Title-winners Paris Saint-Germain still have the Champions League final to look forward to later this month but the Ligue 1 season reaches its climax on Saturday with European places still up for grabs and a quartet of clubs scrapping to avoid relegation.

PSG secured a fourth consecutive domestic title more than a month ago and will collect their trophy following Saturday’s match at home to Auxerre.

Luis Enrique’s side will then turn their thoughts to the French Cup final against Reims on May 24 and the Champions League final against Inter Milan in Munich a week later.

Behind them, Marseille and Monaco clinched podium places, and guaranteed access to next season’s Champions League, with victories last weekend combined with favourable results elsewhere.

That leaves one spot in Europe’s elite club competition to be decided, with four teams — Nice, Lille, Strasbourg and Lyon — still in contention for a place in the third qualifying round of the Champions League.

Nice, who fell short in the Champions League play-offs in 2017, are best-placed to take the remaining spot as they come into their final match at home to Brest in fourth place and with the best goal difference.

A 1-0 win for the Ineos-owned outfit would leave Lille needing to win by six goals, or Strasbourg requiring an eight-goal margin of victory for them to go above Nice.

“I prefer to be slightly above the others in the table than slightly below them,” admitted Nice coach Franck Haise, who took Lens into the Champions League two years ago.

“To get fourth place, which would not be trivial, first of all we need to win. We know that.”

A slip-up would give a real chance to Lille, who finished fourth last season and then came through the qualifying rounds of the Champions League before going on to reach the last 16.

Strasbourg also retain hope of a first campaign in Europe’s elite competition since 1979/80, despite the frustration of seeing a 12-game unbeaten run ended in a 2-1 loss at Angers last weekend.

– Saint-Etienne to survive? –

Lille and Strasbourg are both at home to relegation-threatened opponents, in the shape of Reims and Le Havre respectively.

Lyon, meanwhile, know their chances of taking fourth are extremely slim. They must win at home to Angers and hope the three teams above them all lose, with the consequences of missing out on the huge prize money on offer in the Champions League likely very serious for them.

“First of all, we need to focus on ourselves,” said Lyon coach Paulo Fonseca. “We know it’s going to be very difficult for all the other teams to lose, but we must go out looking to win our match without thinking about the rest.”

The team finishing fifth will go into the Europa League with sixth entering the Conference League, although seventh place will be enough to qualify for Europe provided PSG win the French Cup.

At the bottom, Saint-Etienne gave themselves a lifeline last weekend in their bid to avoid an immediate return to the second tier.

A win at home to Toulouse will see them grab the lifeline of a two-legged play-off against either Dunkerque or Metz to stay in the top flight — provided Le Havre do not win.

Reims and Nantes are also not yet safe from the danger of finishing in the bottom three.

Key stats

4 – Four teams go into the last night of the season with a chance of taking France’s fourth and final qualifying spot for the Champions League

21 – PSG’s Ousmane Dembele has 21 goals and is on course to end the season as Ligue 1’s leading scorer, although Marseille’s Mason Greenwood is just two behind on 19

9- The number of PSG players named in the Ligue 1 team of the season — Lille goalkeeper Lucas Chevalier and Lyon forward Rayan Cherki were the only two from elsewhere to make the select XI

Fixtures on Saturday (kick-offs 1900 GMT)

Lens v Monaco, Lille v Reims, Lyon v Angers, Marseille v Rennes, Nantes v Montpellier, Nice v Brest, Paris Saint-Germain v Auxerre, Saint-Etienne v Toulouse, Strasbourg v Le Havre

[Guardian]

The Managing Director of Sahara Group, Kola Adesina, has expressed strong confidence in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s bold energy sector reforms.

In an interview for an upcoming State House TV documentary marking the second anniversary of President Tinubu’s administration, Adesina lauded the government’s policies for improving transparency, regulatory consistency, and expanding investment opportunities.

“The most significant shift I have seen—without a doubt—has been the government’s willingness to confront the long-term inefficiencies within the petroleum sector. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s courage in removing the fuel subsidy and market distortions hasn’t been rivalled in the history of Nigeria,” he said.
In a statement by Presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, Adesina noted that removing subsidies has created a more sustainable energy environment, enabling businesses and policymakers to plan more confidently and clearly.

“The energy sector today is stronger and more sustainable. We can now plan. The macro and micro elements are beginning to work together, and there’s strong potential for long-term benefits.”

From a business standpoint, Adesina said the reforms have unlocked access to fair competition and significantly boosted investor confidence.

“For us, it’s about the free market, open market, and transparency. Nothing beats that. When there’s no clarity or consistency, investment becomes difficult. But now, we know how to price. It’s open to everyone in the market, whether investing or buying, and you know reform is here and guiding every process.”

He commended the Tinubu administration’s progress in critical infrastructure, particularly in the gas and power sectors, where the Sahara Group is active.

“Lately, there’s been significant momentum. We’re seeing more alignment between public policy and private sector expectations. The bottlenecks we faced are giving way to commonsense decisions.

We can predict what’s happening and where the country is headed.”

Adesina further applauded implementing the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), describing it as a game-changer for policy clarity.

“PIA is now easier to relate to—unlike before when policy inconsistencies were the order of the day. Private sector players like us want to invest with the confidence that policy won’t change after we’ve committed scarce resources.”

In the power sector, Adesina welcomed recent efforts by the government to resolve long-standing financial obligations.

“We’ve seen movement on the payment of legacy debts, especially in the power sector. Once the government clears those debts, new investors will come in, and existing ones—like us—will deepen our investments. There’s life in the business again.”

He also highlighted encouraging developments in Nigeria’s energy transition, driven by President Tinubu’s focus on natural gas and climate-conscious solutions.

“Gas-to-power is gaining ground. We love what’s happening. We’ve invested, and we’re ready to invest more. CNG is now the order of the day—the President has made that a focal point. The carbon credit scheme is also expanding.”

He said the Tinubu administration’s efforts in the last two years represent a solid foundation for Nigeria’s future. The current energy landscape is anchored on reliability, accessibility, and affordability.

“We’ve had a very complex situation, and while the road ahead won’t be easy in the short term, things will improve. The foundation has been laid. It’s being worked on and re-engineered to ensure that prosperity can truly be democratised and felt by the last man, at the last mile,” he added.

As this year’s Eid al-Adha approaches, livestock dealers and buyers have expressed concern that rams and other sacrificial animals may become more expensive due to rising cases of rustling in parts of the North West and a recent livestock export ban imposed by the Niger Republic.

Earlier in May, the Nigerien government temporarily banned livestock exports to stabilise domestic prices ahead of the Eid celebrations.

The country’s Ministry of Commerce said the measure was aimed at ensuring sufficient livestock supply during the high-demand season.

In Niger, where over 90 per cent of the population is Muslim, hundreds of thousands of sheep are traditionally slaughtered during Eid al-Adha, which will take place in early June this year.

The ban affects the export of cattle, sheep, goats, and camels.

Niger’s Commerce Minister, Abdoulaye Seydou said the decision to ban the export of livestock was intended “to ensure the regular supply” of animals in local markets in preparation for the celebrations.

He also warned that security agencies have been instructed to enforce the ban strictly and that violators will face decisive action.

It would be recalled that Niger recently imposed a ban on the export of food items to neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

The latest move is expected to affect neighbouring countries, particularly Nigeria and Ivory Coast, which depend on livestock imports from Niger, especially rams, sheep, and camels.

Nigerian dealers look to Cameroon, Chad as alternatives

Merchants in major livestock markets in Kano and Jigawa states said the ban could cause supply shortages and price hikes in Nigeria during the Eid season.

Malam Abdullahi Abdul, a 65-year-old livestock merchant at the Wudil Livestock Market in Kano who has been in the trade for over 15 years, said the ban would undoubtedly affect the supply of animals to Nigeria.

He said Niger Republic is a key supplier of rams, especially during Eid al-Adha, and the restriction would impact availability at a time when demand peaks.

He noted that, in response, many merchants have begun sourcing livestock from alternative routes, especially from countries like Cameroon and Chad.

“There is every tendency that Nigeria may face a scarcity or high cost of livestock due to the ban by the Niger Republic.

“However, if things go according to our plan, people may not experience a major shortage. We have already sent our people to Cameroon and Chad to bridge the gap.

“The supply should start arriving soon. Still, prices may rise due to foreign exchange differences,” he said.

Another livestock trader, Alhaji Bello Guri, urged the public not to panic, noting that animals have already begun arriving in Nigeria from other countries.

He added that more people now rear their animals ahead of Eid, reducing dependence on market supplies.

“There is no cause for alarm. The ban was announced early enough for merchants to respond and find alternatives. However, what cannot be ruled out is the likelihood of increased prices due to reduced supply and high demand,” he said.

We are in a dilemma – Maigatari merchants

The Maigatari International Livestock Market in Jigawa State, which typically sources animals from both Niger Republic and within Nigeria, is now facing uncertainty following the recent livestock export ban by the Nigerien government.

According to Malam Dauda Babandi Gumel, the market’s local supply primarily comes from Nguru, Garin Alkali, Dapchi, and other parts of Yobe State.

He added that additional livestock is also sourced from various locations across Northern Nigeria, while Niger Republic traditionally supplies animals from areas such as Dingas, Magarya Tsira, and Matarka.

He explained that the ban has disrupted the activities of licensed Nigerian livestock traders who regularly travel to Niger to buy animals in bulk and transport them directly to the Maigatari border cattle market.

He said that with the restriction in place, these traders are now idle, raising concerns over the potential scarcity of livestock ahead of this year’s Eid al-Adha celebrations.

It was also gathered that the market, which operates every Thursday and is typically bustling with livestock, has recently seen a sharp decline in activity.

Due to the Niger Republic’s export ban, the market has been a shadow of its former self, with fewer animals available for trade.

“Though there is still time before the Eid al-Adha celebration, we are hoping for a miracle to turn things around because both buyers and sellers are currently in a dilemma,” Malam Gumel said.

Buyers worry as livestock prices soar

Though livestock prices vary by size, many buyers believe they will be significantly higher this year.

Checks from major livestock markets indicate that a ram that sold for N120,000 last year is now priced between N170,000 and N200,000.

Similarly, bulls that previously sold for N600,000 are now going for between N850,000 and N1 million.

According to Abbas Idris, a resident of Kabuga in Kano, the current market indicators suggest that only a few people may be able to afford the Sallah sacrifice this year.

He said an average ram is now selling between N100,000 and N150,000.

“If prices are already this high weeks before the festival, one can only imagine what they will be like during Sallah,” he said.

Another resident, Alhaji Shehu Sharu, noted that since Islamic teachings allow for collective sacrifice, he has opted to contribute alongside friends.

“Ever since livestock prices surged three years ago, my friends and I have been pooling resources to carry out the sacrifice. At least it’s religiously permissible.

“I plan to do the same this year. Honestly, prices have gone far beyond what an average citizen can afford. A bull that used to cost N600,000 now sells for between N1.5 million and N2 million. That’s outrageous,” he said.

Similarly, Aminu Bukar, another Kano resident, said all signs indicate that livestock prices will remain high this year. He disclosed that he owns a ram currently valued at over N2 million.

“Can you imagine a single ram going for N2 million? It’s madness. The most annoying part is that people are buying.

“I doubt many people will be able to afford the sacrifice this year. We will just have to wait and see. As for me, I haven’t decided yet—I’m watching the market,” he said.

Malam Idris Isma’ila Zango, a father of six and civil servant with the Kano State Teachers Service Board, said the Sallah sacrifice is no longer a viable option for him.

Zango said he recently conducted a market survey at the Tishama Livestock Market in Kano and found that the lowest price for a sacrificial ram was N170,000.

“It’s just not realistic. How can someone earning the minimum wage of N71,000 afford a ram that costs at least N170,000?  I don’t think I will be making the sacrifice this year.

“We have been told the price hike is due to Niger’s export ban, but I think it’s more than that. It’s part of a broader trend in the global economy,” he said.

Experts seek livestock transformation plan implementation

A livestock expert, Dr. Aminu Rimi noted that beyond the Niger ban, factors such as rampant animal rustling and the failure of farmers to adopt modern livestock management techniques are major contributors to the rising cost of livestock.

According to him, the full implementation of the National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP) is essential.

He explained that the NLTP offers a strategic framework for modernising livestock production in Nigeria.

He also stressed the need to promote livestock fattening practices as a way to accelerate production and enhance overall output.

Kano-based business analyst, Ibraheem Muazzam said the decision by the Republic of Niger is both calculated and strategic, aimed at sending a message to Nigeria and other African nations.

He explained that the country has been making deliberate economic moves since the military takeover.

He added that many of these decisions are intended to assert Niger’s importance in the region’s economic stability and survival.

 [DailyTrust]

Grammy-nominated singer Davido has revealed that if he hadn’t ventured into music, he would have likely become a journalist.

In a recent interview, the award-winning artist explained that his love for engaging conversations and passion for marketing fuel his promotional efforts.

Davido, who studied marketing and business management, said he enjoys interacting with people, gathering information, and selling his brand.

He attributed his massive following and success to a strong work ethic and consistent self-promotion.

Davido said, “I like promo, I like conversations. A lot of people don’t know that I studied marketing apart from business management. I like to market myself, I love to talk. If I had a podcast, I talk for like three to four days.

“I just feel like it’s part of being an artist. A lot of big artists don’t do press but I do because I can talk. But some people just don’t want to talk. When people meet me, I like to have conversations, I like to know things, I like information. Even at home, I’m also researching. If I wasn’t doing music, I will definitely be in journalism.

“A lot of people in my position would just sit down and let everything work for them. People be asking me why I got the most followers, it’s because I’m working”.

He admires the dedication of successful artists like Beyoncé, noting that they continue to work hard even after achieving great success. 

“I know how hard Beyonce will work with all the money she got”, he added.

[TheNation]

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has said ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo swiftly ended Boko Haram’s activities when the group first emerged during their administration.

Speaking in Abuja on Wednesday during a visit by stakeholders from Kogi East Senatorial District, led by former Kogi State Deputy Governor, Simon Achuba, Atiku attributed the early success against the insurgents to strong political will.

Atiku, in a video shared on his Facebook page from the meeting, said Boko Haram first appeared in Yobe State in 2002, prompting Obasanjo to consult him on how to respond.

Atiku said, “You remember when the Boko Haram started in Yobe? It was actually in 2002. We were in the office. The president sent for me. ‘VP, what do we do about this?’ Then I said, ‘Mr President, let’s call the Service Chiefs and give them a deadline. If they can’t put it down, then they should put down their uniform and go away. We will get some other people.

“And he called the Service Chiefs; I was there, and gave them marching orders, and within a few weeks, they put down the insurgency in Yobe. It never came up again until we left office.”

Atiku blamed the group’s later resurgence on the failure of successive leaders to act decisively.

“So, I will say there’s a lack of political will on the leaders. When they’re killing your citizens, how can you even eat? They’re killing your citizens and you don’t give a damn; that is the greatest irresponsibility by any political leader, anywhere.

“So I hold our leadership responsible for all the insecurity that is going on all over the place,” he added.

Atiku served as Vice President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007 under President Olusegun Obasanjo, during the Fourth Republic, following the end of military rule.

[Punch]

There is, it seems, no limit to the extent the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC, is prepared to go in its dance of shame with MultiChoice Nigeria, owners of DStv and GOtv. This time, it is wheedling the legally unwary by spinning an otherwise straightforward court ruling to wit: While the FCCPC has investigative powers under its establishing Act, it lacks the authority to fix or suspend prices unless specifically delegated by the President through a gazette.

It was an unambiguous, explicit, clear-cut and unequivocal judgement.

Of course, no such presidential instrument as required by law was presented to the court. And there couldn’t have been any because President Bola Tinubu was emphatic in disavowing price control during his first media chat on December 23, 2024. Asked if his government would consider travelling the “price control” route in order to mitigate the prevailing cost-of-living crunch, his answer was emphatic: “I don’t believe in price control. We just continue to supply the market, we work hard to supply the market.”

Justice James Omotoso of the Federal High Court, Abuja echoed the same sentiment last Thursday when he ruled that the FCCPC lacks the power to interfere in the pricing decisions of private companies in a free market economy. He held that under Section 88 of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act, only the President can regulate prices.

But in affirming MultiChoice’s right to set prices for its goods and services, Justice Omotoso also dismissed the company’s suit against the regulator’s intervention in its recent subscription price hike, a fact that FCCPC is latching on in its dance of shame, spinning the judgement.

Justice Omotoso ruled that MultiChoice’s suit constituted an abuse of court process as a similar case was pending in Lagos, stressing that the firm should have pursued its arguments there. The fact that it failed to do so, the court held, rendered the filing in Abuja inappropriate. Simply put, Justice Omotoso struck out MultiChoice’s suit against the FCCPC only on procedural grounds.

What the Judge didn’t say, however, is the fact that not only is a similar proceeding pending in a Lagos court, indeed, as far back as 2015, two lawyers – Osasuyi Adebayo and Oluyinka Oyeniji – approached a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos to challenge MultiChoice’s right to increase prices and lost, with the court ruling that they were not obliged to use MultiChoice’s services.

That judgement had not been vacated when the FCCPC, in its desperation to ratchet up the pressure, sued MultiChoice and its Managing Director, John Ugbe, in March for allegedly violating regulatory directives, obstructing an ongoing inquiry and engaging in conduct deemed violations of the provisions of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) 2018. But the Judge recalled that in 2022, the Competition and Consumer Protection Tribunal, ruled that MultiChoice, a luxury, non-essential commodity provider, has a right to increase its prices while Nigerians have a choice to opt for other Pay TV platforms.

It is this clear-cut ruling that FCCPC is spinning, orchestrating media headlines such as, “Subscription Hike: FCCPC Floors MultiChoice” and “Court affirms Commission’s Power to Investigate Exploitation.” That is a deliberate misinterpretation of the judgement designed to deceive.

Now, what is the issue?

Citing inclement economic climate and surging operational costs, MultiChoice, on March 1, 2025, implemented a less than 25 per cent subscription price hike, which is far less than the inflationary pressures exacerbated by sundry volatilities in the economy. Yet, it is enough to put it in FCCPC’s crosshairs.

To be sure, Nigerians, facing significant economic challenges, are barely surviving and any tariff hike makes it worse. But businesses are not faring any better. Firms that hitherto posted robust balance sheets year-on-year are going bust, literally. Some that could no longer stand the heat fled. In 2023 alone, industry giants, including GSK, Sanofi-Aventis Nigeria Ltd, Unilever Nigeria Plc., Procter & Gamble Nigeria, and Bolt Food, bolted. A company facing higher costs must either pass some of them to consumers or degrade its services or go under. 

Standing between the devil and the deep blue sea, businesses that have decided to weather the storm rather than flee are hiking tariffs to remain afloat. MultiChoice is one of them. But it is not the only one. In January, the Nigerian Communications Commission, NCC, approved a 50 per cent tariff increase for telecommunications operators in Nigeria in order to address rising operational costs and ensure sustainability.

Long before those operators hitched a ride on the price hike wagon, many other companies were already on board with price adjustments in excess of 100 per cent. For instance, in 2024, Nigerian Breweries hiked prices of its products thrice. In 2023, StarTimes raised its rates twice. The first was by 33 per cent in May, while the second was by another 25 per cent in August. Streaming giants, Netflix, also announced a review of its prices with effect from April 1, 2024. Earlier, International Breweries, citing escalating cost of doing business, increased prices across its product portfolio. Another brewing giant, Guinness Nigeria Plc., also announced a new price regime.

Curiously, while these other organisations are given a free pass even with higher percentage hikes, MultiChoice is always singled out for sanction. So, why is it a crime for MultiChoice to charge market-reflective rates for its services when it is not for others?

If protecting consumers is truly FCCPC’s goal, then its enforcement must be consistent and fair. Singling out one player while turning a blind eye to others undermines the very principle of consumer protection. Worse, it erodes trust in the Commission. As Justice Omotosho rightly pointed out, not only is MultiChoice’s right to a fair hearing serially savaged, the Commission’s unholy antics smacks of selective enforcement.

For the avoidance of doubt, Justice Omotoso, in his well-considered judgement, raised many fundamental issues.

The court held, and rightly so, that a pay-tv is not an essential service and consumers can choose to subscribe or not or even switch providers by using free-to-air channels or stream on YouTube. Thus, no one is trapped because the market offers alternatives.

Justice Omotosho equally dismissed FCCPC’s claim that MultiChoice held a dominant market position, calling the argument untenable. For him, Nigeria being a free market economy means service providers such as MultiChoice have the right to set their prices.

More importantly, the Judge harped on a very fundamental issue, which tragically seems to be lost on FCCPC: attempts to fix prices by regulatory bodies could scare off investors and harm an already struggling economy.

MultiChoice has made significant contributions to Nigeria’s economy. From its humble beginnings of about 30 employees, the company presently sustains over 30,000 Nigerian jobs, directly and indirectly. While other companies are closing shop, exiting or downsizing, MultiChoice is still creating value – investing, hiring and stabilising the fragile economies of most families.

So, at a time of historic unemployment, does it make sense to hound one of the few remaining businesses that are standing by the country and its longsuffering people? Besides, more than any other business – public or private – MultiChoice plays a larger-than-life role in promoting the country’s cultures and projecting its soft power.

To be sure, the antagonism and campaign of calumny against MultiChoice is tantamount to success in a difficult business environment becoming a burden? MultiChoice is not a monopoly. It is just the most resilient competitor in a tough market. Not only that, those who talk about monopoly and absence of choice conveniently ignore the fact that the company offers tiered packages from N4,400 to N44,500, which means that there is a bouquet for every pocket and no one is forced to buy what he cannot afford.

It is disingenuous to equate success to monopoly. Truth be told, by sheer dint of hard work, MultiChoice became the dominant actor in the industry because over the years, rather than quitting, it stayed put to build infrastructure, content pipelines, measures that ultimately engendered trust and patronage. Any other company that does same will get the same result. Market dominance is earned, not gifted.

What Justice Omotoso’s ruling exposes is FCCPC’s regulatory overreach in its dealings with MultiChoice with an unambiguous message: it is high time this dance of shame stopped. MultiChoice should be allowed to do its business within the ambit of the law without let or hindrance.

The French establishment is, again, sowing the seeds of violence in Africa. As it is traditional with France, it will water such seeds, nurture them until they are ripe for harvest.

In its latest genetically-modified violence-seed planting, France in May, 2025 set aside 150 million Euro through its French Development Agency to plant violence in Western Sahara. The fund is to enable the parochial-minded Moroccan Monarchy to recolonise its neighbour.

The French mission is simple. It is aware that Western Sahara, otherwise known as the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic, SADR, which has been a member of the OAU/AU since February 22, 1982, will resist the Moroccan re-colonisation moves. Then war will break out and France will sell arms and maintain Moroccan loyalty while also generously stealing the resources of Western Sahara, including its phosphate and fisheries. That way, the French establishment which, for centuries, is not used to an honest living, would continue its parasitic nature: living off the resources and sweat of underdeveloped countries.

It was primarily for this reason it engaged in the slave trade and became one of the bloodiest and most remorseless colonialists in world history.

The 1825 Independence Tax France imposed on Haiti, for daring to end slavery and become independent, led to the underdevelopment of that country. It also resulted in it becoming a failed state 200 years later.

Africa suffered severely as a result of France’s duplicitous role in the Second World War. In that war, led by its First World War hero, Marshall Henri Philippe Petain, France first fought on the side of Hitler-Germany from 1940-1944. When Germany began to lose that war, the anti-German wing led by Charles De Gaulle, swung France fully to the side of the allies. While fighting on both sides of World War II, France used Africans in its colonies as canon fodders.

Criminally, after the war, France carried out massacres of African soldiers that had fought in its ranks against Hitler. On December 1, 1944, Black African soldiers who fought in the French West Africa army, were massacred at the Thiaroye Barracks, Dakar. The men had been part of the about 120,000 Africans captured by Germany in the 1940 Battle of France. Eighty per cent were from North Africa, and the rest from West Africa. They had been held as prisoners of war, POWs, by Germany which in May and June, 1940, summarily executed between 1,000 and 1,500 of these Black prisoners.

On their release four years later, and return to Africa, they complained that their demobilisation benefits, statutory advance payments and savings made during their incarceration, remained unpaid, and that the living conditions in the barracks were very poor.

Declassified documents were to reveal that even before the African war veterans left France, the French authorities, claiming falsely that Hitler gave the African POWs special treatment to spite it, had decided to eliminate them. When therefore these veterans protested in Dakar, the French military moved in with deadly weapons and shot 300 – 400 of them dead. However, the French military officially claimed that it killed only 70, while agreeing that hundreds were injured.

It was not until the eve of the 80th Commemoration of that massacre in 2024, did France under President Emmanuel Macron acknowledge the massacre. It should be noted that France made the acknowledgement in the face of demands by the new principled Senegalese government of Bassirou Diomaye Faye, and the loss of French power in West Africa following the expulsion of its military in countries like Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali.

France, in 1945, carried out similar massacres in Setif and Guema in Algeria. The African soldiers who had returned from fighting in the French military led protests for independence. This was violently suppressed and the Algerians reacted in violent confrontations that led to the death of some French settlers.

France reacted by sending well-armed troops into the streets of Algeria. As France simply massacred the Algerians, keeping no known records, the extent of the killings are unknown but are estimated at between 5,000 – 45,000 Algerians. This turned out to be a tiny figure as in the subsequent Algerian struggle for independence, France massacred some two million Algerians.

After WW II, France developed the type of atomic bombs the United States had used to wipe out most of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Given its knowledge that these were highly radioactive bombs, France decided not to test the bombs in its territory or any part or Europe, but in Africa!

The Evil Empire from February 13, 1960 tested at least four atmospheric atomic bombs in the Algerian desert. When Africans led by Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah protested against this wilful destruction of Africa, France was forced to stop the atmospheric tests, but went on to conduct 13 additional underground nuclear bomb tests in Africa devastating parts of North, Central and West Africa.

The radioactive effects caused mass blindness, leukaemia, cancers of the liver, skin and stomach, and also birth defects. In the immediate territories around the test sites, 27,000 – 60,000 Algerians were affected. As at 2023, radioactive dusts emanating from the test sites were still being detected across West Africa.

On October 2, 1958, France, confident of its vile grip on its colonies in West Africa, conducted a referendum asking them to choose either complete independence or partial independence within a so-called French Community. France was so livid that Guinea voted for full independence, that it decided to physically wreck the country before leaving. These included uprooting sewage and water pipes, roads, immediate withdrawal of all French professionals, including medical personnel, unscrewing light bulbs and destroying life-saving medicines.

However, on the long run, it was a better deal for Guinea because even after independence, France continued to rule the subservient ‘Francophone’ countries. This included forcing them, until a few years ago, to deposit their earnings in the French Central Bank from which it scooped $500 billion annually. Until now, 14 West and Central African countries still spend the French Franc which even France had stopped using in 2002 when it adopted the Euro.

France also has the infamous distinction of executing the first military coup in West Africa with the January 13, 1963 overthrow of Prime Minister Gilchrist Olympio of Togo. The latter was executed at the gates of the US Embassy in Lome by French gendarmes led by Sergeant Etienne Eyadema.

In August 2023, France almost succeeded in luring the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, to invade Niger Republic following the July 26, 2023 coup in that country. This directly led to the split of ECOWAS.

Does this sound like demonising France? No. Africans say you cannot claim not to be a thief if you are always in possession of stolen goods.

The Defence Headquarters (DHQ) on Thursday night dismissed the viral video circulation on social media media handled purporting to show terrorists overrunning a military base in Marte, Borno State and killing some soldiers

The Defence Headquarters described the video as a disinformation campaign, saying it is footage from an occurrence at a different location which was first posted on 7 December 2020.

Major General Markus Kangye, Director, Defence Media Operation, said the video was subjected to a thorough forensic analysis and was discovered to be fake.

He said, “The attention of the Armed Forces of Nigeria (AFN) has been drawn to a video currently circulating on social media, falsely presented as footage from the recent attack on troops in Marte, Borno State.

“Following a thorough analysis by relevant authorities, it has been confirmed that the video is not related to the Marte incident in any form.

“The visual content, terrain, and operational context clearly indicate that the footage is from an occurrence at a different location which was first posted on 7 December 2020.

“The video clip is being deliberately recycled and manipulated by criminal elements and sympathisers of terrorist groups to mislead the public and sow seed of fear, while aiming at dissuading the public from the gains being recorded by troops of the AFN in the ongoing operations across the country.

“For the avoidance of doubt, troops of AFN in Marte came under attack on Monday 12 May 2025 at about 0300hrs (3 am).

“However, the troops were able to repel the terrorists after fierce gun battle with a large number of terrorists neutralized while others escaped with bullet wounds.

“Following this, the terrorist resulted in sharing an old clip as propaganda to mislead gullible members of the public.

“This act of misinformation is not only malicious but also a failed attempt to demoralize our gallant troops and undermine the confidence of Nigerians in the Armed Forces.

“The AFN condemns in the strongest terms this reckless dissemination of fake content and warns that those behind such disinformation campaigns will be identified and held accountable in accordance with the law.

“The Nigerian military remains fully committed and unwavering in its efforts at defending the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our nation.

“Our troops in the North East and across all theatres of operations remain resolute and are making significant progress in dismantling terrorist networks.

“We urge the general public to disregard the fake video and rely only on official sources for verified information on military operations.

“The support and cooperation of all Nigerians remain vital in the collective fight against terrorism and all forms of insecurity.”

[Vanguard]

It has been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view. It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Ishaq Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.

I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May 2025. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens, but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”

This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God, in His infinite mercy, console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bounteous compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.

The said computer glitch thing, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being solutionist, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.

Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team led the education minister, Tunji Alausa, round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.

On the same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the exam sector leader in Africa, which JAMB has become over time.

The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real-time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest in trendy output that the world can see and learn from.

But that may even seem the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he ensures that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.

Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of ‘government is always right’. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former student leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan, commended the spokesperson for JAMB for excellent handling of public complaints.

Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 exam centres nationwide were affected.
Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am undoubtedly in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me… It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani, wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”

But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that mistakes happen under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”

With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion-conscious as stipulated by SDGs?

How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game-changer leader yet remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders nationally and internationally under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How much more numerous other stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?

But why this sudden, saddening encounter threatening our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and asses,s and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.

One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.

Tunde Akanni, PhD, is a Professor of Journalism and Development Communications a the Lagos State University, LASU.