria was immediate and has been ongoing. Following the first explosion in 1960, radioactive fallout landed in newly independent Ghana and in Nigeria.

The Nigeria Government had earlier warned France not to conduct those tests but France refused. The test affected a lot people in Kano and its surroundings. After the test, Nigeria was made to break diplomatic relations with France.

Writing on the then situation in his book titled “A RIGHT HONOURABLE GENTLEMAN—The life and times of Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa by Mr. Trevor Clark, he wrote on page 495 “As to relations with General de Gaulle (who had been assured in the Algerian cease-fire agreement that Sahara tests might continue for some years, and had just received massive support from the French people in his referendum on self-determination for Algeria, despite the abstention of 40% of resident Algerian voters), Abubakar personally followed up Dr. Esins’s demarche. At half past seven in the morning, after returning from Bauchi, he ordered the withdrawal of the French ambassador, Mr Raymond Offroy and his embassy staff from Lagos; he barred all French aircraft and ships; and he denied them all rights of transit.

The Frenchmen found their telephones disconnected the next day, and left by unescorted cars for Dahomey within the 48 hours set in the ultimatum. On unforeseen consequences was a dearth of liquid petroleum gas for Ghanaian lamps and stoves, since LPG was carried up the coast in French cargo vessels. The people who were to be hurt most were the citizens of Nigeria’s francophone neighbours in Niger, Dahomey and elsewhere. A more hypothetical result was to be suggested seven year later, M. Offroy was to be a prominent leader of the anti-federal government, pro-Biafran, lobby in Paris, and President De Gaulle to incline to favour Igbo secession.

At the time the Nigerian press and politicians were ecstatic, although their colleagues in Dahomey, Niger and Tchad were distressed. No other country broke off diplomatic relations with France over Saharan nuclear testing, resting content with shouting slogans”.

During the civil war, we all knew where France stood and this led to anti-French demonstrations by over 3,000 Nigerian students at the French embassy in Lagos on September 14, 1968.

A breakthrough in Nigeria/France relationship came on February 4, 1987, when the then Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida flew to Paris in France for medical treatment. He was in France for four weeks until he came back on March 4, 1987. No Nigeria Leader ever visited France again until March 8, 1999, when the President elect, Olusegun Obasanjo visited Paris. He was received by the then French President, Jacques René Chirac (29 November 1932-26 September 2019) even though he had not been sworn in. On February 4, 2000, President Obasanjo GCFR was in France for three days. All in all, President Olusegun Obasanjo visited France six times during his eight-year tenure as the President of Federal Republic of Nigeria. The last was on May 16, 2006, the day the Senate rejected the third term bill.

On June 10, 2008, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua GCFR (16 August 1951-5 May 2010) visited France and was received by President Nicolas Paul Stéphane Sarközy de Nagy-Bocsa (70) at the Elysee Palace where they had lunch together. After the visit, President Yar’Adua announced a 5-billion-dollar deal with France.

On November 24, 2011, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan GCFR GCON (67) was in France for a meeting to attract foreign investments to Nigeria. He led an economic delegation.

President Muhammadu Buhari GCFR (82) was in France for a state visit between September 14 and 16, 2015. He was also in France between February 2 and February 4, 2016. Between November 10 and 16, 2018, President Buhari was in Paris for a peace forum. Between November 10 and 13, 2021, President Buhari was also in Paris for a working visit.

We have to close the book of prejudice on France so as to move forward. We are presently in bad shape and we shall welcome any help from friends or foes who will rescue us from our present economic dilemma. The recent state visit by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR to Elysee Palace in Paris is most welcome. We need friends not foes any longer or else the world will continue to move without us. We need to sustain our traditional ties with London too, while at the same time pursuing our adventure with Paris. Rigidity wont solve our problems in Foreign Affairs, so far as our national interests are recognized and protected.

France at present is the third biggest economy in Europe after Germany and the United Kingdom, so we cant shut down the opportunities France has to offer. I am aware of top French companies operating in Nigeria. They include Air Liquide, specializing in gases, technologies, and services for industry and health, Air Liquide operates in Nigeria to supply industrial gases and related services. The company’s offerings support sectors such as oil and gas, manufacturing, and healthcare, Bolloré Transport & Logistics, a major player in logistics and transportation, Bolloré has been active in Nigeria, providing services that facilitate trade and commerce. The company has shown interest in investing and exploring opportunities within Nigeria’s economy, Maurel & Prom–has operations in Nigeria through its significant stake in SEPLAT, one of the country’s leading indigenous operators. The company engages in exploration and production activities, contributing to Nigeria’s energy sector.

Ponticelli Frères is another French company that provides services including assembly, boilermaking, and maintenance, supporting various industrial projects in Nigeria, Alstom has been involved in Nigeria’s rail transport projects. The company contributes to the development and maintenance of railway systems, supporting the country’s efforts to improve its transportation network, Sodexo, operating in Nigeria, Sodexo provides quality-of-life services, including facilities management, catering, and employee benefits. The company serves various sectors, such as corporate, healthcare, and education, enhancing operational efficiency and employee well-being, Danone, through its subsidiary Fan Milk, Danone has a presence in Nigeria’s dairy and frozen dairy products market. Fan Milk is known for its range of frozen yogurt, ice cream, and other dairy products popular among Nigerian consumers.

Schneider Electric specializes in digital automation and energy management. Schneider Electric drives digital transformation in Nigeria by integrating world-leading process and energy technologies, an endpoint to cloud connecting products, controls, software, and services, across the entire lifecycle, enabling integrated company management, for homes, buildings, data centers, infrastructure, and industries, AXA Mansard Insurance plc was incorporated in 1989 as a private limited liability company registered with the National Insurance Commission (NAICOM).

The company was listed on the Nigeria Stock Exchange in November 2009 and currently boasts the highest market capitalization in the Insurance sector of the Exchange. The company’s health insurance service has been greatly awarded in Nigeria in recent years.

Swiss Pharma Nigeria Limited (Swipha) company engages in the production and distribution of Anti-malaria, anti-infectives, anti-diabetes, CNS, and cardiovascular drugs with over thirty brands to its credit.

In 2008, Swipha became the first pharmaceutical company in Nigeria to obtain ISO 9001 certification and in 2014 again became the first company in West Africa to obtain WHO GMP certification. Examples of Swipha’s products include drugs like Arenax Plus Forte and Arenax Plus, Lafarge Africa, a subsidiary of the Holcim Group, Lafarge Africa is a leading player in Nigeria’s building materials industry. The company manufactures and distributes cement, aggregates, and ready-mix concrete, serving construction needs across the country.

 Total Energies is another French company in Nigeria that majors in the petroleum industry. The company began operations in Nigeria in 1956 rapidly becoming a major player in Nigeria’s onshore and offshore oil and gas exploration, production, natural gas liquefaction, and marketing of petroleum products.

Total Energies currently operates about 570 service stations in Nigeria for the retail of petroleum products. This service station is to help the government meet the mandate of getting petroleum products across to as many members of the population as possible.

In December 2023, TotalEnergies announced plans to invest $6 billion over several years in Nigeria’s oil and energy sector, focusing on gas and offshore projects. The company also currently employs more than 1800 members of staff nationwide. Over the past years, the company has invested in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector through projects like the Ubeta gas development project to supply Nigeria’s LNG liquefaction plant to aid gas supply across Nigeria.

In foreign affairs there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies only permanent interests.

guest columnist

Emma Agu

Place the Ohanaeze Cap on John Mbata’s Big Head

Who emerges President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo after tomorrow’s elections, to be conducted by the election committee headed by Chief Ejiofor Onyia?

Will the Nze Ozichukwu Chukwu-led Ohanaeze leadership deliver on the expectations of Ndi Igbo worldwide who have been waiting with bated breath for the new leadership under a president-general who, in line with the 2004 Constitution of the body, must come from Rivers State?

Can Nze Ozichukwu Chukwu deploy his famed man-management skills and political savvy to navigate the labyrinthine intrigues trailing what, by all accounts, is expected to be a watershed election in Ohanaeze history?

What, with allegations that one of the candidates is not an indigene of Rivers State, or that he has what is akin to dual indigene-ship? Assuming he wins, will the other candidates accept the outcome?

What steps are being taken to guard against validating the allegation that has always been used to create division between the Igbo of the South East and their kith and kin in other states; that the latter are regarded as inferior Igbos to be exploited and put down at will?

Thus, will the various stakeholders subsume their narrow personal or self-serving interests under the larger collective Igbo interest at a time that the race faces its most daunting existential crisis?

These, and more are some of the posers that ought to adumbrate the Igbo consciousness, going into the election.

Tomorrow’s election has generated considerable interest for at least two other reasons: First, is the requirement for the incoming president to possess the stature to stand toe to toe, with various leadership cadre in the country particularly leaders of other socio-cultural groups and political leaders from the south east geopolitical zone with governors leading the pack. The second is the argument that the president who will emerge must be an “authentic” Rivers indigene. That three intending candidates had cause to hold a press conference where they ‘disowned’ a presumed front runner justifies the need for caution moreso when it is acknowledged that one of the major problems plaguing Ohanaeze and by extension the Igbo race is the perennial failure of consensus, a seething disunity that is often ignored but never chased away.

Of course, there is the ever present fear of the process running into some legal headwinds, something that we have witnessed time and again. Will this election be an exception? Hopefully, the answer will emerge within the next twenty four hours.

It could be useful if the wise men and women who make up the electoral advert their minds to the following questions:

Would the history of inter-ethnic relations between the Igbo and the other ethnic groups in the defunct Eastern Region have been different, perhaps more constructive and productive, if the great Zik of Africa had allowed Professor Eyo Ita to remain as the leader of Government Business after the former was ditched in the former Western Region?

Would the defunct Eastern Nigeria Development Company (ENDC), the umbrella body under which many economic enterprises in the defunct Eastern Region were established have collapsed, when ODUA Group (Western Region) is striving as a behemoth and the NNDC (Northern Region), is still alive in whatever shape?

How would the outcome of the elections guard against a repeat of history, the deepening of suspicion, the widening of the historical fault-lines between the South East Igbo and the Igbo in the other states thereby encouraging others to prey on the indiscretion of the mainland ‘Igbo’?

The Igbo, particularly of the South East, is almost synonymous with the word ‘marginalisation’. Is there a game plan to remove that from the psyche of those who would feel ‘robbed’, ‘excluded’, ‘humiliated’. ‘dispossessed’, even marginalised by an outcome that casts a doubt on the ‘Rivers-ness’ of the incoming President?

I say these without prejudice to the high respect in which I hold the former Inspector General of Police IGP Mike Okiro (retd), a man of great education and intellect, a police officer of no mean distinction, an unassuming and unpretentious brother of the Catholic faith, a Nigerian public servant of unimpeachable integrity, a humble person who would be expected to lead with distinction should he be become the next President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo.

My only worry is that given the controversy that has trailed his candidacy over the delicate issue of his state of origin, it matters very little whether his accusers are right or wrong, whether his Police record or that of our alma mater the University of Ibadan shows reads that he is from Rivers State, if elected, he would most likely preside over a disjointed Ohanaeze at this point. And that will be an unmitigated disaster because, divided we have always fallen, divided we shall always fall.

Without prejudice to his right to contest, Is it not possible for my elder brother, Dr. Okiro to sacrifice his ambition for another candidate, say, the urbane Senator John Mbata who, as chairman of Monier Construction Company (MCC) of Sam Mbakwe fame, could be expected to be guided by the spirit of that great man whose leadership Imo State almost reenacted the magnificent era of the legendary Dr. Michael Okpara, late former premier of the defunct Eastern Region?

That said, Mbata has had an equally illustrious career in the service of the country. Before retiring into full time entrepreneurship, he served with distinction as a member of the Senate between 1999 and 2007. He was at various times chairman of the Senate Committee on Appropriation, member senate committee on defence, works and housing, women affairs, information, as well as local and foreign debts.

An unpretentious and unapologetic Igbo man of Ikwerre extraction, he possesses the character, competence, reach and generational quotient to unify Ndigbo and create the impetus for not only for the progress of the Igbo geo-political areas but a sustainable Igbo renaissance in Nigeria where mutual co-existence and amity would reign supreme.

We live by the choices we make.

May God guide us aright. 

“Arsenal fans are currently over the moon, testosterone pumping – and why not? The story will not change in 2024… the odds are not in Arsenal’s favour… My forecast is that despite setting his ducks in a row, (Godwin) Obaseki’s candidate would lose in September. His biggest undoing would be the large army of political enemies he has created in the last eight years – some inevitably from the reforms he introduced, but others, and in a far larger number, avoidably from his mean-spirited, opportunistic politics.”

This is the fifth in my series of annual forecasts. For a part-time Nostradamus, my record has been above average. The forecasts usually come earlier, in the last week of December. Yet, the potency of this edition is not diminished by the delay.

I made a particularly catastrophic forecast for last year, which has left a puree of tomatoes on my face and those of a significant segment of the liberal press in the US, led by CNN: that President Joe Biden would defeat Donald Trump. That didn’t happen—not because Biden didn’t beat Trump, but because Biden was not in the race.

There were a few other misses, but on the whole, whether it was about Arsenal, the value of the exchange rate by year-end, or when Dangote and the public refineries would start production, I was bang on the money.

A word for ministers

Let me start with some unsolicited advice for politicians, especially President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s ministers. Their biggest mistake this year would be to take the President’s statement during the December media chat that he won’t replace them at face value.

He said he wouldn’t replace them, not that he would keep them at any cost. I forecast that by May 29 or earlier, the president will replace ministers, especially those who have since outlived their IOU value. As pressure mounts ahead of the pre-election year, no fewer than five of them will be replaced or reassigned by the end of 2025.

Fighting Tinubu

It’s 2025, but it feels like 2027. It has been this way since the end of last year. Leading politicians from the North, notably former Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido, spent much of 2024 regretting that the region supported Tinubu and swooning over how to stop his reelection. The schemes will reach a fever pitch this year as the government presses ahead with the Tax Reform Bills, which are perceived as anti-North.

The tax bills won’t be the only thing over which Northern politicians would raise a battle cry, even though it’s unlikely that they will stop the passage of a watered-down version.

When the government’s deadline against keeping dollars outside the banking system expires in July, those saving the greenback for the next election will cry foul and demand an extension, if not an outright rejection of the policy. They will argue that 1) the government has no right to tell them what to do with their money and 2) it targets Northerners, who are dominant operators in Bureaus de Change.

In the same way, the census, as planned, is unlikely to be held this year. Some states, especially those in the opposition, would declare it an ingenious attempt at gerrymandering ahead of 2027. If the federal government goes ahead, they might repeat what happened in Lagos in 2006, when Tinubu was governor: mount a legal challenge, failing which the states would conduct their separate “census” and declare their figures valid.

Opposition in disarray

Yet, this is the year of the ultimate scramble for presidential favours, especially among politicians who can’t afford to wait for another four years in the cold. They’ve been joining the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in trickles. As the shambles of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) becomes a ruinous heap and the Labour Party produces more heat than fire, more and more will flock to the APC.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar will remain the PDP’s albatross despite his efforts to act as its best card. Those hoping for an opposition coalition to challenge the APC in 2027 will be disappointed. The likely arrowheads of such a coalition—Atiku, NNPP’s Rabiu Kwankwaso, Labour Party’s Peter Obi, and political strategist-in-a-limbo Nasir El-Rufai—would be unable to find a common ground.

Ambition, ego, and a perennial distrust of one another will ruin these strange bedfellows. Whatever is left of their political remains will be buried by their heartbroken followers. The new exiting class of second-term governors, likely from the South West and the North East, with money, ambition and a desire for fresh conquests, particularly Seyi Makinde and Bala Mohammed, will overplay their reach.

Twice lucky

Governor Charles Soludo will likely be returned for a second term in November despite snippers from his party, APGA, and outside.

Where’s the money?

On the national stage, I worry about the economy. My advice is to view government officials’ rose-tinted forecasts with caution. The coming onstream of the Dangote Refinery, especially, and the partial production from the Port Harcourt Refinery helped ease pressure on foreign exchange demand, mainly because crude was purchased in naira. It would be interesting to see how this naira-for-crude arrangement will hold, especially as Dangote Refinery expands its markets outside Nigeria.

Prices would likely be more stable, with marginal improvements in the macroeconomic outlook. However, with the relatively high debt level, more borrowing crowding out private sector credit, and 2,604 uncompleted projects inherited from previous governments, it will be hard to find cash.

Feeding the cash cow

Revenue will continue to be a problem for at least two reasons: First, the government’s main cash cow, crude oil earnings, is unlikely to reach the anticipated 2m bpd, and the benchmark oil price of $75 pb might prove overambitious.

Multiple sources told me that current production levels are around 1.4-1.5m bpd, discounting for condensate. However, unless the government radically restructures the NNPCL, the weak and heavily politicised structure will underperform.

Shell’s $5 billion investment in Bonga is good news but will not crystalise until 2028/29. There are no new investments in the country’s mineral mining leases that NNPCL incompetently manages to inspire confidence or significantly relieve the current budget cycle.

Second, the government’s effort to improve farm output and moderate food inflation—currently the most severe threat to social security—is still in its early stages. Food inflation will remain relatively high this year, likely around the five-year average of 35 percent. Retooling the value chain to deliver results beyond the current subsistence levels will require radical steps for at least another cycle to bear fruit.

Managing discontent

To stave off social discontent from hardship, governments at all levels must invest more in the weak and vulnerable, especially the growing army of urban youths who will drift more into cybercrimes in significant numbers this year. As for security, the final piece of the puzzle for establishing the state police will likely be completed this year, leaving only the paperwork for its implementation.

Between Arsenal and Trump

Is this finally the year broken Red Hearts will mend, the Year of Arsenal? It would be easier for Trump to take Canada as the 51^st State of the US than for Arsenal to win the Premier League in May. If the club is exactly where it was this time last year (40 points after 20 games), the odds are that it will end up where it did in 2024: nearly there. The crown in 2025 is Liverpool’s to lose.

Trump 2.0’s pledge to execute the most extensive mass deportation in US history, just like his dubious promise in his first term to build a wall at Mexico’s expense, will be mired in litigation, logistics, and obstacles by some states and other institutions. It will hardly take off. However, he would have much greater leeway with his protectionist trade policies, potentially sparking retaliation from major US trading partners.

The great thing about Trump is that he won despite evidence that he would be the most unguarded US president in recent history. Nothing he does will surprise.

Senators on Thursday asked Ministers and heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) of the Federal Government to explain some some policies of the Federal Government being executed or supervised by them.

The Senators made the requests during separate budget defence session organised by Senate Committees.

While the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Dr. Wale Edun and the Minister of Budget and Economic planning, Senator Atiku Bagudu were asked questions bordering on gains of fuel subsidy removal and the amount spent on debt servicing in 2024, Director General of National Orientation Agency (NOA) Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu was asked to explain the need for the National Identity project being championed by the agency.

During a session organised by the the Senate Committee on Appropriation, the Minister of Finance was asked to about the state of implementation of the 2024 budget, particularly the capital component.

A member of the Committee, Senator Abdul Ningi (PDP – Bauchi Central), asked Edun to explain how proceeds from fuel subsidy removal were expended in the 2024 fiscal year.

Ningi said: “What is the budget performance achieved so far, for 2024 fiscal year, particularly in terms of the capital expenditure.

“We haven’t heard from the Minister how much has been saved from the removal of fuel subsidy and how much has been expended.

“We also haven’t heard from the Ministers about the debt servicing. How much have we actually used to service our debt in 2004?

“How much are we expecting to service the debt in 2005? Finally, will the Minister of Finance guarantee that the extension of the capital component of the 2024 budget to June 30, 2025 will give the desired results in terms of implementation that has a very low percentage now?”

The Minister however requested the committee to allow him provide answers to the questions in an executive session which was granted by the Committee chaired by Senator Solomon Adeola (APC – Ogun West).

“Are we in a closed door session? If we are not in a closed door session, I will humbly seek for that for detailed explanations on the questions asked,” he said.

Issa-Onilu and his counterpart in the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), Ali Mohammed Ali, were separately quizzed over their allocations, projects and 2024 budget performance when they appeared before the Senate Committee on Information and National Orientation.

The Senate Committee on Information and National Orientation during a budget defence session with Issa-Onilu and Ali, directed them to re-draft and re-present their budgetary proposals for the 2025 fiscal year.

The committee chaired by Senator Kenneth Eze (APC – Ebonyi Central), quizzed the NOA DG on the National Identity Project being implemented by the agency, saying Nigerians are not aware of the project particularly those residing at the grassroots.

But the NOA DG, told the committee members that the project is very necessary in putting in place the right value system.

“The challenge we have about value system is about National Identity which is very necessary at galvanising Nigerians for Nation building, national development and growth,” he said.

The Committee however insisted that he should go back and redraft programmes of the agency to be captured and appropriated for, in the 2025 fiscal year.

The Director General of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) was told to go and reconcile disjointed figures presented in the 2024 budget implementation before approaching the Committee for appropriation of allocation figures for 2025 fiscal years.

[TheNation]

Rangers International FC of Enugu State have taken a significant step towards global recognition by signing a partnership deal with Switzerland’s FC Schaffhausen.

This groundbreaking collaboration, facilitated by Bold Base, aims to build a legacy of excellence for generations to come, according to the club’s chairman. Amobi Ezeaku.

A statement released on Thursday by the Rangers media team said that Ezeaku disclosed the development after the endorsement of documents at the Swiss club’s base in Schaffhausen on Thursday.

“We are proud to announce a groundbreaking collaboration between Rangers International FC and FC Schaffhausen of Switzerland, facilitated by Bold Base. Together we are building a legacy of excellence for generations to come,” Ezeaku said.

As the club continues to make strides in Nigerian football, this partnership is expected to open up new opportunities for growth, development and international exposure.

The Enugu-based club, founded in 1970, has a rich football history and boasts of an impressive record of six Nigerian league titles and three FA Cups.

Ezeaku also thanked the State Governor. Peter Mbah for granting the agreement’s contract.

According to the statement, he emphasised that the collaboration would open doors for the exchange of ideas, talents and transfer of knowledge that will give players, coaches and other staff opportunities to broaden their football knowledge.

F.C Schaffhausen will be opportune to sign talents from Nigeria, becoming an avenue for Nigerian players to showcase themselves on the European football stage.

With this new partnership, Rangers are poised to take their success to the next level, and fans can expect exciting developments in Nigerian football.

[Punch]

Amad Diallo set his sights on making “history” with Manchester United after the Ivory Coast winger signed a new contract that will keep him at Old Trafford until 2030.’

Diallo has been in impressive form since Ruben Amorim took over as United manager in November, scoring three times in his last six games.

The 22-year-old, whose previous deal had been due to expire at the end of this season, has made 50 appearances and netted nine times since arriving from Atalanta in 2021. 

After loan spells at Rangers and Sunderland raised questions about his future with United, Diallo is finally emerging as one of the club’s brightest young stars.

“I’m really proud to have signed this new contract. I have had some incredible moments with this club already but there is so much more to come,” Amad Diallo said.

“I have huge ambitions in the game and I want to achieve history at Manchester United.

“I have learnt so much since arriving here four years ago. I am very grateful to the coaches and staff who have helped me to develop and to the fans for driving me forward every day.

“It has been a difficult season for everyone, but I fully believe that we are on the right path and the future is going to be really special.

“I am ready to give everything to help the team and make our supporters proud again.”

Diallo scored United’s stoppage-time winner at Manchester City in December and netted their equaliser in the 2-2 draw at Liverpool on Sunday.

Having made just nine appearances in his first three seasons with United, Diallo first earned cult hero status with a late winner against Liverpool in the FA Cup last year.

United’s technical director Jason Wilcox believes Diallo will be a great asset to the club’s long-term future.

“Everyone is delighted with Amad’s development – his quality on the ball, versatility and determination makes him a key part of the future of Manchester United,” Wilcox said.

“The best years of his career are ahead of him and we all look forward to helping Amad to reach his immense potential and achieve success at the club in the coming seasons.”

Despite Diallo’s fine performances, United are languishing in 13th place in the Premier League table with just six wins from 20 top-flight games.

Amorim’s side travel to Arsenal for their FA Cup third round tie on Sunday.

Vanguard News

The Chinese government says it supports Nigeria’s request to increase its currency swap line and its plan to issue panda bonds.

Wang Yi, Chinese foreign affairs minister, spoke to journalists after meeting with President Bola Tinubu at the presidential villa on Thursday.

A currency swap line is an agreement between two central banks to exchange currencies while panda bonds are securities denominated in the Chinese Yuan (renminbi) and issued by a foreign company in China.

China and Nigeria recently renewed their currency swap agreement, valued at 15 billion yuan (approximately $2 billion), to enhance trade and investment between the two nations.

The agreement, valid for three years, aims to strengthen financial cooperation and promote the use of both currencies in bilateral transactions.

Speaking to journalists on Thursday, Yi said the currency swap agreement “shows how well we have carried out our financial cooperation and sustained its momentum”.

“As with regard to Nigeria’s wish to increase the line of the currency swap we will favourably study and consider the issue, our cooperation is going well in many ways, in terms of finance,” the Chinese minister said.

“For instance, we welcome the panda bonds to be issued. We welcome Nigeria to issue panda bonds in China, because we have full confidence in Nigeria’s credibility.

“And by issuing panda bonds, Nigeria will gain good revenue and the safety is guaranteed through financial support. We are working to contribute to Nigeria’s infrastructure development, in particular, railway.

“Just a few days ago, Chinese banks supported, through financial funds, the building of phase three of the railway modernization project, and it has been delivered. So there are many details that are taking place between our cooperation.”

On January 8, the China Development Bank (CDB) granted a loan of $254.76 million for the construction of the Kano-Kaduna railway project in Nigeria.

The CDB said the construction is being carried out by China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC), with financial backing from the bank.

[TheCable]

‘Titanic’ can mean something that is very big, gigantic or enormous and it was also the name of a ship that sank on its maiden voyage.

When the Titanic sank in 1912 it sank due to a number of avoidable factors: a ship deemed unsinkable that wasn’t fitted with watertight compartments, a ‘unprofessional’ seasoned captain who was apparently bullied into going at full speed through known ice-berg strewn waters, lack of common binoculars for the deck watch and the unavailability of enough life boats for all the passengers.

This all put together, as they say, was a recipe for disaster. Red flags were ignored.

Translating this to President Tinubu’s modern-day Nigeria, the avoidable factors that can sink the country are way too obvious.

Nigerians have long enjoyed the benefits of fuel subsidy. Costly as it is to maintain it’s enabled the economy to keep running by keeping the cost of things low. It’s removal, as can be seen, has created a domino effect, as the experts predicted, resulting in the prices of even the basic commodities skyrocketing as everyone passes on the additional costs. With inflation currently at 32.7% and still rising, things are only going to keep on getting more and more expensive. As a result, the new minimum wage of N70,000 will have less purchasing power than the previous 2021 minimum wage of N30,000. If fuel subsidy removal was meant to boost the economy it has done the opposite and will stagnate any efforts to kickstart it.   

The governments inability to control corruption or severely punish corrupt officials which is robbing the country’s coffers of billions and billions of Naira every year is a stumbling block for development. If a corrupt government official who built 750 houses with stolen funds or an ex-governor accused of misappropriating 80 Billion Naira are allowed to walk around freely, supposedly on bail, without fear of eventual conviction it questions the message the government is sending out to future looters: if the culprits were in Russia or China the outcome will be totally different. 

Even though an austerity economic policy may seem harsh like it was designed to rob Peter to pay Paul, it should be short, sharp hardship with green pastures in the foreseeable future – not ever! A good start will be to cut down on the number of foreign loans being obtained every year as their repayment can take a huge chunk out of the country’s annual income.

The new tax laws are long overdue and it should include that VAT earned in a state stays in that state: so, if your state doesn’t generate any VAT (- such as from the sale of alcohol products) you don’t get to share in what other states have collected.

Insecurity in the country is not something that started yesterday. Previous governments have blood on their hands for not nipping these insurrections in the bud before they grew to become monstrosities. You don’t pat yourself on the back, like the Nigerian Army likes to do believing you have the threat ‘under control’ – you eliminate the threat completely using what ever means necessary. Unless the order [ given by ‘Somebody’] is not to destroy them completely and to quote the late Sani Abacha,”…any insurgency that lasts more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it..”, no wonder Boko Haram continues to flourish and bandits like Turji Bello continue to taut the government. When the armed robber Lawrence Anini did something similar in 1986 he was fished out within months, tried and executed.

As I’ve written before the Nigerian Police Force is long past its sell by date and considering the ever growing population of Nigeria with its associated acts of anti-social behaviour its time to seriously consider devolving the NPF into state-run outfits. The growing popularity of state-run security outfits, such as Amotekun, proves this is feasible and effective.

Considering the fact the country is going through severe economic hardship the President, himself, should curb frivolous spending where possible: no more new Presidential yachts or planes ( - that includes the new one for the VP), a cap on ridiculous-no-real-job SA and SSA appointments and most important of all a cap on ALL politicians salaries and perks ( - which is to say if politicians are patriotic enough they’ll agree to a pay cut, forgo some of their benefits and pay for their own jaunts abroad). Implementing the Steve Oronsaye Report which recommends merging and closing of ministries etc that has been passed over by every President since President Goodluck commissioned it in 2011 will cut government operating costs even further. This should not just be at Presidential level but extended to all the states: this will not just streamline the bloated and largely inefficient civil service but will also weed out ghost workers and white elephant project.

The ‘japa’ movement which the government is trying to discourage should be allowed to continue. It’s morally wrong for a government that can’t provide suitable employment for its citizens to try and prevent them from seeking opportunities abroad : ‘japa’ is not just limited to Nigerians, it’s a worldwide phenomenon. People, British, American ,Filipinos, are migrating worldwide to where ever there are opportunities for them to prosper. That’s the way the world works now: nobody is going to stay in a ‘sh*t-hole’ country if there are no opportunities for them to grow. Scr3w patriotism! It’s every man for himself! So, if a country can’t provide adequate employment opportunities people will pack their bags and ‘japa’! And if you restrict them from leaving the country what are they going to do? Get up to mischief – 419, cultism, kidnapping!

These same people send money back to their home countries all the time: Nigerians in diaspora in 2023 alone sent home more than $19.5 Billion Dollars. This is a huge injection of foreign currency for a country that desperately needs it.

So, just like the Titanic the warning signs are there and the inevitable that will happen should they be ignored. The question is which way is President Tinubu going to go. This is what I call the ‘Titanic Wahala’, ignore the obvious and the proverbial will hit the fan, sooner or later.

The government of Ghana recognised the Sahara Arab Democratic Republic led by the Polisario Front in 1979. Since then, the government and people of Ghana have joined progressive forces in the world to mount pressure on the Kingdom of Morocco to recognise the rights of the people of Western Sahara to self- determination.

Even though Morocco has not halted the illegal occupation of the territory of Western Sahara, the Government of Ghana was reported to have suspended relations with the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic on January 6, 2024.

The decision is contemptuous of the judgment of the African Court on Human and Peoples Rights delivered on September 22, 2022. In the historic judgment, the Court upheld the rights of the people of Western Sahara to self -determination guaranteed by article 20 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights.

The Court also noted that, in view of the fact that part of the SADR’s territory was still under occupation by Morocco, there was no question that State Parties to the Charter have an obligation, individually and collectively, towards the people of SADR to protect their right to self-determination, particularly, by providing assistance in their struggle for freedom and by not recognising Morocco’s occupation and any human rights violation that might have resulted from such occupation.

The case was filed by Mr. Bernard Mornah, a national of the Republic of Ghana and the Chairman of the Convention of People’s Party (CPP). The Applicant had filed the case against eight (8) State Parties to the Protocol, that is, the Republic of Benin, Burkina Faso, Republic of Cote d’Ivoire, Republic of Ghana, Republic of Mali, Republic of Malawi, Republic of Tanzania, Republic of Tunisia (the Respondent States). Our law firm handled the case pro bono for the Applicant in solidarity with the colonised people of Western Sahara.

The Respondents were the member states of the African Union that had complied with article 34(6) of the Protocol of the establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples Rights which allows individuals and NGOs to access the African Court. Mr. Bernard Mornah (the Applicant) The arguments of Ghana and other Respondents canvassed in favour of the Kingdom of Morocco were rejected by the African Court.

The Court reiterated that the Republic of Ghana and other Respondent States, and indeed, all State Parties to the African Charter and the Protocol, as well as all Member States of the AU, have the responsibility under international law, to find a permanent solution to the occupation and to ensure the enjoyment of the right to self-determination of the people of Western Sahara and not to do anything that would give recognition to such occupation as lawful ori impede their enjoyment of this right.

By suspending relations with the leadership of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Party on the ground of the “good-faith efforts made by the Kingdom of Morocco to reach a solution accepted by all parties", the Government of Ghana has treated the valid and subsisting judgment of the African Court with absolute contempt.

We, therefore, urge the new John Mahama administration to reverse the contemptuous decision taken on the eve of the departure of the last regime. In the words of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the a leading light of the independence movement in Africa: “The independence of Ghana is meaningless until it is linked to the total liberation of Africa.”
The independence of SADR will be a historical continuation of that total liberation envisioned by Nkrumah and other heroes of genuine freedom of Africa.

In every functional democracy, the role of opposition is sacrosanct. It is a critical pillar that ensures accountability, promotes debate, and provides alternative perspectives to governance. Without a strong and viable opposition, a democratic system risks descending into authoritarianism or unchecked governance. Against this backdrop, recent developments surrounding the alleged threat to the life of Mr. Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 general election, raise serious concerns about the state of democracy in Nigeria.

Mr. Peter Obi’s allegation, made in a post on X (formerly Twitter), pointed to Mr. Felix Morka, the National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), accusing him of crossing the line and threatening dire consequences. Although Morka has since denied the allegation, stating that he neither threatened Obi nor any member of his family, the issue has ignited widespread commentary and skepticism. For many observers, the denial is far from reassuring. This incident not only puts the spotlight on the dangers of political intolerance but also highlights the indispensability of opposition in a democracy.

Opposition parties are the heartbeat of any democracy. They scrutinize government policies, hold the ruling party accountable, and provide alternative governance blueprints. They act as the voice of the people who do not align with the ruling party, ensuring that diverse perspectives are represented in the political discourse. The opposition’s freedom to operate without intimidation or threat is essential for maintaining a healthy balance of power.

When members of the opposition are silenced, threatened, or harassed, it creates an environment of fear that stifles dissent and undermines the democratic process. Such a scenario does not bode well for a country like Nigeria, where democracy is still maturing and political tensions often run high.

The allegation by Peter Obi and the subsequent denial by Felix Morka reflect the deep political divides in Nigeria. While it is important to approach such allegations with caution and a commitment to uncovering the truth, it is equally crucial to acknowledge the context in which they occur. Nigeria’s political landscape is often characterized by animosity and vitriol, making it imperative to address even the slightest hint of a threat with seriousness.

For many commentators, Morka’s denial has not quelled fears. The history of political intimidation in Nigeria provides ample reason for skepticism. Allegations of threats, whether substantiated or not, should prompt a thorough investigation to ensure that no one, regardless of their political affiliation, feels unsafe or marginalized for expressing their views or contesting elections.

Political intolerance is a cancer that eats away at the fabric of democracy. When opposition figures are labeled as enemies or threats to national stability, it creates a toxic environment where constructive criticism is equated with treason. This mindset is dangerous and counterproductive.

Threats, whether direct or implied, have far-reaching consequences. They not only endanger the lives of individuals but also discourage participation in the political process. Aspiring leaders who see the opposition as a death sentence may opt to stay away from politics altogether, depriving the nation of potential leaders with innovative ideas and genuine intentions to serve.

The alleged threat to Peter Obi’s life, if proven true, is a grim reminder of the dangers faced by opposition leaders in Nigeria. It underscores the urgent need for a shift in political culture, one that prioritizes dialogue over confrontation and mutual respect over hostility.

Given the gravity of the situation, it is expedient to call Felix Morka to order, not just to address Peter Obi’s allegation but to set a precedent that political intolerance will not be tolerated. Even if Morka’s denial is taken at face value, the mere fact that such an allegation was made should prompt introspection within the APC and other political parties.

The ruling party has a responsibility to create an environment where opposition figures can operate without fear. This responsibility includes holding its members accountable for their words and actions. Morka, as the National Publicity Secretary of the APC, holds a position of influence. His statements and conduct should reflect a commitment to democratic values, including respect for opposition leaders.

Calling Morka to order does not equate to vilifying him. Instead, it is a call for accountability and a reminder of the importance of upholding the principles of democracy. It is an opportunity for the APC to demonstrate that it is committed to fostering a political climate where all voices can be heard and respected.

The opposition is not a threat to democracy; it is its lifeblood. In countries where democracy thrives, opposition parties are seen as partners in governance, not adversaries to be silenced. Nigeria must embrace this perspective if it is to overcome its political challenges and build a more inclusive and participatory democratic system.

Peter Obi’s role as an opposition leader is critical to Nigeria’s democracy. His ability to challenge the status quo, propose alternative policies, and represent a segment of the population that feels marginalized by the ruling party is indispensable. Any attempt to undermine his efforts, whether through threats, intimidation, or other means, is an affront to democracy itself.

To address the current issue and prevent future occurrences, several steps must be taken. And the first step to be taken should be through investigation. Without resorting to taking sides on this issue in this context, the allegation by Peter Obi should be thoroughly investigated by independent and impartial authorities. This will not only establish the truth but also send a message that threats against opposition leaders will not be tolerated.

Again, another step to be taken is that of strengthening democratic institutions. In fact, Nigeria’s democratic institutions must be empowered to protect the rights of all citizens, including opposition figures. This includes ensuring that the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, and electoral bodies operate without bias or external influence.

In a similar vein, there is the need for the promotion of political tolerance. Given the foregoing backdrop, political parties and their members must be educated on the importance of tolerance and respect for opposing views. This can be achieved through workshops, public awareness campaigns, and stricter enforcement of rules governing political conduct.

Also in a similar vein is the need of holding leaders accountable. Therefore, political leaders must be held accountable for their statements and actions. This includes taking disciplinary action against party members who engage in behavior that undermines democratic principles.

Added to the above highlighted steps is that of fostering dialogue. In fact, platforms for dialogue between ruling and opposition parties should be established to promote understanding and cooperation. Such platforms can help reduce tensions and create a more harmonious political environment.

The alleged threat to Peter Obi’s life and the subsequent denial by Felix Morka highlight the challenges facing Nigeria’s democracy. While the truth of the allegation remains to be determined, the incident underscores the need for political tolerance, respect for opposition, and a commitment to democratic values.

Opposition is not an enemy to be defeated; it is a partner in governance. Therefore, calling Morka to order is not just about addressing a specific allegation; it is about reaffirming the principles of democracy and ensuring that Nigeria remains a country where diverse voices can thrive. In a democracy, opposition is indispensable, and its survival is a testament to the strength of the system.