A judge in the United States ruled on Thursday, that Alphabet’s Google illegally dominates two markets for online advertising technology.

This is another blow to the tech giant, paving the way for U.S. antitrust prosecutors to seek a breakup of its ad products.

U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema in Alexandria, Virginia, found Google liable for “willfully acquiring and maintaining monopoly power” in the markets for publisher ad servers and ad exchanges between buyers and sellers.

The ruling opens the door to another hearing to assess what steps Google needs to take to reestablish competition in those markets.

These steps may include divesting certain parts of its business in a future trial that has yet to be scheduled.

The second court ruling is that Google holds an illegal monopoly, following a similar judgment over an online search case.

Publisher ad servers are platforms that store and manage digital ad inventory.

Along with ad exchanges, the technology lets news publishers and other online content providers make money by selling ads. Those funds are the “lifeblood” of the internet, Brinkema wrote.

“In addition to depriving rivals of the ability to compete, this exclusionary conduct substantially harmed Google’s publisher customers, the competitive process, and, ultimately, consumers of information on the open web,” Brinkema wrote.

However, she wrote, antitrust enforcers failed to prove a separate claim that the company had a monopoly in advertising ad networks.

U.S. Attorney General Pamela Bondi called the ruling “a landmark victory in the ongoing fight to stop Google from monopolising the digital public square.”

“This Department of Justice will continue taking bold legal action to protect the American people from tech companies’ encroachments on free speech and free markets,” she said.

Vice President of Regulatory Affairs Lee-Anne Mulholland said Google will appeal the ruling.

“We won half of this case, and we will appeal the other half,” she said, adding that the company disagrees with the decision on its publisher tools.

“Publishers have many options and they choose Google because our ad tech tools are simple, affordable and effective.”

Google’s shares dropped by 1.4% after Thursday’s ruling. Experts previously told reporters that the tech giant’s financial hit from a loss in the case would be minimal.

The company is best known for its search engine.

The DOJ has said that Google should have to sell off at least its Google Ad Manager, which includes the company’s publisher ad server and ad exchange.

[Leadership]

A former senator representing Kaduna Central, Shehu Sani, has said that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will continue to be unpopular until his policies start producing positive results. 

Sani stated this during an interview on Channels TV’s Politics Today. 

He said that the president was setting a standard in Nigeria by allowing even people from the South West to criticize him.

He said, “When I stood up in the parliament to speak about the insecurity in the north, I faced serious resistance from senators from northern part of Nigeria.

“You were expected to be quite and embrace whatever it is because the president came from your region.

“Any attempt by you to raise alarm on the killings in the north or poverty in the north or the out-of-school children issue when Buhari was there, you would be reminded that you should not damage the image of the president because you come from that part of the country.

“Tinubu is embarking on a project he knows very well he will be unpopular. You either do two things: please people by doing what the people want, or to look at the future of the country where we are heading to and lose some popularity or votes for you to achieve it. Tinubu will continue to be unpopular untill the results of the reform start coming out.”

[DailyTrust]

The Senior Pastor of Dunamis International Gospel Centre, Paul Enenche, has expressed deep concern over the continued spate of killings across parts of Nigeria amid silence from those in authority.

The cleric, while addressing his congregation during a Special Service at the Glory Dome in Abuja, questioned why blood continues to flow like water in Nigeria without meaningful intervention from those in authority.

He disclosed that shortly before the service, he received a distressing phone call from a village pastor in one of the attacked communities, narrating how families were wiped out and children murdered in their sleep.

Lamenting the deteriorating state of security in the country, Enenche wondered what evil Nigerians had committed to deserve such mindless bloodshed, stressing that the silence of leaders has become more troubling than the violence itself.

According to him, “You have your farmland and some people come to uproot cassava to feed their animals, and you ask why? They waste your blood on your father’s land. What did we do in this country to warrant this?”

“Blood flowing like water in Plateau State, Benue State, and others.

“What evil did we do in this country that we have not had the solution to this matter?

“When will we have people there that will have heart for people? That will sit up and make legislation. That will eliminate the wastage of blood in this land. Why is blood flowing like water? And nobody is saying anything.”

The clergyman further described how even a former security operative recently confessed to him his fears of travelling to his own hometown due to the level of insecurity along major roads.

[DailyPost]

Do you think you know everything about your iPhone? Think again. Apple packs a ton of hidden features into every iOS update, and many of them fly under the radar.

Whether you’re a casual user or a seasoned iPhone pro, these 18 clever tips and tricks will help you unlock even more from your device.

Here are 18 things you probably didn’t know your iPhone could do

1. Identify Plants or Animals from Photos
Snap a picture, tap the Info button, and if your iPhone recognizes it, a starry icon will appear. Tap it to learn more about the plant or animal.

2. Turn Your iPhone into a White Noise Machine
Go to Settings > Accessibility > Audio & Visual > Background Sounds and choose calming options like Ocean or Rain—perfect for relaxation or putting babies to sleep.

3. Ask Siri to Read Web Pages Aloud
In Safari, say “Read this” or “I want to listen to this page.” You can also tap the Page Settings button and select Listen to Page. 

4. Schedule Text Messages
Avoid late-night sends by tapping the + icon beside your message and selecting Send Later to schedule your text for a specific date and time.

5. Lock Private Safari Tabs with Face ID
Enable Require Face ID to Unlock Private Browsing in Settings > Safari to keep prying eyes out of your browsing history.

6. Create Custom Voice-Controlled Gestures
Set up actions you can trigger with a spoken command via Settings > Accessibility > Voice Control > Commands > Create New Command.

7. Remove Backgrounds from Photos Instantly
In the Files app, tap and hold a picture, go to Quick Actions, then hit Remove Background for easy editing.

8. Select All with Two Fingers
In apps like Messages or Notes, swipe down with two fingers to quickly select multiple items at once.

9. Copy or Translate Text with Your Camera
Open the Camera, point at text, then tap the icon with three lines in a square. You can copy, translate, or share it instantly.

10. Decode Laundry-Care Symbols
Snap a pic of clothing tags and tap the Info button, then select Look Up Laundry Care to find out what each symbol means.

11. Face ID Lock for Individual Apps
Long press any app and select Require Face ID to lock it—ideal for keeping kids or snoopers out.

12. Use Guided Access to Lock into One App
Enable Guided Access in Settings > Accessibility to prevent anyone (like a child) from switching to other apps while using your phone.

13. Snap Photos Faster with Camera Shortcuts
From the lock screen, swipe left to open the Camera. Use the volume button to take photos or hold it for videos. Swipe the shutter for burst mode.

14. Limit Screen Time on Addictive Apps
In Settings > Screen Time > App Limits, set daily limits for time-wasting apps. You can customize by day if needed.

15. Move Multiple Apps at Once
In Edit Home Screen mode, drag one app, then tap others to move them all together to another page.

16. Share Wi-Fi with a QR Code
Go to the Passwords app, select your Wi-Fi network, and tap Show Network QR Code—great for Android users or large groups.

17. Record Phone Calls Natively
During a call, tap the Start Call Recording button (looks like vertical lines). A voice will confirm it’s being recorded.

18. Automatically Transcribe Voice Notes & Calls
Recorded calls and voice memos are auto-transcribed in the Notes app—perfect for interviews, lectures, or reminders.

A former Chief Magistrate in Rivers State, Ejike George, has defended his recent resignation from the state judiciary, stating that he cannot operate under the directives of a sole administrator.

George made the disclosure on Thursday night during a live interview on Channels Television’s Politics Today.

Recall that President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State on March 18, 2025, and appointed retired Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas as the state’s sole administrator.

George said, “My reason for resignation is simply because I cannot adapt to the military style of adjudication that would be introduced by the reason of the sole administrator.

“I am simply saying that I cannot take instructions from a military administrator. I cannot.”

The former magistrate expressed discontent with the Federal Government’s decision to suspend Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu, and members of the Rivers State House of Assembly.

Tinubu, invoking Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, claimed the suspension was necessary to halt the escalating political crisis in the state.

However, George disagreed.

“There was no crisis in Rivers State to warrant the suspension of an elected governor and his deputy, and the imposition of a military-style rule. It is not fair to the people of Rivers State,” he argued.

Ibas, who served as Nigeria’s Chief of Naval Staff between 2015 and 2021, hails from neighbouring Cross River State and was named sole administrator as part of federal efforts to restore order in Rivers State.

George, who served the Rivers State Judiciary for 16 years, maintained that judicial officers were not trained to function under military-style leadership.

“Our courts are courts of summary jurisdiction. Our proceedings are not guided by the Constitution of this country.

“That being the case, it means that I would take directives from my employer who is the Chief Judge of Rivers State.

“We, in turn, take some level of directive from the governor; that would have been the elected governor who had acted as the chief security officer of the state,” he said.

He continued, “In the entire 16 years that I served with the Rivers State Judiciary, I have taken instructions from civilian administrators. I do not know how I am going to adapt and now begin to take instructions from a military administrator. I find it very strange.”

George also challenged claims made by the Rivers State Judicial Commission that he retired voluntarily and not through resignation.

“I never faced any panel for any misconduct.

“Let them publish any report if there is one. I resigned on my own accord,” he said.

He further explained that the judiciary had not offered any training on how to operate under military oversight.

“Until that is done, I don’t know how even my colleagues would cope.

“So, for me, unfortunately, I am not the type that would keep my mouth shut. So, I decided to throw in the towel and go home and look for something else to do”, he said.

It was a day of mourning. Thursday, April 17, 2025 was exactly 200 years France imposed an evil tax on Haiti for daring to stop slavery and securing its independence. Haiti, until today, is in deep crises mainly due to the debilitating effects of that criminal tax and, interferences by Europe and the United States, US.

Haiti struck a death blow against slavery and colonialism by militarily defeating combined French and British forces after a 13-year war of liberation which began on August 21, 1791. It was initially an uneven war in which the European armies had vastly superior military advantages, and the revolt was thought a walkover. But the enslaving countries did not factor in the determination of a people to free themselves from being owned like cattle. Despite the frightening casualties of over 350,000 Black people killed in the revolt, the revolutionaries never gave up. For them, it was either victory or death. The Europeans did not concede defeat until about 75,000 of them had been killed. The British were the first to flee, abandoning their French first cousins. Then the French followed, and the heroic Haitians on January 1, 1804 declared independence.

The revolution produced some of the most brilliant fighters in world history: Toussaint Louverture, who led the revolt until his capture in 1802 and subsequent death in a French prison, and his successor, Jean-Jacques Dessalines. 

After militarily breaking the back of the Europeans, Dessalines on June 23, 1803 wrote US President Thomas Jefferson. The revolutionaries had seized a US ship, The Federal. Dessalines in releasing the ship, sent the letter through its captain, Nehemiah Barr. In it, he indirectly justified the Haitian Revolution on the basis of the US revolt against British colonialism. He also gave an update: “The people of Saint-Domingue (Haiti) tired of paying with our blood the price of our blind allegiance to a mother country that cuts her children’s throats, and following the example of the wisest nations, have thrown off the yoke of tyranny and sworn to expel the torturers. Our countryside is already purged of their sight. A few cities are still under their domination but have nothing further to offer to their avid rapacity.” He then assured Jefferson of good trade between their nations.

After independence, Dessalines the new leader declared: “It is not enough to have expelled the barbarians who have bloodied our land for two centuries … We must, with one last act of national authority, forever assure the empire of liberty in the country of our birth; we must take any hope of re-enslaving us away from the inhuman government …. In the end we must live independent or die.”

However, the sins of Haiti were not just its humiliation of European super powers by Black people employing superior military strategies and powers. For the Europeans, this first successful slave revolt was a bad example for all enslaved, colonised or oppressed peoples. The pointed lesson of the Haitian Revolution is that all oppressed people can liberate themselves no matter how powerful their oppressors.

Perhaps the greatest danger the Haitian Revolution posed to the European enslavers and colonialists was its helping to free some other colonies like Brazil, Bolivia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Northern Peru and Guyana.

The Europeans were also alarmed that the Haitians planned to send liberation fighters to free Africa from the colonial masters. Dessalines had asked rhetorically: “The Blacks whose fathers are in Africa, will they have nothing? He was assassinated two years after independence.

But the Europeans would not allow Haiti breathe; France and Britain imposed a blockade making it difficult for Haiti to trade. Finally in 1825, France, with the backing of some European countries, sent a massive expedition to Haiti and, with military threat to invade the young nation, imposed a tax of 150 million francs or today’s US$105 billion. It said the tax was compensation to the French government and former French slave owners for their loss of revenue from colonialism and slavery.

The amount was three times the GDP of Haiti and the country, faced with military invasion and an economy weakened by blockade, was forced to agree. It took Haiti 122 years to pay this evil tax through French banks and the US Citibank.

The French ransom tax was paid off in 1947 leaving the Haitian economy in poor shape. But tragically, a conscienceless dictatorship backed by the Europeans took over the country ten years later. It was led by Francois Duvalier alias “Papa Doc” which not only brutalised the citizenry and stole the country blind, but also vastly increased its debts. When he died in 1971, his son, Jean-Claude Duvalier alias “Baby Doc” continued the brutal dictatorship. He ruled for 15 years until a mass revolt in February, 1986 ended his rule.

In the 29-year iron rule by the Duvaliers, 40,000 – 60,000 Haitians were killed and many more tortured and injured. To achieve this level of bestiality, the Duvalier dynasty ran its own private militia called the Tontons Macoutes. Also, hundreds of thousands fled the country.

The post-Duvalier era was not so bright. By 1990, the country used 80 per cent of its income for debt repayment. The main leader that made a difference was Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide who was elected President in December, 1990 after winning 67 per cent of the votes. He was overthrown in September 1991 for embarking on pro-poor schemes such massive education, healthcare and empowerment programmes. He was reinstated in 1994 through US pressures. He lost elections the following year but was re-elected in 2000 with 92 per cent of the votes. However, Aristide was again overthrown in a 2004 coup which he said was carried out by France and the US.

Meanwhile the centre could no longer hold in Haiti, a situation worsened by a 2010 category 7 earthquake in which 222, 570 were killed, over 300,000 injured and 1.3 million displaced.

Haitian President Jovenel Moise was on July 7, 2021 assassinated in his home by foreign mercenaries. Haiti has since degenerated into a state of lawlessness under the control of armed gangs.

There is the need for the African Union, AU, in collaboration with the Caribbean Community, CARICOM, to fund a solution.

They should also get the United Nations to resume its stabilisation mission which it has abandoned since April 13, 2017. This will be an independent force compared to Kenyan policemen backed by countries with private interests. The Haitian situation is a human, not race problem. So, all humanity should join hands in ensuring a solution.

Meanwhile, France should refund the freedom tax it started extorting from Haiti, 200 years ago. You want to see the face of a thief? Look at France.

Former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Dr. Abubakar Malami, SAN, has dismissed claims by Senator Umaru Tanko Al-Makura’s group that members of the Congress for Progressive Change, CPC, bloc of All Progressives Congress, APC, had ruled out defection and endorsed President Bola Tinubu for 2027 elections.

Malami, who spoke through his media aide, Muhammed Bello Doka, said the CPC bloc, which was former President Muhammadu Buhari’s platform, said the bloc was the only entity that could speak on whether or not it was leaving the APC and not Al-Makura’s group.

“When you say CPC bloc, one needs to know who they are referring to. Is it the likes of Senator Umaru Tanko Al-Makura, Adamu Adamu, Masari and Faruku Adamu Aliyu who, a few months ago had been throwing Buhari under the bus, in desperate attempts to gain relevance that should decide for the bloc? Malami queried.

He described their decision as personal, with no connection with CPC bloc, adding that it was for them to gain relevance in the APC for personal benefits.

On his rumoured defection to the Social Democracy Party, SDP, Malami dismissed it as figments of the imagination of those peddling the rumour.

“Malami is a prominent figure in Nigeria, therefore, cannot defect to any party in secret, he is still in APC but in a broad consultations with different platforms. Until the consultations are over, it is premature to talk about defection or declaration of interest.”

He, however, said he remained in active politics and would make his position known when the time wast ripe to do so.

‘’Malami has right to belong to any political party and to contest any position in Kebbi State,’’ the aide said.
Recall that the former Nasarawa State governor, Al-Makura, former Katsina governor, Bello Masari, ex-Education Minister, Alhaji AdamuAdamu, along with 20 others, had after a meeting issued a communique, affirming their support for President Tinubu and his policies and programmes.

The communique had read partly: ‘’We, the undersigned leaders and committed members of the former CPC, who were part of those instrumental in the historic merger that gave birth to the APC, hereby issue this statement to clarify our unalloyed loyalty to our great party and express firm solidarity with the administration of President Bola Tinubu.

‘’Recent misleading narrative suggesting a defection or disaffection among CPC stakeholders are false, misleading and should be ignored. We remain integral to the APC and are fully aligned with its leadership.’’

Also recall that when the national Chairman of APC, Alhaji Abdullahi Ganduje, led party members on a courtesy visit to former President Muhammadu Buhari in Kaduna two weeks ago to plead with him to prevail on CPC members in APC not to leave the party, the ex-President told him people had the right to join any party of their choice.

[Vanguard]

The oil sector in Nigeria has always been the topic of the day. Online. Offline. On the radio. Even in public transport. If you want to start a heated conversation anywhere in this country, just mention “fuel.” The reactions will start coming in. The price. The scarcity. The queues. The corruption. It’s personal for everyone because we have built a whole nation that depends on oil as if it’s the only thing keeping Nigeria alive. We cannot discuss infrastructure, healthcare, education, or even pay salaries in many states without relying on oil revenue.

Before the removal of fuel subsidy under the current administration (President Bola Ahmed Tinubu), Nigeria was already burdened by an unsustainable level of debt. Year after year, billions were spent to maintain the appearance of affordable fuel. This reality disproportionately benefited the wealthy and even some politicians while leaving the poor at a disadvantage. It was a system that forced the country to import what it could produce. In an attempt to correct this longstanding imbalance, the government introduced a new approach: the Naira-for-Crude policy.

The policy emerged as a response to Nigeria’s over-reliance on imported refined petroleum products, persistent FX pressures, and underutilized local refining capacity. It was approved by the Federal Executive Council to promote the sale of crude oil and refined petroleum products in Naira, specifically for domestic consumption, to strengthen local production, reduce dollar demand, and support broader reforms following the removal of fuel subsidies.

It is one of those things that sounds very technical on paper, but when you break it down, it’s about making Nigeria act like a country that actually owns oil. The idea is this: sell our crude oil to local refineries in Naira. Refine it. Sell the products within Nigeria, still in Naira. Not dollars. Not IOUs. Actual Naira transactions. No more running around trying to source dollars just to trade our own resources at home.

In August 2024, the federal government inaugurated the Implementation Committee for the Naira-for-Crude policy. The policy officially commenced on October 1, 2024, when the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) began supplying approximately 385,000 barrels per day of crude oil to the Dangote Refinery, with payments made in Naira.

Many stakeholders are involved in the Naira-for-Crude policy. The Implementation Committee oversees its rollout, with Dr. Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), leading the Technical Sub-Committee. The policy is built on four main principles: crude oil allocation to local refineries, transactions conducted in Naira, the Central Bank of Nigeria setting a reference exchange rate, and the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) overseeing the process through a One-Stop Shop for clearances and levies.

The Technical Sub-Committee ensures these principles are upheld while managing the regulatory process and aligning the policy with national objectives such as reducing reliance on foreign currency, achieving self-sufficiency, and maintaining market stability.

The Naira for Crude policy is meant to ease the burden on our economy while strengthening relevant sectors. For Nigeria, as a country, it reduces the pressure on the dollar, helps us save our foreign reserves, and makes room for a more stable financial system. For stakeholders such as refineries, marketers, and government bodies, it simplifies how business is done, makes transactions easy, and encourages more investment. And for the everyday Nigerian, the goal is to ensure fuel is more available, reduce how much we rely on imports, and secure our energy needs in a way that actually works for us.

The naira for crude policy fosters a conducive business environment, reduces monopoly power, and ensures competitive pump pricing. It provides citizens with a strong sense of inclusion and the freedom to choose.

Naira-for-Crude makes a lot of sense. We have been doing things the hard way for too long, buying back what we produce and spending dollars we don’t have. This new policy is Nigeria finally saying, “Let us fix this from inside.” As mentioned earlier, It’s not just policy. It’s common sense.

The policy is a blueprint for the future. By changing how we handle our resources, we are taking back control. It’s time for Nigeria to move from just managing to thriving. We are doing it big, no going back!

Atoyebi is the technical assistant on broadcast media to the executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service

Shehu Sani, a former senator, has asked President Bola Tinubu to avoid getting sucked into the nepotism vortex when making key appointments.

Tinubu has faced criticisms for allegedly favouring the south-west, his home region, in his appointments.

On April 8, Ali Ndume, the senator representing Borno south, said Tinubu’s appointments have not reflected the diversity mandated by section 14(3) of the 1999 Constitution.

The federal government subsequently lashed out at critics, describing those pushing the narrative of sectionalism as “pokers of embers of hate and disunity” whose claims should not be taken seriously.

Speaking on Channels Television’s ‘Politics Today’ programme on Thursday, Sani said African leaders often prioritise appointing individuals from their ethnic groups when they assume power.

“I will say that President Asiwaju should also be very careful,” the ex-senator said.

“He shouldn’t toe that line because it has been in African political geography that each time a person takes over position of office, he fills the major positions with people from his ethnic group and it is happening everywhere.

“So, people who find themselves in power should see it as an opportunity to serve not as those who have conquered and as such, they have to put their people everywhere.”

The former Kaduna lawmaker criticised opposition figures who were silent when past leaders made appointments without recourse to federal character.

“Two wrongs do not make a right. But let us know that when nepotism favoured a part of the country, you were silent, and now you raise it up because you have an issue with this government,” Sani said.

“I would appreciate the morality of the opposition if I can hear your voice when your own man from your tribe, from your ethnic group was perpetrating those evil and you stood against it.

“And when you keep quiet when it favoured you and now you speak out when it doesn’t favour you, it means you have other intentions.”

[TheCable]

There are two perspectives from which the apparent lopsidedness of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s appointments can be understood.There is the power politics perspective and there is the federalism compliant dimension. 

The emergent casus belli between the President and the custodians of the Northern Muslim electorate devolves on this lapse. It is amenable to being cited as the enactment of Yoruba/ Tinubu triumphalism on one end and the entitlement syndrome of the hegemonic North on the other.

The President has been quite deliberate and systematic in wielding this power politics instrument. There have been repeated pronouncements of the arrival of a new sheriff in town and a pharaoh who does not know Joseph. Thereby, Tinubu and Nigeria have embarked on a journey of no return to the status quo ante. This is the first time in the history of Nigeria that a President of Southern origins, will deliberately engage the custodians of the Northern Muslim electorate in a zero sum game. The latter has a vested interest in preserving the myth of Northern hegemony against which the former has thrown the gauntlet.

If the Tinubu Presidency is having problems with this constituency today it is largely on account of not adequately yielding to this entitlement syndrome. In so doing, he must have factored the potential consequences (including especially the challenge of seeking reelection) into the equation.

The role of the Yoruba intelligentsia in this dogfight is uncertain but when push comes to shove there is a limit to which a fellow Yoruba can lead the charge against a Nigerian President of Yoruba origins for the sin of overcompensating his Yoruba kith and kin within the context of the turn by turn predicate of Nigerian politics. Moreso at a time when the division across ethno regional lines is at a record high and when no silver lining is discernible in the horizon.

Without the awful precedent set by Buhari, it is well nigh impossible that his successor will ply the same route. Buhari has set the benchmark for how a divisive political leader can find the winning formula from the standpoint of exclusive discriminatory leadership. You would have noticed that notwithstanding his disastrous outing as President, his residence increasingly teems with vengeful and bitter anti-Tinubu standard bearers.

There is now an established Muhammadu Buhari model in which the political leader is wildly popular and commands a cult followership on account of his personification of ethno national irredentism. In a discussion with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu several years ago, he said he was realistically constrained to ally himself with the former President, on account of the “cult followership”the latter commands amongst the Muslim North electorate. In the effluxion of time, this realpolitik vision has been vindicated and amply rewarded.

Upon his ascension to the high office,Tinubu wasted no time in putting the Buhari model practice. In a cynical rationalisation of his nepotism, the argument was made (for Buhari) that the seeming lopsidedness of his appointments is extenuated by the rationale that those appointees are spread over the three Northern zones, North West, North Central and North East. In pursuit of this phantom explanation, Buhari actually argued on one or two occasions that he was compelled to make the appointments (the chief of Army staff in particular) because no officer of Southern origin was competent and capable enough.

In a similar replay of the Buhari mischief, Tinubu has proposed that the Yoruba lopsidedness of his appointments is merely a reflection of the fact that his appointees from kogi and kwara are only Yoruba in name but are Northern Nigerians by citizenship

Typical of such Yoruba Northerners is the newly appointed Group Managing Director of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, Mr Bayo Ojulari. Ulterior motives notwithstanding, I should not forget to commend the President for finally summoning the courage to get rid of Malam Mele Kyari from the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC. How a man who embodied all that was wrong with the NCNC, merits being reappointed, in the first place, beats the imagination hollow.

Albert Einstein must have had Nigeria in mind when he concluded that it is only a mad man who keeps doing the same thing and expects a different outcome. It is in the evasion of the fundamental issue at stake (federalism) that the federal character principle was manufactured. The failure of this escapist construct was heralded by the artful dodger propensities of Nigerian leaders (circumventing the law while studiously breaching the spirit). In its manifest inadequacy in addressing the problem of the Nigerian dysfunctional pluralism, the federal character principle is akin to the employment of a table knife to cut a tree; of mistaking the forest for the tree; of misconstruing leprosy as eczema.

The doctrine of ‘Federal Character’ emerged from the 1979 Constitution, and it calls for the distribution of federal appointments to reflect equitably the different dimensions of the nation’s ethnic, regional and religious, heterogeneity, in order to ‘promote a sense of belonging and loyalty” among the diverse peoples of Nigeria. The doctrine did not stand up to scrutiny. In the assessment of the principle, Peter Ekeh denounces it (‘Federal Character)’ as the ‘solution that has deepened the problem it was devised to tackle’. Afigbo believes that the present structure of the Nigerian federation has not succeeded in meeting and solving the problems which necessitated the emergence of ‘ Federal Character’. He is of the view that the Nigerian North-South dichotomy remains a thorny issue, in spite of attempts to obliterate it by demarcating the nation into smaller states

The principle did not self-destruct, it was subverted by those who were contracted to ensure its application. And this is the problem with those who argue that the random variable of good leadership rather than the restoration of federalism (the relationship between the center of a political regime and its constituent parts, however those parts are conceived) holds the key to the solution of the problem of Nigeria. Let us apply this argument to the fourth Republic and ask of the extent to which leadership has complied with the implementation of the federal character principle.

I think that of the five Presidents who had governed Nigeria since 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo is the only one who can be fairly judged as passing the implementation of the federal character litmus test. The extrapolation here is that, in generic terms, the chances of getting a good Nigerian President is 20%. In other words, for every successful Nigerian President, you are going to get four failures.

In this scenario the realistic and scientific attitude (otherwise known as the worst case scenario) is to hope and not expect that Nigeria will get good leadership. If the problem is formulated in this manner, you will then put your expectation first on constitutional guardrails and secondarily on the hope for the elusive good leadership.

Potentially and notionally, you assume that the likelihood is that bad (not good people who need to be curtailed and constrained) will find their way to power. Such constraints are what you call checks and balances. In the case of Nigeria, the risk of national damage is directly proportional to centralisation. In other words, bad leadership will have limited capacity (especially at the centre) to wreak damage the less centralised the system.

Because of the inevitability of bad leadership and the dictum that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, the less the concentration of power at one source and the more the dispersal of power, the more constrained is the wielder of power. According to Rotimi Suberu “federalism in Nigeria is subverted by de facto hypercentralization, as resource distribution devolves top-down from the center. Second, politics within Nigeria’s federal order focuses on access to and distribution of the centrally distributed wealth, rather than on its production”

It is a constant in the history of mankind that the development of any society is founded on the extent to which the two variables of hard work and reward are wedded in a direct proportional relationship. And since this is a rational concept, it follows that the ethic abides as the organising principle of rationally designed societies. Nigeria has chosen to be an exception to this rationality – with dire consequences.

Let me call it a day with a helicopter view of the concept, applicability and indispensability of federalism to Nigeria.

Professor Wole Soyinka, has been criticised for being tepid in his reaction to the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers state yet he made the important point that an unintended consequence is the impoverishment of federalism. My position is that any structure that makes it possible for the President to be this powerful cannot be right for Nigeria

“ Federalism, according to our definition, is a means of governing that grants partial autonomy to a polity’s geographically defined subunits. Combined, the elements of geography and autonomy distinguish federalism from other consociative strategies. The issue is the relationship between the center of a political regime and its constituent parts, however those parts are conceived. (Feeley, Malcolm M., and Edward L. Rubin).

The basic political dilemma of pluralism is to reconcile the common interests of the society as a whole with the particular interests of its subgroups. The spatial basis for social partitioning inherent in regionalism offers a very attractive solution to this problem, for territoriality provides clearly demarcated zones of jurisdiction. Central to the logic of the federalist solution, therefore, is the concept of regionalism. However, its intrinsic simplicity may create difficulties”. (H. LITHWICK )

“Federalism becomes useful when people’s political identities conflict but their political lives are intertwined as members of a single polity or as members of different polities that want to join together. Inevitably, it involves a compromise; a central government is established or maintained, but some or all regions of the polity are granted autonomy over specified governmental functions”

“Federalism has to do with the need of people and polities to unite for common purposes yet remain separate to preserve their respective integrities. Federalism itself is not optimal; it is a suboptimal compromise designed to resolve situations that threaten to descend into even less attractive possibilities” Nigerian pluralism is, for instance, uniquely bound to conflict and crisis and highly resistant to national integration. (Dan Elazar)

“Most of the problems confronting Nigeria were results of the structure. if a structure is not working we have a responsibility to make adjustments to that structure.”(Agboola Gambari)

Rather than animus and mutually assured destruction, If this moment can serve to indicate that in the present dispensation of pseudo-federalism, all of us are losers, the purpose of reinventing Nigeria would have been achieved.