In the spirit of America’s Black History Month, which is celebrated every February, I am continuing my tradition of writing columns that focus on the unique experiences, trials, and triumphs of Black Americans.

My focus this week is on an intriguing, superbly brilliant, impressively polyglottic, but surprisingly unknown Borno man by the name of Nicholas Said who migrated to the United States a little over a year before the American Civil War started on April 12, 1861, in which he fought on the side of Union forces.

I first encountered Said’s story sometime last year by chance while watching a documentary about early Muslim presence in America. During the film, a Black American Muslim woman mentioned Nicholas Said whom she said traced natal roots to a part of what is today Nigeria. 

I was struck by two things: the onomastic oddity of his name (what Muslim man from what is now Nigeria would bear such an incongruous appellative identifier as “Nicholas Said” in the 1860s?) and by the absence of the man in the accounts of early Muslim Americans, a field with which I am a fairly familiar.

My curiosity led me to abandon the documentary midway in search of the man. It turned out that he wrote his own autobiography in 1873 titled The Autobiography of Nicholas Said: A Native of Bornou, Eastern Soudan, Central Africa. I immediately placed an order for it on Amazon.

I also bought Dean Calbreath’s irresistibly absorbing 2023 book on Said titled The Sergeant: The Incredible Life of Nicholas Said: Son of an African General, Slave of the Ottomans, Free Man Under the Tsars, Hero of the Union Army, which I read with the kind of hunger that turns pages into a feast, each chapter a savory bite of history too rich to put down.

Said was born Mohammed Ali ben Said around 1836 in Kuka (now called Kukawa) to a Kanuri father and a Mandara-Margi mother. He became “Nicholas” much later in his life when he became a servant to a Russian prince, who converted him to Christianity. I’ll come back to this. 

Kukawa, Said’s hometown, was the capital of the Borno Empire and the immediate successor to the previous, storied 340-year-old capital called Ngazargamu. 

By the 1840s, during Said’s boyhood, European travelers who visited Borno recorded that Kukawa had a population of around 100,000. “By comparison, in 1840, only 11 cities in the United States had more than 40,000 residents,” writes Dean Calbreath.

He was the 13th of his mother’s 19 children. His father, more popularly known by the moniker Barka Gana (“little blessing”)—a name bestowed upon him by Sheikh Mohammed el-Kanemi who trained him in Arabic and Quranic memorization in Ngala from ages 9 to 12—was a fierce, furious, and far-famed fighter in Borno’s army. His ruthless conquest of enemies earned him the chilling nickname Malak al-Mawt, Arabic for “Angel of Death.”

He was Borno’s chief Kachala, what we would call today the Chief of Army Staff, during the reigns of Sheikh Mohammed al-Amin ibn al-Kanemi and Sheikh Umar, al-Kanemi’s son.

Decades before Nicholas Said migrated to the United States (and, before that, to Europe), his father’s name and exploits had already reached both continents through an 1826 book titled Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824. Authored by three European travelers—Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton, and Walter Oudney—the book documented their time in Borno and the events they witnessed there.

One particularly poignant encounter they witnessed was the resolution of a personal conflict between Said’s father, Barka Gana, and the king of Borno, Sheikh al-Kanemi. Following Barka Gana’s decisive military victory, al-Kanemi, delighted with his general’s success, presented him with a beautiful horse as a token of appreciation.

However, al-Kanemi remembered that he had promised the same horse to someone else and thus requested Barka Gana to return it. Enraged by al-Kanemi’s act, Barka Gana, who had cherished the gift, not only returned the horse but also every other horse al-Kanemi had ever given him.

This act of defiance infuriated the al-Kanemi so much that he ordered that Barka Gana be stripped naked in public, denuded of his position, and sold as a slave abroad. Barka Gana apologized for his arrogance, accepted his fate, but pleaded that his wives and children be spared.

When he returned to the palace the following day to be sold into slavery, al-Kanemi fixed his gaze on him and couldn’t hold back tears. The king cried publicly and forgave his general.

The account of this incident—and of Barka Gana’s military exploits, devotion to Islam, fierce loyalty to the Shehu, etc.—by European travelers who witnessed it firsthand and wrote about it was “so popular it was translated into French, German, Spanish, Italian, Dutch, and Russian, and over the coming decades, poets, clergymen, scientists, and politicians reshaped its stories to suit their purposes,” according to Calbreath.

In London, scientists held Barka Gana as evidence that “Africans had the same brainpower as Europeans.” 

In the American South, where Black enslavement and notions of Black subhumanity were mainstream, abolitionists used the story of al-Kanemi’s tear-jerking restraint from inflicting punishment on Barka Gana to illustrate the point that “we Americans, particularly of the South, may take a useful lesson from these sable sons of Africa and learn to emulate their Christian feelings of ‘mercy’ and ‘moderation’ before we go to civilize them.”

In fact, Barka Gana’s story made it to the U.S. Congress. House of Representative member Charles Miner from the state of Pennsylvania, who was an abolitionist, said in Congress that Barka Gana’s dexterous warfare tactics should serve as an inspiration for the U.S. Army to reverse its ban against black people serving in the military.

“The African race makes excellent soldiers,” Miner said. “They are admirably adapted for military service.”

By a stroke of historical happenstance, decades later, Barka Gana’s son, Nicholas Said, would serve as a sergeant in the U.S. Army and fight in the American Civil War to end the enslavement of Black people.

But, first, how did he get to America? When he was about 9 or 10 years old during Maulud, he and his friends went hunting in the abandoned and uninhabited town of Lari—against the advice of his mother (his father had died by this time)— who warned him that he be would be “captured by the Kidnapping Kindils, a wandering tribe of the desert, who were constantly prowling through the country in search of anything of value they might lay their hands on.”

Kindil was the name the Kanuri people used for the Tuareg (i.e., Buzu) people. 

His mother’s prediction materialized: he and his friends were kidnapped. For months, their abductors forced them to march thousands of miles through the Sahara Desert in chains until they reached what is now Libya, where they were sold as slaves.

The wealthy man who bought him later recognized that he was the son of the world-famous Barka Gana and offered to free him. But Said was “unwilling to recross the inhospitable Sahara” and chose to remain a slave, although he was treated much better than other slaves.

He later requested to be sold to a Turk, which his master obliged. In the course of time, the Turk to whom he was sold took him to Istanbul from where he was sold to a Russian prince by the name of Nicholas Trubetzkoy to whom he served as a valet de chambre, i.e., a personal assistant and confidant.

Up until this time, Said was a devout Muslim who prayed five times a day, avoided alcohol, and refused to eat pork. But after much resistance, Said finally succumbed to his master’s pressure to convert to Russian Orthodox Christianity. On November 24, 1853, he renounced Islam and changed his name from Mohammed Ali ben Said to Nicholas Said.

Said traveled widely throughout Europe with Prince Trubetzkoy and learned multiple languages—French, Italian, German, English, etc.— with native proficiency in the course of his travels. 

But while they were in London he had had enough and told his master he wanted to be free and go back to Borno

“You are no longer an African, but a citizen of Europe,” Prince Trubetzkoy told Said. “If you go back, you will not be able to reconcile yourself to the manners and customs of your countrymen.”

When Said rejected his entreaties, Prince Trubetzkoy paid him a severance package equivalent to $40,000 and bade him a tearful farewell. Said, too, cried.

After squandering his money, he got depressed, caused a ruckus at a pub in London, which put him in jail for two months. He had another run-in with the law in London.

Just when he planned to leave England for Borno, a Dutch aristocrat by the name of Isaac Jacob Rochussen invited Said and proposed that he be his valet. It was Rochussen who brought Said to New York on January 6, 1860.

This will be continued next week.

Looking back, the Covid-19 pandemic feels like a distant memory, well and truly in the rearview mirror, at least in Dubai. The city’s swift response to the pandemic resulted in various industries bouncing back, in particular, the burgeoning property market. It inspired confidence among buyers, while giving impetus to Dubai real estate developers to announce new projects in prime, and super prime locations. In this blog, we take a look at Dubai’s post-pandemic real estate boom, and what it means for a city built on foundations of resilience, and robust growth.

Why Dubai? A Reimagined Lifestyle

During the pandemic, people worldwide began to rethink their priorities. Home became not just a place to live but a sanctuary for work, leisure, and wellness. Dubai’s real estate market capitalized on this shift, offering sprawling villas, high-rise penthouses, and waterfront estates that blend luxury with functionality. The city’s ability to cater to diverse lifestyles—from serene beachfront living to the bustling urban core—makes it a top choice for discerning buyers.

In the present, the appeal of luxury properties in Dubai has reached unparalleled heights, with the city experiencing a remarkable post-pandemic real estate boom. Known for its futuristic skyline, pristine beaches, and vibrant cultural scene, Dubai is once again demonstrating its resilience and magnetism as a global hub for affluent living.

But what truly sets the city apart is its commitment to creating spaces that resonate with modern needs. Smart homes equipped with advanced technologies, private outdoor areas, and access to world-class amenities have become the gold standard in Dubai’s luxury property market. For many, these features represent not just convenience but a gateway to an elevated lifestyle.

Post-Pandemic Resilience

Dubai’s swift response to the pandemic positioned it as a model for recovery. Strategic measures, including efficient vaccination drives and the reopening of borders, restored confidence among investors and residents alike. The city’s ability to rebound quickly reignited interest in its real estate sector, with international buyers flocking to secure prime properties.

Moreover, Dubai’s government introduced several initiatives to attract foreign investment. From long-term residency visas to retirement programs, these policies have incentivized high-net-worth individuals to establish roots in the city. This influx of global talent and wealth has significantly contributed to the surging demand for luxury properties in Dubai.

Trends Shaping Dubai’s Luxury Market

The post-pandemic boom isn’t just about increased demand; it’s also about evolving trends. Buyers are no longer satisfied with standard luxury—they want exclusivity, sustainability, and a connection to nature. Developers are responding by creating eco-conscious properties, integrating renewable energy sources, and prioritizing green spaces.

Another trend shaping the market is the rise of branded residences. These properties, often affiliated with luxury hospitality brands, offer bespoke services and a sense of prestige that’s hard to match. For buyers, owning such a property is not just about real estate—it’s about owning a lifestyle.

The Role of Digital Transformation

Technology has also played a pivotal role in Dubai’s real estate resurgence. Virtual tours, digital transactions, and AI-driven market insights have made the process of acquiring property more accessible and transparent than ever. This digital transformation has been particularly appealing to international buyers, who can now explore and invest in Dubai’s luxury properties from anywhere in the world.

The Global Appeal of Dubai

Dubai’s reputation as a cosmopolitan hub is unmatched. Its strategic location, connecting the East and West, makes it a favorite among global citizens. The city’s tax-friendly environment, coupled with its world-class infrastructure and lifestyle offerings, ensures it remains a top choice for those seeking luxury living.

Additionally, Dubai’s multicultural society is a significant draw. With residents from over 200 nationalities, the city offers a rich tapestry of cultures and experiences. This inclusivity enhances its appeal, making it a place where anyone can feel at home.

Why Now Is the Time to Invest

For those considering buying property in Dubai, there’s no better time than now. The post-pandemic boom has solidified the city’s position as a resilient and attractive real estate market. With prices in the luxury segment still offering value compared to other global cities like London or New York, Dubai represents a unique opportunity for high returns on investment.

Beyond financial gains, owning property in Dubai comes with unparalleled lifestyle benefits. Imagine waking up to panoramic views of the Arabian Gulf, enjoying year-round sunshine, and having access to some of the world’s finest dining and entertainment options. It’s not just an investment in real estate; it’s an investment in a life well-lived.

A Future Full of Promise

Dubai’s post-pandemic real estate boom is a testament to its ability to adapt, innovate, and thrive. The city continues to attract visionaries, entrepreneurs, and families seeking a better quality of life. As luxury properties in Dubai set new benchmarks for opulence and innovation, the city is poised to remain a global leader in real estate.

So, are you ready to make the move?

[DailyTrust]

The Ministry of Education has clarified that the Minister of Education, Tunji Alausa, only proposed the introduction of a 12-year basic education system, which is looking to scrap the Junior and Senior Secondary School system was already in effect.

According to the ministry, the policy will not be implemented immediately.

In a statement signed by the Director of Press, Folasade Boriowo, the ministry noted that the National Council on Education, NCE, would review the proposal before any final decision is made.

“At the Extraordinary National Council on Education Meeting held on 6 February 2025 in Abuja, the Minister of Education, Dr Maruf Olatunji Alausa, presented a proposal for discussion — not an immediate policy change,” it read.

“The proposal seeks to transition to 12 years of compulsory education while retaining the current 6-3-3 structure.

It added: “However, this remains subject to further consultation and deliberation.

“To ensure a well-informed decision, the ministry will undertake extensive stakeholder engagements over the next eight months, consulting education policymakers, state governments, teachers, parents, and other key players.

“The final decision on whether to adopt this reform will be made at the National Council on Education meeting in October 2025.”

[DailyPost]

…swears in new SSG 

Nasarawa State Governor, Abdullahi Sule has dissolved all political appointees serving in his government.

Governor Sule announced this Friday, February 7, at the Executive Council Chambers, Government house during a valedictory session with the Special Advisers, Senior Special Assistants, Special Assistants, Personal Assistants.

He thanked them for all the services and contributions they made in the cause of their appointments to the development of the State and assured them that some may be still be re-appointed in other capacities.

Governor Sule also swore in a new Secretary to the State Government, Barr Labaran Magaji who is the immediate past Commissioner and Attorney General of the state.

Others who were inaugurated were the Sole administrator of Udege Development Area of Nasarawa local government; chairman and board members of the Collage of Education Akwanga.

He charged the new appointees to work hard in assisting his administration to succeed.

The Governor who had in early January dissolved the state executive council said, he has sent a list of 16 commissionership nominees to the state house of assembly for screening.

[TheNation]

The rebels of the Tutsi M23 backed by the Rwanda Defence Force, RDF on January 27, 2025 rolled into Goma,  eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC eliminating  whosoever they found in their path. These included the peacekeepers of United Nations Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the DRC, MONUSCO and,   the Southern African Development Community Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo, SAMIDRC.

One of the first UN Peacekeepers killed was Rodlfo Alverez of the Uruguayan IV Battalion.  Peacekeepers  of the SAMIDRC attacked  by the M23-Rwandan forces came from countries like Malawi and Tanzania. But the country that has sustained the highest loss is South Africa with fourteen of its soldiers killed. Understandably, the countries of these victims are unhappy.  South African President Cyril Ramaphosa said his country is working to ensure that the peacekeepers not only remain  on ground  but are also  well equipped to fulfil their mandate.

Ramaphosa’s words riled Rwandan President Paul Kagame who does not want peace-keepers  in  neigbouring DRC.  In fact, he  says the  SAMIDRC is not a peace keeping body, but rather: “It was authorised by SADC as a belligerent force engaging in offensive combat operations to help the DRC government fight against its own people, working alongside genocidal armed groups like FDLR which target Rwanda, while also threatening to take the war to Rwanda itself.” Kagame, abandoning any pretences at diplomacy, sneered that: “Cyril Ramaphosa is behaving as if he were some peacemaker.” 

After the two leaders had a phone call, Kagame issued a Statement: “What has been said about [the conversations I had with Ramaphosa this week] in the media by South African officials and President Ramaphosa himself contains a lot of distortion, deliberate attacks, and even lies.” Responding to the notion that the South African President had cautioned him, Kagame joked : “President Ramaphosa has never given a ‘warning’ of any kind, unless it was delivered in his local language which I do not understand.”

After exonerating the M23 rebels from the death of the peacekeepers, Kagame issued a direct threat to South Africa: “If South Africa wants to contribute to peaceful solutions, that is well and good, but South Africa is in no position to take on the role of a peacemaker or mediator. And if South Africa prefers confrontation, Rwanda will deal with the matter in that context any day.”

Kagame  wants the war in the DRC to continue and is obviously trying to bait South Africa.   There are various  reasons I can decipher for this.  First, Rwanda is illegally mining and selling the minerals of the DRC. This is possible and sustainable only if conflicts persist and are  sustained  in the latter.  I call this the DRC Syndrome. This is a disease afflicting many countries who cannot keep their itchy fingers off the DRC’s numerous and seemingly inexhaustible mineral resources. This leads to the second reason why Kagame is so belligerent.  He is close to the West and many there, especially European countries which are building a so-called corridor for DRC minerals, want control of the minerals. Kagame is positioning himself as a sort of enforcer who can guarantee the interests of the West especially in the face of challenges from China and other non-Western countries.

Another  possible reason is linked to Kagame being a ‘yes-man’ of the West.  He has already offered his country as a large detention centre to hold  illegal immigrants expelled from  Europe. For this service, Britain alone paid Kigali about $300 million in 2023. In contrast,   South Africa is becoming a torn in the  flesh of the West, especially its championing a New World order in Africa by popularising the BRICS.  It has also had the courage to drag Israel before the  International  Court of Justice, ICJ for  genocide in the Palestine. Again,  South Africa  is trying to find ways to transfer some of the lands the Whites are still holding, to the populace. Over this, President Donald Trump has already threatened rainbow country.  For these, South Africa has become a target for the West and its ally, Israel – some of whose weapons the M23 rebels  reportedly  used in the offensive against Goma. Kagame is holding himself out as someone who can help engage South Africa militarily and destabilize it from outside, while the neo-Apartheid forces, attack from within.  

 Also, Kagame and the Tutsis are ruling Rwanda and may hope that by arming and supporting the M23 Tutsi  rebels in the DRC, they can build an international alliance of Tutsis and, also use the rebels  to build a buffer zone with the DRC that has some  rebel Hutu militia from Rwanda.  The Tutsi push in Eastern DRC has stopped. But I do not think it is for so called humanitarian aid to flow. Rather, the rebels and the Rwandese  must ask themselves, after taking large parts of eastern DRC, can they proceed, if yes, to where?  Being essentially an ethnic militia, it is unlikely other ethnic nationalities would welcome them on their territories. So, will they try to break away from the rest of the DRC and create a new republic? Or, will eastern DRC be merged  with Rwanda to create a bigger Tustsi nationality in Rwanda?

The possibility of the situation  degenerating into a regional conflict is very high.  It reminds me of the  1998-2003 regional war in DRC involving nine countries; DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Sudan, Chad, Zimbabwe, Burundi  and Namibia. Over three million lives were lost in that conflict with another two million dying from causes related to the conflicts. Perhaps an issue Rwanda seems to over- look is that just as it is training, arming and funding the M23 rebels in the DRC, African countries such as  South Africa and Zimbabwe are also capable of doing the same with Hutu rebels.

In Nigeria, beautiful drums are made of animal skin. But the people say when a drum is beaten too loud, it will go burst. Kagame,  from being a young Ugandan soldier, to President of Rwanda for  twenty five years now, should  be careful otherwise, he would go burst with his Tutsi allies. 

My most loyal VIP friend and dearest brother, the amazing Dr Kayode Fayemi, former Governor of Ekiti State, is turning 60 this weekend and kindly invited me to a commemorative birthday symposium he hosted in Abuja yesterday.

The venue was jampacked with excellencies and other dignitaries, including ex-President Yakubu Gowon, the current Vice President Kashim Shettima, the current Ekiti Governor, Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, Atiku Abubakar, a previous Vice President, and Amina Mohammed, the Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations.

The keynote address was given by Thabo Mbeki, the former President of South Africa, whom I have always loved. 

Seeing him reminded me of a wonderful poetic speech he made in Cape Town on 8 May 1996, to mark the passing of the new post-apartheid Constitution of South Africa. It moved me to tears.

Let me share excerpts with you:

I am an African.

“I owe my being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that define the face of our native land…

…I know that none dare challenge me when I say – I am an African!““I owe my being to the Khoi and the San whose desolate souls haunt the great expanses of the beautiful Cape – they who fell victim to the most merciless genocide our native land has ever seen, they who were the first to lose their lives in the struggle to defend our freedom and dependence and they who, as a people, perished in the result.

Today, as a country, we keep an audible silence about these ancestors of the generations that live, fearful to admit the horror of a former deed, seeking to obliterate from our memories a cruel occurrence which, in its remembering, should teach us not and never to be inhuman again.

I am the grandchild of the warrior men and women that Hintsa and Sekhukhune led, the patriots that Cetshwayo and Mphephu took to battle, the soldiers Moshoeshoe and Ngungunyane taught never to dishonour the cause of freedom.““My mind and my knowledge of myself is formed by the victories that are the jewels in our African crown, the victories we earned from Isandhlwana to Khartoum, as Ethiopians and as the Ashanti of Ghana, as the Berbers of the desert.““I am the grandchild who lays fresh flowers on the Boer graves at St Helena and the Bahamas, who sees in the mind`s eye and suffers the suffering of a simple peasant folk, death, concentration camps, destroyed homesteads, a dream in ruins.““I am the child of Nongqause. I am he who made it possible to trade in the world markets in diamonds, in gold, in the same food for which my stomach yearns.““I come of those who were transported from India and China, whose being resided in the fact, solely, that they were able to provide physical labour, who taught me that we could both be at home and be foreign, who taught me that human existence itself demanded that freedom was a necessary condition for that human existence.

Being part of all these people, and in the knowledge that none dare contest that assertion, I shall claim that – I am an African.

I have seen our country torn asunder as these, all of whom are my people, engaged one another in a titanic battle, the one redress a wrong that had been caused by one to another and the other, to defend the indefensible.“ “I have seen what happens when one person has superiority of force over another, when the stronger appropriate to themselves the prerogative even to annul the injunction that God created all men and women in His image.“I know what it signifies when race and colour are used to determine who is human and who, sub-human.

I am born of a people who are heroes and heroines.“I am born of a people who would not tolerate oppression.““I am of a nation that would not allow that fear of death, torture, imprisonment, exile or persecution should result in the perpetuation of injustice.““We are assembled here today to mark their victory in acquiring and exercising their right to formulate their own definition of what it means to be African.““The constitution whose adoption we celebrate constitutes and unequivocal statement that we refuse to accept that our Africanness shall be defined by our race, colour, gender of historical origins.

It is a firm assertion made by ourselves that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

As an African, this is an achievement of which I am proud, proud without reservation and proud without any feeling of conceit.

Our sense of elevation at this moment also derives from the fact that this magnificent product is the unique creation of African hands and African minds.““Today it feels good to be an African.

 I am an African. I am born of the peoples of the continent of Africa.

The pain of the violent conflict that the peoples of Liberia, Somalia, the Sudan, Burundi and Algeria is a pain I also bear.

The dismal shame of poverty, suffering and human degradation of my continent is a blight that we share.

The blight on our happiness that derives from this and from our drift to the periphery of the ordering of human affairs leaves us in a persistent shadow of despair. “This is a savage road to which nobody should be condemned.

This thing that we have done today, in this small corner of a great continent that has contributed so decisively to the evolution of humanity says that Africa reaffirms that she is continuing her rise from the ashes.

Whatever the setbacks of the moment, nothing can stop us now!“Whatever the difficulties, Africa shall be at peace! However improbable it may sound to the sceptics, Africa will prosper!

Whoever we may be, whatever our immediate interest, however much we carry baggage from our past, however much we have been caught by the fashion of cynicism and loss of faith in the capacity of the people, let us err today and say – nothing can stop us now!

Thank you.

Former presidential candidate Peter Obi has called for greater transparency and accountability following the recent increase in the Budget of Restoration to ₦54 trillion.

On Wednesday, President Bola Tinubu raised the proposed 2025 budget from ₦49.7 trillion to ₦54.2 trillion, citing additional revenues generated by key government agencies. The budget adjustment was conveyed in letters to both the Senate and the House of Representatives, which were read during Wednesday’s plenary by Senate President Godswill Akpabio. 

Tinubu explained that the increase was driven by ₦1.4 trillion in additional revenue from the Federal Inland Revenue Service, ₦1.2 trillion from the Nigeria Customs Service, and ₦1.8 trillion generated by other government-owned agencies.

In a statement on Friday via X, Obi acknowledged that while the sources of revenue were detailed, there was no corresponding breakdown of expenditures to justify the budget hike. He emphasised the need for Nigerians to be fully informed about how public funds are allocated and spent.

“For transparency and accountability sake, Nigerians need to know how the resources generated from them are being allocated to ensure that they are judiciously spent on the country’s development and the well-being of the people,” Obi said.

He stressed that budgetary expenditures should focus on critical sectors such as education, healthcare, security and poverty alleviation to create meaningful impact on citizens’ lives.

Obi also pointed out that Nigerians are still awaiting a detailed account of the execution and expenditures of the Renewed Hope budget, which was passed in December 2023. He urged the government to provide clarity on how those funds have been utilised.

“I call on the National Assembly to seize this opportunity to obtain and make public the full details of the 2024 Budget of Renewed Hope. Transparency in this regard is crucial for ensuring accountability, learning from past budgets, and making informed decisions for the nation’s progress,” he stated.

The ex-governor urged lawmakers and government officials to prioritise openness and accountability to safeguard public trust.

“As we work towards passing the Budget of Restoration for 2025, let us uphold openness, accountability, and the welfare of the Nigerian people. We owe it to ourselves, our children, and the future of our great nation,” he added.

[TheCable]

Naja’atu Muhammad, the founder of Northern Star Youth Initiative, says she would not retract her statement or issue an apology to Nuhu Ribadu, national security adviser (NSA).

In a video posted on social media, Muhammad said she stands by her earlier comments that Ribadu once reprimanded President Bola Tinubu; George Akume, secretary to the government of the federation (SGF); and Orji Kalu, senator representing Abia north.

Recently, Muhammad said during his stint as chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ribadu accused Tinubu, who was governor of Lagos at the time, of corruption.

Muhammad, a former commissioner in the Police Service Commission (PSC), said Ribadu is now serving in a government led by people he once upbraided.

On Tuesday, the NSA, through a letter from Ahmed Raji, his lawyer, requested a public apology and retraction from Muhammad over the remarks.

Nasir el-Rufai, a former minister of the federal capital territory (FCT), contributed to the war of words by saying he was present at the federal executive council (FEC) meeting in 2016 when Ribadu accused Tinubu and others of graft.

‘MY WORDS ACCURATELY REFLECT MY VIEWS’

In the video, the former PSC commissioner said she would not be intimidated by Ribadu.

Muhammad urged Ribadu to approach the court as he has threatened to do.

“There is no retreat, no surrender, and no apology to Nuhu Ribadu,” she said.

“I’m speaking in response to the recent threat and intimidation by Ribadu using his attack dogs and lawyer, Ahmed Raji.

“Regarding my statement that the chairman of EFCC had publicly accused the then governor Ahmed Bola Tinubu of being ‘a corrupt government official who will not escape justice’.

“While I acknowledge that Nuhu Ribadu might have forgotten or chosen to retract his comments for the past, I stand by my statement and do not believe an apology is warranted. Apology to whom exactly?

“My words accurately reflect my views on the matter based on what is already in the public domain. I don’t believe that an apology or retraction is necessary. I would not compromise my position to appease Ribadu and his attack dogs.”

[TheCable]

The recent withdrawal of Chief Afe Babalola's criminal defamation suit against barrister Dele Farotimi at the behest of Ekiti kings, led by the Ooni of Ife, Oba Ogunwusi Ojaja II, presents a troubling intersection between traditional Yoruba conflict resolution and the imperatives of a modern legal system. This occurrence should be of immense concern to all Yorubas and the Nigerian people at large, especially as false accusations, bearing false witness, and lying against others are unfortunately prevalent in our country. These acts can stem from personal vendettas, business rivalries, political schemes, or mere attempts to gain undue advantage. While the Yoruba culture highly values communal harmony and reconciliation, this intervention deprives our Nigerian society of a crucial opportunity to reinforce the sanctity of truth and accountability in public discourse, particularly in an age dominated by social media. 

Undermining the Rule of Law

At the heart of any modern legal system is the principle that allegations of wrongdoing must be proven beyond reasonable doubt. Criminal defamation cases, in a judicious system where people of integrity adjudicate without fear or favour, offer the opportunity to clarify truth and hold either the defamer or the defamed accountable. Defamation, when unchecked or poorly handled, fosters a society where falsehood and manipulation thrive. In Nigeria, this issue becomes even more dangerous when compounded by a legal system that is vulnerable to misuse by the wealthy and influential. Criminal defamation suits often become tools wielded by the rich to silence critics, while genuine accusations of wrongdoing are swept under the rug by interventions from traditional rulers or political pressure.

When influential figures, such as traditional rulers, custodians of the law and political operatives, intervene to suppress such cases, they inadvertently weaken the legal framework meant to protect reputations and encourage responsible speech. In fact, the denial of this process sends a significant message to the whole world on our disregard for human dignity and respect for truth. A pertinent question at this juncture is that of whether our kings, legal luminaries and other potentates would intercede if this incident between barrister Farotimi and chief Babalola had been between a quiet high achieving Yoruba intellectual and the Chief! 

Interventions like that of these kings create a dual-tier societal system where some of us are protected from accountability while the ordinary citizen is exposed to the full brunt of the law. By persuading Chief Afe Babalola to withdraw his case, the traditional rulers have reinforced the perception that certain individuals and groups can bypass the judicial system with ease if they are in favour with the influential quarters of Nigeria. This undermines the principles of equality before the law and weakens societal trust in both the traditional and legal systems.

The message sent here is clear: public figures can allege corruption without consequence, provided they are shielded by powerful communal appeals. Conversely, those wrongfully accused are denied a chance to clear their names through legal means – the alleging party providing evidence and submitting to cross-examination. This dangerous precedent erodes trust in the otherwise robust Yoruba culture and tradition and the judiciary, while weakening the deterrent effect that criminal defamation laws are meant to provide.

Consequences for Public Discourse and Social Accountability

The rise of social media has transformed every individual into a potential broadcaster. False and defamatory content can now spread at unprecedented speeds, damaging reputations irreparably. Furthermore, with the corruption in our security and justice system, some individuals falsely accuse others to settle personal scores, knowing that law enforcement officers may act without proper investigation. Without the rigour of judicial processes to test the veracity of allegations, society risks descending into a chaotic marketplace of baseless accusations and character assassinations.

For instance, imagine a scenario where professionals in fields like medicine, education, or finance are accused of corruption on social media without evidence. If such allegations are not subjected to legal scrutiny – provision of evidence and cross-examination, public trust in these institutions can be irreparably damaged. Similarly, societal potentates and political actors could weaponize defamation as a tool for character assassination, knowing that communal interventions, and/or corruption would protect them from accountability.

Dilution of Judicial Authority

The intervention of traditional rulers in legal matters also poses a threat to the independence and authority of the judiciary. When kings or communal leaders become arbiters in legal disputes, they inadvertently erode the separation between traditional and judicial systems. This undermines public confidence in the courts as the ultimate arbiters of justice in our adopted political, legal and governmental structure. 

Balancing Tradition and Modernity

While it is essential to respect Yoruba traditions of conflict resolution, such interventions should not come at the expense of justice and accountability. Traditional leaders should be careful not to shield defamers from the consequences of their actions or prevent the accused from clearing their names. I argue that a more constructive approach would be to encourage peaceful reconciliation after the judicial process has run its course.

The Way Forward

To prevent future occurrences of this arguably dangerous precedent, the following steps should be considered:

1. Legal Education: There is a need for public education on the importance of the legal process in handling defamation cases and the responsibilities that come with free speech.
2. Judicial Integrity: The judiciary, police, states’ attorneys-general and other legal officers at all levels must resolutely and demonstratively reaffirm their independence and commitment to adjudicating defamation cases without fear or favour. 
3. Cultural Sensitivity: Traditional rulers should be engaged in understanding their role in complementing rather than undermining the legal system.
4. Legislative Clarity: Clearer laws on defamation in the digital age are needed to hold individuals accountable for baseless accusations while protecting legitimate whistleblowing. 
5. False Narratives Prevailing: By preventing the rigorous testing of evidence in court, society becomes vulnerable to falsehoods gaining traction.
6. Breakdown of Accountability: When accusations of corruption are not tested in court, corruption thrives unchecked, weakening governance and public trust.

Conclusion

The withdrawal of Chief Afe Babalola's defamation suit at the behest of traditional rulers represents a missed opportunity to reinforce the rule of law and social responsibility in Nigeria. While Yoruba tradition values harmony, justice must not be sacrificed on its altar. A society where allegations are made without consequence is one where truth becomes elusive, reputations are easily destroyed, and the rule of law is weakened. For Nigeria to thrive, tradition and modernity must coexist without compromising justice and accountability.

The withdrawal of the criminal defamation suit cited here is an unfortunate example of the prospective tension between traditional conflict resolution mechanisms as we move further into the social media era, and our society must address this fact to preserve the sanctity of our adopted modern legal system. The rule of law must be given a chance! The seeming prioritisation of cultural reconciliation over judicial accountability, is tantamount to denying society the right of demanding that accusations, especially those involving corruption, are proven beyond reasonable doubt. This is even more important in a socio-political environment where the misuse of the legal system, and its associated functionaries, namely, police, state and federal law officers, is a hypothetical reality of the people.

Akwa Ibom State Chapter of APC has two secretariats in Uyo, the state capital. They stand four kilometers apart, separated by acrimony and bad blood, but bonded by decay and abandonment. They are a clear restatement to the parlous conditions of the party in the state, long strewn in crisis, bitterness and infighting. At one end of the party are the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio; Minister of Petroleum (Gas), Obong Ekperikpe Ekpo; former presidential adviser, Senator Ita EnangChief Victor Antai, Executive Director, NDDC; Mrs Eunice Thomas, Board member, NNPC; Chief Imo Akpan, Commissioner, RMAFC; Chairman, Federal University of Technology, Ikot Abasi, Dr. Emaeyak Ukpong, among others. At the opposite end are former minister of Petroleum, Atuekong Don Etiebet; former minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Obong Umana Umana; former managing Director of NDDC, Obong Nsima Ekere; former military governor of Ogun State and Rivers State, Group Captain Sam Enwang (rtd); Senator Nelson Effiong, among several others. The two camps do not see eye to eye and, as the saying goes, when two elephants fight, the grass suffers. In this case, the grass has not only overgrown the secretariats, but the party members have become despondent; dejected and disappointed.

In 2018, APC was a large, formidable party in Akwa Ibom, poised to wrestle power from the PDP. Nsima Ekere, then Managing Director of NDDC, was getting set to contest for the governorship ticket of the party and go on to slug it out with Gov. Udom Emmanuel, who was going for his second term reelection. APC’s Secretariat was then located at 149, Ikot Ekpene Road, an old three-storey building built in the 1970s. The building was initially occupied by the PDP, until it moved to another location in 2016. Today, PDP is occupying a purpose-built secretariat. The imposing building at 149 Ikot Ekpene Road remained vacant until 2018 when APC moved in there with the financial support from Ekere. In August 2018, just as APC was moving into the property, Senator Godswill Akpabio decamped from the PDP to the party, creating a buoyant and upbeat mood among the rank and file. But there were leaders like former governor Victor Attah who warned publicly that Akapbio’s entry into the party would weaken, rather than strengthen it. Many people did not take him seriously.

 Trouble started in 2021 and since then, the party has not remained the same. In October of that year, APC conducted its congresses to elect party leaders and delegates for the various party primaries in preparation for the 2023 elections. Senator John James Akpan Udoedehe, the interim National Secretary of the Party, was leading the charge. Akpabio was Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, but there was no love lost between the two men. They have been political enemies since 2009 when Udedehe defected from PDP to ACN.

 With the congresses concluded, Austine Ekanem, an Udoedehe acolyte who was the State Secretary, was elected State Chairman with 1,278 votes, to beat Stephen Ntokekpo, the youth leader, who scored only six votes. Dr. Ita Udosen, who was the Ag. Chairman (the chairman, Ini Okopido, had died the previous year), was elected South-South Zonal Secretary at the National Convention. All the ward executives and State Officers of the Party were carefully selected and put in place by Udoedehe who was also preparing to run for the 2023 governorship election. Austin Ekanem was duly sworn into office by the Party’s Acting National Chairman, Abubarkar Bello, (then the governor of Niger State) on March 7, 2022. Bello stood in for the then National Chairman, Gov. Mai Mala Buni of Yobe State, who was on medical vacation.

The party’s structures were all in Udoedehe’s hand. Akpabio, completely sidelined, was livid with rage, but he did not show it. The new State Chairman returned to Uyo and inaugurated his EXCO and Ward Executives. There were celebrations everywhere in the state; but the merriments were short-lived, for exactly 10 days after Austin Ekanem was sworn-in as chairman, the Akpabio camp obtained a judgment from a Federal High Court in Abuja, affirming that Ntokekpo, who had scored only six votes, was the authentic state chairman. Ntokekpo had filed the case in November 2021, soon after the congresses, but Ekanem was not joined as defendant. Rather it was the APC that was the defendant, a clever tactic that ensured that the case was undefended. The court judgment was based on a fake result sheet in which Ntokekpo’s score was changed from 006 to 1006; while Ekanem’s score changed from 1,278 to 278. It was a mathematical abracadabra in which ‘’1’’ from Ekanem’s 1,278 votes was moved to Ntokekpo’s 006 votes to make it 1006. All other results were unchanged in the court filing. It was a pyrrhic for the party has not recovered from it since then.

With this, Ntokekpo, an Akpabio ally, was sworn in as the State Chairman, replacing Ekanem, who had been was sworn in two week earlier. A protracted legal battle ensued between Ekanem and Ntokekpo with Akpabio and Udoedehe as the big behind-the-scene-masquerades. But there were other problems. The chairman of the APC Akwa Ibom State State Congress Committee, Alhaji Banki Yusuf wrote a petition to the police headquarters in Abuja, stating that Steven Ntokekpo had allegedly forged the result of the state congress. The police arrested Ntokekpo and investigated the allegation. Forgery was confirmed. The police then forwarded the result of their investigation to the DPP Office in Abuja and after the review of the police report and investigation; the DPP recommended that Steven Ntokekpo and others be charged to court. Till today, no case has been filed against Ntokekpo. There was a big masquerade behind him.

Akpabio had now assumed full control of the party structures in the state, but Ekanem was still fighting hard to reclaim his mandate. The forgery allegation was still swirling around; the congress matter was dragging in court in Abuja and the 2023 elections were approaching fast. APC was waltzing from one crisis to another, and events began to unfold at dizzying speed in quick succession. Senator Udoedehe decamped from the party to NNPP and picked up its governorship ticket; Akpabio resigned from Buhari’s cabinet to run for President and rented another storey building at No. 6 Ekpo Obot Street, Uyo, as the party’s State Secretariat, abandoning the imposing building at 149, Ikot Ekpene Road, painted in APC colours. The acquisition of a new secretariat was the first formal indication of a gulf and disharmony in the party; and the discord has been growing.

Within that period, Chief Akan Udofia, a swashbuckling oil industry contractor, emerged as the party’s governorship candidate through another dubious circumstance. Udofia had contested in the PDP governorship primary held a day before APC’s primary, and scored only one vote. But how he emerged victorious in APC’s primary conducted around midnight the following day is the stuff that ‘’Akpabiosm School of Politics’’ is made of.

 Enter Senator Ita Enang, another APC governorship aspirant. A lawyer of over 40 years at the bar, Enang headed to the courts and obtained judgment at Federal High Court, Abuja, against Udofia and APC. The court decided that since the midnight primary was not certified by INEC, the party was null and void, and the party had no governorship candidate for the 2023 election! By now, Akpabio had withdrawn from the presidential primary at Eagles Square in Abuja on March 6, 2022; bought a nomination form for Senate and by another abracadabra, another Senatorial primary was conducted for him in which he won the nomination. In the first senatorial primary, a retired deputy inspector general of police, Mr. Ekpo Ekpoudom, was nominated as candidate. How Akpabio wrestled the ticket from Ekpoudom at the Supreme Court is yet another mystery of Nigerian democracy.

It’s been two years since the 2023 elections and with all the political dramas; dubious court judgments and mago-mago party primaries; APC emerged exhausted and withered. There has not been any party a major activity since the election. Austin Ekanem, the ousted Chairman, says the Secretariat at 149 Ikot Ekpene Road has been abandoned since 2022 and activity has ceased in the party since the end of 2023 elections. He recalls that around October 2024, Senator Ita Enang had approached him, and apparently acting at the behest of the Senate President, invited him for some reconciliation meetings, but he rebuffed Enang, telling him that he would not be part of any reconciliation process that does not include other disaffected leaders like Umana Umana; Don Etiebet; Nsima Ekere; Sam Enwang; Bassey Dan-Abia; Senator Nelson Effiong and other leaders’’. The process has stalled.

 But Dr. Ita Udosen, the South-South Zonal Secretary of the Party, says although he’s a senior officer of the party, he has never been invited for any party event. His words: ‘’As you know, I was the Acting Chairman of the Party for about two years, and I operated from 149, Ikot Ekpene Road. Stephen Ntokekpo was the youth leader then. In 2022, I was elected as the Zonal Secretary of the party; and my office is in Port Harcourt. I can tell you that I have never been invited to any party event at the Ekpo Obot Secretariat and I do not know what the conditions there are like’’.

Stephen Ntokekpo himself was quite effusive when I spoke to him. He said that there are plans to reconcile everybody and bring all sidelined persons back into one fold, noting that the Ekpo Obot secretariat is not only functioning, but is well maintained. I did not see that. He paid tributes to the Senate President and the minister for their contributions to the party. ‘’You know, the property we are occupying is owned by an APC stalwart (Chief Sunny Ibanga). I am aware that both the Senate President and the minister have been taking care of our landlord who has not been well. If I have any issue with the landlord, I will sort it ought with him. But I can tell you that the rent for the property is not due till March and the property is well kept’’.

 Ntokekpo then veered off and praised Gov. Umo Eno for ‘’for bringing peace and harmony to the State’’. He said: ‘’Gov. Umo Eno has reached out to APC members in ways that show that he is the governor for all Akwa Ibom people, irrespective of party affiliations. The governor has identified with the Senate President, who is our grand leader, in a very respectful manner. To that extent, we in APC have decided that we should give the governor his due respect and allow the government a chance to govern. Elections have come and gone. It’s time for governance’’.

Akwa Ibom APC has been thoroughly weakened by its many troubles. It’s difficult to see how it would go through the 2027 elections.