Days ago, I stumbled on a fierce social media debate. It was centred on when Nigeria moved from “federal” to “unitary” system. I was very uncomfortable with the distortion of elementary political concepts but, as a basic rule, I do not participate in Nigerian social media debates. It is usually not a good use of time as things hardly end well. What actually jolted me was the confusion of “regions” with “federalism”. Somebody authoritatively declared that it was when we moved from “regions” to “states” in 1967 that we abandoned “true federalism” — and many agreed with him. There and then, I decided to revisit the government I studied as a subject in Form 4 during my O’Level education.

In a way, I can understand the confusion. When respected people say we should go back to “true federalism” by returning to the regions “as in the 1963 constitution”, those who do not have the foggiest idea of what used to obtain can easily confuse the concepts. I have come to understand that many Nigerians do not know the difference between a federal and a unitary structure, presidentialism and parliamentarianism, and other types and structures that define a political system. My modest attempt today is to pick on some of the common political concepts and explain them in simple and straight terms for the benefit of those who genuinely do not understand.

The first point I would make is that federalism is not determined by what you call the federating units. In Nigeria, we call the centre “federal government” and the subnational units “states”. Federations such as Mexico, the US and Germany also call them states. In Switzerland, they are called cantons; in Australia, states and territories; in Canada, provinces; in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), emirates; and in Ethiopia, regions. Therefore, what you call them does not determine whether the federalism is “true” or “fake”. Osun state was once renamed “State of Osun” in line with the nomenclature in the US where “true federalism is practised” and where states are called “State of…”

Now to the point: when did Nigeria move from “true federalism” to a unitary system? Without prejudice to the motive of those involved in the social media argument, it was the Unification Decree No. 34 of 1966 that abolished federalism and replaced it with a unitary system. The opening line of the decree was unequivocal about it: “Subject to the provisions of this Decree, Nigeria shall on 24th May 1966 (in this decree referred to as ‘the appointed day’) cease to be a Federation and shall accordingly as from that day be a Republic, by the name of the Republic of Nigeria, consisting of the whole of the territory which immediately before that day was comprised in the Federation.”

Before then, there were four regions: Northern, Eastern, Western (all created by Sir Arthur Richards in 1946) and Midwestern (created from the Western Region in 1963). Every region had provinces. Under the Unification Decree of 1966, the regions were “abolished” but — in a classic case of “potato/potahto” — they remained the same. Section 2(1)(c) of that decree stated that “the provinces… respectively comprised in Northern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria, Western Nigeria and Mid-Western Nigeria shall be known respectively as the Northern group of Provinces, the Eastern group of Provinces, the Western group of Provinces and the Mid-Western group of Provinces”.

Now this: Section 2(1)(d) of the decree stated clearly that “for the purpose of administration each group of provinces shall subject to the authority of the Head of the National Military Government, be under the general direction and control of a Military Governor appointed by the Head of the National Military Government”. That was the end of the federalism we started practising narrowly under the Richards Constitution in 1946 and more broadly under the MacPherson Constitution of 1951 and the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. It was the 1954 constitution that actually refined our federalism by comprehensively listing the exclusive and concurrent powers. It was produced largely by Nigerians.

The 1960 and 1963 constitutions were basically updated versions of the Lyttleton Constitution to reflect Nigeria’s independence and republicanism respectively. However, it is only important and fair to state at this point that the move to a unitary system under the military in 1966 was logical: the military operates a command-and-control system. All orders flow from the top. No military unit is independent of central authority. It is anathema under a military system for the supreme commander to issue an order and for a commanding officer to act differently or issue a counter order. It is not done. With the Nigeria military seizing political power, authority had to be centralised.

I was initially taken aback that the abolition of the four regions and creation of 12 states in 1967 by the military government was described as the abolition of federalism in favour of a unitary system. One person confidently said the change from “regions” to “states” marked the end of federalism. But on a second thought, I should not be surprised. Anyone who has been listening to public debates recently will have heard that returning to “regionalism” was equal to returning to “true” federalism. That may suggest that regions and federalism are the same. That is not true. Unitary systems use “regions” as well. In Ghana, which runs a unitary system, the governing units are called regions.

Now to the concepts. What is unitary system? It is a political structure in which all powers belong to the central/national government. The subnational governments are subservient to the centre. In Ghana, for instance, the regions are subordinated to the centre. The 16 regions have 261 districts. The central government in a unitary system usually devolves power to the subnational levels. The UK — a kingdom of four countries — runs a highly devolved unitary system, with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland having their own parliaments and heads of government business. No two unitary systems are the same. Every country localises its practice based on its own political evolution.

What is federalism? Here, power is shared between the national and subnational governments, unlike in the unitary system where all powers belong to the centre which in turn donates some to the lower levels. The basic principle of federalism is that the federating units are co-equals — and the states are not subservient to the centre. The powers each partner has are listed on the exclusive and concurrent lists. Exclusive powers are reserved for the centre while concurrent powers belong to both the centre and states. Anything not on exclusive and concurrent lists are considered “residual” and are under states. The federal government is not superior, except in areas on the exclusive list.

Federalism is practised differently in different countries, but some characteristics are common: the monetary policy is controlled by the centre to avoid having different rates and currencies; foreign affairs are under the federal government, otherwise every state will appoint ambassadors; there is only one military, else every state will have an army, air force and navy; and the country’s borders are under the federal government. However, every federation organises itself differently: there is state police in the US, unlike in South Africa. All resources are controlled by the Malaysian federal government; in the UAE, they are owned by the emirates; in Nigeria, there is a sharing formula.

In a typical federation, each federating unit has its own executive, legislature and judiciary — just like the central government. Each state runs its own budget and is not dictated to from the centre. Under military rule in Nigeria, state budgets were subject to approval by the head of state. That was a unitary system which was effectively abolished under the 1979 Constitution. Also, federalism is essentially a union between two tiers of government, but some federations recognise local governments as a tier. Brazil’s local councils have been totally independent of the states since 1987. In Nigeria, there is a strong move towards granting political and economic autonomy to the LGAs.

What is a confederation? Interesting one. It is a loose political arrangement where the units are stronger than the centre. They have individual currencies, flag, anthem, military, legislature, judiciary and executive. They are independent of other confederating units. To put it simply, it is a union or league of sovereign states — a marriage of convenience. Currently, there is no country that can be called a confederation. Although Switzerland is officially named the “Swiss Confederation”, it has been a federation since 1798. The US was a confederation from 1781 to 1789. Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia) formed a confederation that lasted for exactly seven years — from 1982 to 1989.

There are still confederations, nonetheless. The African Union (AU) is one. The European Union (EU) can be described as one, although its monetary union is a feature of federalism. There was a time many opinion leaders in Nigeria started demanding “confederalism” as the solution to our political crises and the only pathway to development. We are never short of ideas that we think will make the country great. Some have called for “true” federalism, “fiscal” federalism, change of name, change of flag and change of anthem. We are back to the “Nigeria We Hail Thee” anthem but there are yet no signs of massive development. The regionalism campaign has also staged a comeback. This is Nigeria.

As a parting shot, I would implore young Nigerians not to believe everything they read in the newspapers and on social media regarding political systems and the history of Nigeria. They should behave like the Bereans who subjected to biblical scrutiny everything they were told by the apostles. I have come to realise that a lot of revisionism is going on and many people are manipulating history and political concepts just to ram home their biases and beliefs. Some are no longer interested in the facts. All they do is pass opinions as facts and prey on the vulnerable. We are free to hold opinions and propagate ideas as we debate the state of the union, but may we kindly respect the facts?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

THE RIVERS BETWEEN

Why should a court of law direct the INEC not to release voters’ register to the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) for the local government election? Why should a court ask police not to perform their constitutional duty of providing security? We are literally ruining this democracy because of egos and politicking. At the root is the conflict between Governor Simi Fubara and his estranged benefactor, Chief Nyesom Wike. President Tinubu must put his foot down on the crisis before things get out of hand. It is purely a political crisis to be resolved politically and Tinubu must urgently take the lead, otherwise the conflagration may become unquenchable. Statesmanship.

RISING STATS

Starlink recently announced a rise in its monthly subscription fee by 97 percent — from N38,000 to N75,000. The hardware is  now N590,000, up from N440,000. The price hike, according to the satellite internet service owned by Elon Musk’s SpaceX, was necessitated by inflation in Nigeria. It is hard to argue against the justification, with the heavy depreciation in the value of the naira in the last one year and several other costs associated with tech services. However, with Nigerian telcos also making a similar case for tariff adjustments in response to the economic statistics, you sense that it is just a matter of time before the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approves. Imminent.

KEMI BADOO

Kemi Badenoch, the former UK business and trade secretary, has been making a passionate bid to become the new leader of the Conservative Party — a step towards becoming the prime minister in the future if things work in her favour. I am so happy for her. But can she please stop telling lies about Nigeria? She said she left the country in 1996 after “leftist” policies had eroded private wealth. I know she was just six when the structural adjustment programme (SAP) was introduced in 1986, resulting in the massive devaluation of the naira, but SAP was a neo-liberal, not leftist, economic policy. I think she can use the services of fact checkers before her next Nigeria-bashing show. Shame.

NO COMMENT

The Jigawa state government has decided to acquire Khadija University, a privately owned institution in the state, for N11 billion. N11,000,000,000! Wow! What exactly is the state government buying? Is it the land (in a state where land is surplus to requirements)? Is it the buildings (how much does it cost to put brick and mortar together)? Is it the facilities (do they have nuclear reactors and rocket launchers on campus)? NB: this is aside the subventions for capital and operational expenditures that will soon enter the state budget. So, this thing they do with award of contracts and purchase of private buildings has now found its way into the campus? ELEVEN BILLION NAIRA. Wonderful.

The quest for fame is a global pandemic. From time immemorial, man has craved recognition and social pre-eminence through various means – even if he has to be anti-social to attain social recognition. In this pursuit, the line between popularity and notoriety thins out. Most people would rather be notorious than be unknown. Every Tamuno, Dike and Hadi knows this fact.

I commend Nicola Formichetti’s words to the dark minds who foul up the virtual superhighway of social media in their quest for recognition: “The dark side of social media is that, within seconds, anything can be blown out of proportion and taken out of context. And it’s very difficult not to get swept up in it all.”

Tamuno, Dike & Hadi

Tamuno: Ah, Silifa has suddenly become an arrogant celebrity. Small girl of yesterday! Since her social media post about her stepfather went viral, she has suddenly become a superstar and is on demand everywhere…

Dike: I can give you a long list of her type in my neck of the woods. She must be the envy of other girls now, except that I wouldn’t go as far as she went just because I want to “trend”. Some people have more scandalous stories but they will never tell the world because the internet never forgets. You may become famous today but your grandchildren may be embarrassed by your disclosures several decades ahead.
Hadi: I insist that cultural red lines are sacrosanct. Despite the fact that social media tries to create an artificial “global culture”, we all know that there are western cultural fads that will never gain traction in Africa because culture is thicker than a fleeting craze. By the way, please refresh my memory on the Silifa story.

Tamuno: You mean scandal?
Hadi: Whatever!
Dike: She claimed that she snatched her stepfather from her mum and is today cohabiting with the man who is 39 years her senior. She told the story with lurid details and virtually disrobed her mother…
Hadi: Stop! Now I remember! The details are too offensive. Please, spare me!
Tamuno, Dike and Hadi are like most of the average people in the world who frown at extremes. Silifa, the subject of their gossip, is our local version of Christie, the American TikToker whose story went massively viral when she disclosed that she had married her stepdad. The story was so salacious that the video was viewed 22.3 million times on TikTok. It also attracted over 124,000 comments from viewers who also asked for more information.

Married Your Stepdad?
The world enjoys watching the dance of a mentally deranged person as long as she’s not a family member.
The woman who goes by the username @Christywho_ shared her video with the on-screen caption,

“Marrying my step dad was the best decision I’ve ever made.” The upload showed a man hugging a woman who had her legs wrapped around him as they kissed….
You would think that America was too far gone in debauchery to see anything wrong in what the woman claimed to have done, but the pushback was instant.

“Am I the only one wondering how your mom is doing?” asked one viewer whose comment was liked over 3,000 times.

“There’s seven billion people in the world, why?” asked another who received over 9,000 likes.
Many TikTok users stitched and duetted the video, appearing shocked by the story — one uploader’s silent reaction received over 103,000 views.

The video also made its way to Twitter where a user wrote, “Can someone unplug the internet please? I don’t want it anymore!”

The TikToker’s post had achieved as much notoriety as anyone could wish for, and she had become known by millions of people all over the world within a few days. But to what end? The negative reactions were so damning that she did a sequel to the video clip and changed her story.

Joke Turned Sour
Christie, the mother of two from Tampa, Florida, has now come out and revealed that the couple’s love story is not actually as controversial as she had portrayed it to be. She told the New York Post that she posted the clip as a “joke”.

In answer to some of the questions asked by commenters, she replied: “Was I groomed? No. Did my stepdad raise me? No. Was I a minor when I met him? No. Do me and my mom still talk? Yes. Did he have kids with my mom? No.”
Some critics had, inevitably, reacted with hate towards her children and her late brother. And that touched her deeply.

“The amount of death threats I received, wishing that my children were born without arms and legs and they were glad my brother had died, and they wanted to call child protective services on me.”
To another critic, she retorted, “This filter is insane. Plz leave my kids and ‘unalived’ brother out of this.”
She explained that her new husband isn’t even her stepdad – she simply made the comment because the couple have a 16-year age gap. She revealed that her husband was actually her older brother’s best friend, and after her brother died in a motorcycle crash, they bonded over the loss and fell in love.

“I didn’t expect the video to blow up as much as it did,” Christy admitted. “I wanted to show that people will believe anything that they read on the internet. I also wanted to prove that everyone will be upset and believe anything they see on the internet nowadays,” she elucidated.

“They were mad when I ‘married my stepdad,’ and they were mad when I posted my real story and found out that it wasn’t actually my stepdad. The internet feeds on the drama.”

Nigerian Desperadoes

It is that drama that will rubbish the legacies of many trending stars of today who will weave any kind of story to go viral. Politicians who have access to the public treasury indiscriminately buy hours of prime airtime on television stations to advertise their partisan poison. They also retain an army of internet warriors who terrorise their opponents and further spread their lies. They forget to ask themselves: Where are the liars of yesterday?

It is in this context that one must pity some Nigerian desperadoes who are like Nevada’s Christie. There is one who calls herself an investigative journalist but who, to all intents and purposes, is just a social climber and name dropper. She has tried so many tricks in the book but so far, no luck. People generally think she needs to see a shrink.

Then the attempt by a self-styled activist, critic and social media influencer, Martins Vincent Otse, alias VeryDarkman, to use a fib against the Falana family to climb to millions of social media endorsements and commentaries has blown up in his face. Tails between his legs, he’s now begging the Falanas for mercy.

The evolution of social media has changed our lives for good. Social scientists are still trying to fathom the full extent of the influence of this phenomenon which has changed the way we relate with each other and shrunken distances and knowledge gaps in such an unprecedented way that it is nothing short of a socio-scientific revolution.

It can be a powerful instrument for good or social destruction depending on how it is deployed.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is expected to reshuffle his cabinet soon and some portfolios may be reassigned and some ministers be relieved of their duties. According to the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, ''When the reshuffle happens, it is expected to align with the President’s broader strategy to enhance governance and better communicate the administration’s successes.'' To achieve the desired results, the performance review of ministers should be holistic, as various factors affect performance, some of which may be beyond their control. The lag between policy announcements and implementation has contributed to the perceived poor performance of this administration.

The workload of the ministers should be reviewed to identify those who may be overwhelmed. No matter how capable a person is, being overloaded with tasks will lead to longer turnaround times and delays in policy implementation. Some ministerial portfolios may need to be split, or Ministers of State appointed in some Ministries where they do not exist. Some people think the Minister of Finance, who also doubles as the Coordinating Minister of the Economy, should have a Minister of State.

The problem of bureaucracy in Nigerian governance has always existed. Tasks that can be completed in two days in a private setting take much longer in government. The government should conduct a process review and streamline its operations for greater efficiency. This should be done without losing sight of the need for control and supervision. This will speed up policy formation and implementation thereby making the government more responsive. Beyond bureaucracy, another factor causing delays in policy implementation is the lack of, or delays in, funding. In such scenarios, there is little a minister can do.

One may ask if the roles, responsibilities, and deliverables with timelines expected of the ministers were clearly communicated to them. For example, just recently, Bayo Onanuga said, "The President has instructed ministers to actively communicate what their ministries are achieving. Some have been hesitant to engage with the media, but the President wants them to change that." While some ministers have been very vocal, though it may seem implied, it is possible that others did not know they were expected to be, given that the government has other means of promoting its successes.

There are factors beyond a minister's control that can affect their perceived performance, apart from funding. For instance, whilst not celebrating or defending the performance of the Minister of Agriculture, without addressing insecurity, which has led to incessant attacks on farmers, farmlands, and livestock, domestic food production will remain impaired. The Ministry of Solid Minerals is faced with a similar circumstance with many mining sites under the control by non-state actors.

As Mr President prepares to reshuffle his cabinet, it is imperative that issues like workload, funding, bureaucracy, communication of deliverables, and other factors beyond the control of ministers are properly addressed. Changing ministers or reassigning portfolios without dealing with all the issues impairing performance may not lead to significant improvement. Performance review is holistic and goes beyond just evaluating the individual responsible for certain tasks. Nigerians deserve a more responsive government.

Kenechukwu Aguolu   FCA,FCIA,PMP

Officials of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission, RSIEC and voters ran for their lives when police officers stormed Elekahia Primary School in Port Harcourt City local government area, on Saturday.

About 21 Hilux patrol vans with heavily armed officers drove into the school which has 10 polling units.

Officials of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSEIC) who had set up their stands were chased out of the Ward.

One of the policemen was heard saying, ‘”Come here, remove that vest. What are you doing here? Common move!”

The policemen, some of whom were masked, also asked the officials to remove their vest and hand it to them.

The operatives also shot teargas canister directly into the crowd of people who who were running for their lives.

A policeman fired another teargas at by-standers at the entrance of the Street and residents who came out to cast their votes ran helter-skelter.

Many of RSIEC officials, voters and residents of the community ran into Boms streets in Elekahia community in confused manner, thereby creating tension in the area, as the several police patrol vans sped out of the area with many election materials.

When contacted, spokesperson of the State Police Command, Grace Iringe-Koko, said she was not aware of the incident.

“I’m not aware. You are just telling me now, ” she said.

The Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, had ordered his men not to provide security during the election, citing a court order.

On the election eve, Governor Siminalayi Fubara had accused the IGP of taking orders from some politicians in Abuja.

He had also vowed to hold Egbetokun responsible if there is breakdown of law and order in the state.

However, the IGP denied the allegations in a statement issued by Force Public Relations Officer, Muyiwa Adejobi.

[DailyTrust]

The Body of Benchers is arguably the most prestigious organ of the legal profession.

It is, of course, not superior to our overarching professional body, the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA; after all, whereas all of us lawyers, both at the Bar and on the Bench, belong to the NBA, only a handful of us end up becoming Benchers.

Apart from the courts, themselves, from customary court to our most sacred temple of justice, The Supreme Court, there is no organ of our profession we respect, as lawyers, more than the Body of Benchers.

In light of his most embarrassing excesses, his decidedly unlawyerly demeanor, his shamefully ungentlemanly posturing and his obvious addiction to unnecessary controversy, the Honourable Minister for the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, and, former Governor of Rivers, Barrister Nyesom Wike, is the poster child and perfect specimen of precisely the sort of character that must not be a Bencher.

Nyesom Wike started out as an agbero, whom God, in His Infinite Mercy, Holy Magnanimity and Divine Providence, lifted up and took from the motorpark, made a local government Chairman, Secretary to The State Government, Minister of The Federal Republic, Governor for two consecutive terms, and, now once again a Minister but, unfortunately, decided to thank God for rescuing him from the motorpark by refusing to remove the motorpark from himself.

Indeed, you can force the horse to the river but not force it to drink from it, just as you might remove the agbero from the motor park, but the agbero might find it difficult to remove the motor park from himself.

I supported Wike’s nomination as Minister because he helped us win in Rivers State, but he has only succeeded in making himself an embarrassment to our government and a distraction to our President.

As to being a lawyer, the Body of Benchers must now declare Nyesom Wike as not a fit and proper person to be in their midst and sack him immediately from the most respected organ of our profession.

Onokpasa, a lawyer, was a member of the All Progressives Congress, APC, Presidential Campaign Council and the Tinubu Presidential Legal Team, TPLT, and writes from Abuja.

The Rivers State Police Command has confirmed that two separate explosions occurred in different parts of the state on Saturday.

It reported that the first explosion took place at the All Progressives Congress Secretariat along Aba Road, while the second struck the Obio/Akpor Local Government Secretariat, just outside Port Harcourt.

Grace Iringe-Koko, spokesperson for the State Police Command, stated in a press release that both explosions happened almost simultaneously.

Iringe-Koko further mentioned that police units responded swiftly, visiting the scenes and collecting samples for investigation.

Meanwhile, elections in the state have concluded in many areas, though they were disrupted in some locations by armed men dressed in police uniforms and others believed to be political thugs.

The statement read: “The Rivers State Police Command was alerted to two explosions that rocked the city of Port Harcourt on Saturday, 5 October 2024.

“The first explosion was reported at the APC Secretariat on Aba Road at approximately 3:00 AM. A security guard heard a loud bang, and upon investigation, observed three black Toyota Hilux vans speeding away from the scene. The explosion caused significant damage, destroying the gate, shattering the windows, and setting the security building on fire.

“The second explosion occurred at the Obio/Akpor Council Secretariat around 3:30 AM. Eyewitnesses reported seeing a black Toyota Hilux van and a white Toyota Sienna minivan drive past the secretariat. The occupants allegedly threw an object, suspected to be a stick of dynamite, which shattered the roof and damaged the generator house of the complex.

“In response to these incidents, the Explosive Ordnance Disposal and Anti-Bomb Squad were mobilised to both locations.

“An improvised explosive device was recovered at the APC Secretariat, and the team identified the use of incendiary materials in the arson of the security building.

The Anti-Bomb Squad collected samples from both scenes for forensic analysis, and investigations are ongoing to apprehend the perpetrators of these heinous acts. We urge the public to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activities to the authorities.

“We assure the residents of Port Harcourt that every possible measure is being taken to enhance security and ensure the safety of our community.”

[Punch]

Arsenal defeated Southampton 3-1 in a Premier League clash on Saturday, extending their unbeaten run this season.

Fresh from a commanding win over Paris Saint-Germain in the Champions League, Arsenal were expected to easily dispatch winless Southampton.

However, the Saints shocked the Emirates 10 minutes into the second half when Cameron Archer netted his first Premier League goal since his summer move from Aston Villa.

The lead only lasted three minutes before Kai Havertz scored in his seventh consecutive home game.
Gabriel Martinelli was introduced after an hour and made an impact within eight minutes, volleying home from Bukayo Saka’s cross.

After assisting Arsenal’s first two goals, Saka pounced on a loose ball to score the third himself.

Meanwhile, Rodri’s season-long absence due to a serious
knee injury is expected to be a major blow to Manchester City’s hopes of retaining the title for a fifth consecutive season.

However, it was his deputy, Mateo Kovacic, who scored twice to turn the game around for the champions at the Etihad, which ended 3-2.

Fulham, unbeaten since the opening night of the season at Manchester United, took the lead thanks to Andreas Pereira’s finish from a stunning backheel assist by Raul Jimenez.

Kovacic’s deflected effort quickly brought City level, and a cleaner strike less than two minutes into the second half made it 2-1.

Jeremy Doku then smashed a shot into the top corner from outside the box to give City a two-goal cushion, which they required.

Rodrigo Muniz gave Fulham hope on 88 minutes, but City held out for a 17th consecutive win against the Cottagers.

West Ham eased the pressure on new boss Julen Lopetegui by ending a run of three home defeats at the start of the new season.

Michail Antonio, Mohammed Kudus, Jarrod Bowen, and Lucas Paqueta were on target for the Hammers in a 4-1 win over Ipswich, who are still awaiting their first Premier League victory in 22 years.

There were six goals before half-time as Brentford defeated Wolves 5-3, leaving the visitors rooted to the foot of the table.

Leicester secured their first league win of the season with Facundo Buonanotte’s strike sealing a 1-0 victory over Bournemouth.

AFP

As the world celebrates the World Teachers’ Day 2024 today, October 5, the theme, “Valuing Teachers’ Voices: Towards a New Social Contract for Education,” resonates with a powerful message that has the potential to transform the educational landscape globally and, most importantly, within Nigeria. The theme highlights the pivotal role of teachers in shaping the future of education while advocating for a fresh commitment that recognizes their contributions, listens to their perspectives, and ultimately enhances their working conditions. However, while this theme is an important global call, there is an urgent need for the Federal Government of Nigeria and the 36 state governments to not only celebrate this theme but to actively domesticate it in every corner of the country.

Teachers are the bedrock of any society. Through them, the future is nurtured, knowledge is transmitted, and innovations are born. Yet, in Nigeria, these pillars of national development often bear the brunt of systemic neglect, poor remuneration, and hostile working environments. Despite the undeniable truth that no nation can rise above the quality of its education system, the Nigerian government has often treated education, and by extension teachers, with a disappointing level of disregard.

Many Nigerian teachers face chronic issues such as delayed salaries, inadequate teaching materials, dilapidated classrooms, and overcrowded spaces. These issues have become so normalized that it is now a crisis. If we are to live up to the global call of the 2024 World Teachers’ Day, we must engage the voices of teachers across the nation and listen to their demands for better pay, better facilities, and respect for the teaching profession.

The theme for this year’s World Teachers’ Day, “Valuing Teachers’ Voices: Towards a New Social Contract for Education,” offers Nigeria an opportunity to reshape its education system by starting with the very people who are the backbone of it, our teachers. But what does a new social contract mean in the Nigerian context?

In simple terms, it means an agreement between teachers, society, and the government that guarantees better working conditions, recognition of the role teachers play, and policies that are designed and implemented with teachers’ input. It means recognizing the expertise and insights teachers bring to educational reforms and creating policies that empower them, not stifle them.

For too long, Nigerian teachers have been left out of key decision-making processes that directly affect their work and the education of future generations. Federal and state governments have often made educational policies without fully consulting those on the frontlines of education, the teachers themselves. This approach has led to policies that are poorly implemented or outright rejected by the educational community because they do not take into consideration the realities on the ground. Domestication of this year’s theme requires a change in this practice.

A reformed educational system that values teachers’ voices will see teachers not just as implementers of educational policies but as active contributors to the design of those policies. Teachers understand better than anyone else the challenges students face, the gaps in the current curriculum, and the resources needed for effective learning. Therefore, the new social contract must involve the Federal Ministry of Education, State Education Ministries, and key educational bodies such as the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT) working hand-in-hand to ensure that teachers’ input is at the heart of any policy change.

This can be done through consultative forums through the establishments of platforms where teachers can regularly provide feedback on policies before they are implemented, ensuring that their voices are part of the decision-making process.

In a similar vein, through Teacher-Led Research Initiatives, teachers can be encouraged to conduct research on the challenges in the classroom and the Nigerian education system at large, using their findings to inform policy decisions.

Also, establishment of committees within the ministry to advocate for teachers’ welfare and ensure that their needs are prioritized in national and state budgets would go a long in addressing the challenges facing all teachers across Nigeria.

One of the ways the FG and state governments can demonstrate that they truly value teachers’ voices is by ensuring that teaching becomes an attractive profession for the best and brightest minds in Nigeria. This is not just about increasing salaries (although that is crucial), but also about offering incentives that recognize the professional standing of teachers.

In many countries, teaching is a respected and well-remunerated profession that competes with other career paths in terms of pay, prestige, and personal fulfillment. Nigeria must strive to reach this standard. The FG and state governments must review the Teachers’ Salary Structure (TSS) and ensure that teachers are adequately compensated for their invaluable contributions to society. More than this, the Teachers’ Registration Council of Nigeria (TRCN) must ensure that continuous professional development is linked with incentives for teachers who take up additional training, certifications, and responsibilities.

In fact, providing attractive housing schemes, health benefits, and pension packages can also make the profession more appealing. The recent 2020 approval of a special salary structure for teachers is a step in the right direction, but this must be fully implemented across all states to have a meaningful impact.

Rivers State, a critical economic hub in Nigeria, is often in the spotlight for its political and economic relevance. Known for its oil wealth, diverse culture, and bustling capital, Port Harcourt, the state holds immense potential to shape not just the Niger Delta region but also the broader national landscape. However, the political tension between the current Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, is casting a shadow over the state’s future. While both men play significant roles in Rivers’ political sphere, it is clear that Rivers State is far bigger than their individual ambitions. It is time for sanity to prevail in governance, for the people deserve leadership focused on their welfare rather than personal power struggles.

Nyesom Wike is a figure who commands attention, not only in Rivers State but across Nigeria. During his eight-year tenure as governor, he built a reputation for assertiveness, infrastructural development, and a no-nonsense approach to governance. Under his leadership, Port Harcourt witnessed several large-scale development projects, and Wike’s combative political style earned him a national profile as a staunch defender of his state’s interests.

His administration oversaw the construction of flyovers, bridges, hospitals, and schools. Wike’s personality and leadership style often led to political battles with the federal government, but his resilience endeared him to many in Rivers. Wike successfully turned Rivers into a strong political force within the national opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and expanded his influence beyond the state.

However, with every leader comes the inevitable challenge of legacy management. The question often arises: How will history remember Wike’s time in office? Will he be remembered for his contributions to infrastructural development or for political divisiveness? This question has only become more relevant with the growing friction between him and Governor Fubara, his former ally.

Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Wike’s successor, came to power with an endorsement from Wike, who was expected to continue wielding significant influence even after leaving office. As a former Accountant-General of Rivers State, Fubara’s technocratic background was seen as a stabilizing factor for the state’s finances, and his rise to the governorship was largely viewed as Wike’s attempt to maintain control of the state’s political machinery.

Yet, political successions are rarely as straightforward as they seem. Since assuming office, Fubara has sought to establish his own political identity, distancing himself from Wike’s overpowering influence. Fubara’s administration is still young, but the early signs indicate that he is keen on carving out his own path, which has inevitably led to clashes with his former mentor. Political observers note that Fubara’s decision to assert his authority is not only about personal ambition but also about the political survival that comes with stepping out of Wike’s shadow.

The ongoing power struggle between Wike and Fubara is not without consequences. Political distractions like these divert attention away from the real issues plaguing the state. From insecurity in the Niger Delta to unemployment and underdevelopment in rural areas, Rivers State faces numerous challenges that require urgent and focused governance. In a state that plays such a critical role in Nigeria’s oil economy, any prolonged political instability could have broader national repercussions.

Rivers State is one of the country’s highest oil-producing regions, contributing billions of naira to the national treasury. Beyond oil, the state’s bustling ports and burgeoning industrial sector make it a key player in Nigeria’s economic future. However, these economic advantages can be easily undone by political instability. Business confidence, investment inflows, and development projects all suffer when political leaders focus on personal vendettas instead of creating an enabling environment for growth.

While Wike and Fubara lock horns in a battle for supremacy, the people of Rivers State are left to contend with everyday problems like poor infrastructure in rural areas, inadequate healthcare, and worsening insecurity. Political stability is the bedrock of effective governance, and if Wike and Fubara do not resolve their differences soon, the people who voted them into office may begin to lose faith in their leadership.

Another dimension to consider in this ongoing political drama is the issue of security in the Niger Delta. Over the years, Rivers State has had a history of militancy and unrest, largely fueled by the grievances of marginalized communities that feel left out of the state’s oil wealth. Although militancy has reduced in recent years, thanks to the amnesty programs and other peace initiatives, it remains a sensitive issue that can be reignited by political instability.

When politicians in leadership positions engage in open confrontations, it often sends a dangerous signal to disaffected groups. The lingering mistrust between the government and these groups could be exacerbated by a perception that the state’s leadership is distracted or disunited. The last thing Rivers State needs is for political instability to reignite old conflicts or lead to fresh waves of unrest.

For governance to be effective in Rivers State, Wike and Fubara must realize that leadership is not about personal egos. The people of Rivers did not vote for a personality contest; they voted for leaders who could deliver on their promises. Both men have their strengths and have contributed to the state’s development in different ways, but these strengths must be channeled toward a collective goal.

Fubara, in his role as governor, needs peace and stability to fulfill his electoral promises. And Wike, as a political heavyweight, has a duty to support the government for the greater good of Rivers State. As a leader who claims to have the people’s interests at heart, Wike should be more invested in ensuring that his legacy is not one of division and conflict but of continued progress and peace.

This is not the time for political king-making or behind-the-scenes maneuvering. It is the time for statesmanship. The future of Rivers State must not be held hostage to political egos.

Beyond Wike and Fubara, other political, traditional, and religious leaders in Rivers State must also play their part in ensuring that peace and stability are maintained. Political observers in Nigeria are well aware of how traditional rulers and civil society can mediate disputes between political leaders. In times like these, their roles become even more crucial.

Traditional rulers, with their moral authority, can serve as mediators to broker peace between the two warring camps. Civil society organizations, particularly those advocating for good governance and social justice, must rise to the occasion by holding both leaders accountable for their actions and decisions. Religious leaders, too, have a critical voice in calling for unity and reminding political leaders of their responsibilities to the people.

Rivers State is not just a political playground; it is home to millions of Nigerians whose lives depend on effective governance. It is a critical economic asset to Nigeria, and its stability should be a top priority for anyone in leadership. The ongoing tensions between Wike and Fubara must be resolved through dialogue, humility, and a shared commitment to the state’s future. Political sanity must prevail because Rivers is bigger than the ambitions of any single individual.

If Wike and Fubara truly care about Rivers State, they must put aside their differences and work for the common good. In the end, history will not judge them by the political battles they fought, but by the impact they had on the lives of the people they were elected to serve.