Irish poet and playwright, Oscar Wilde, in his lowest moment in prison, drew a comparison of how he sank from being one of the greatest writers of the late 20^th century, into a bisexual pedophile. Son of Anglo-Irish intellectuals, Wilde was a writer with lacerating wit. He equally dressed flamboyantly and garnished his writings in flamboyant imagery. He was however bisexual, a precursor to the creed Trump detests today. Wilde’s ordeal began when he issued a civil writ against 9^th Marques of Queensberry, John Sholto Douglas, for criminal libel. John was the father of Wilde’s homo liaison, Sir Alfred Douglas. Though he won the suit, evidence from the trial made Wilde eligible for trial for gross indecency in homosexual acts. It became one of the first celebrity trials of the century. Overwhelming evidence confirmed that the writer of the famous The Picture of Dorian Gray indeed seduced teens into homosexual activities. At age 39, the court held that Wilde seduced Alphonse Conway, a boy of 16. Another teenager of same age, Walter Grainger, claimed Wilde threatened him with “very serious trouble” if he revealed their homo dalliance.

Convicted and sentenced to two years maximum penalty, Wilde was in jail from May 25, 1895 to May 18, 1897. He spent the term in Newgate Prison in London, Pentonville and Wandsworth Prisons and then to Londonto Reading Gaol. While, as prisoner, he was being moved from Wandsworth to Reading, he faced the lowest point of his life when a crowd which spotted him on the train’s platform jeered at and spat at him. In his De Profundis, also known as Letter to Sir Alfred Douglas, which he wrote in his last year in prison and published posthumously, Wilde had written: “She (his mom) and father had bequeathed me a name they had made noble and honored, not merely in literature, art, archeology and science, but in the public history of my own country, in its evolution as a nation. I had disgraced that name eternally. I had made it a low byword among low people. I had dragged it through the very mire. I had given it to brutes that they might make it brutal, and to fools that they might turn it into synonym for folly.”

I told the tale of Wilde’s unraveling above to illustrate how human beings and nations unravel. In the last two weeks, the world saw America unravel, its dirty entrails revealed to the world. Before now, the narrative was that, it was African and Third World despots and leaders who shared animal features with our ape ancestors. They reacted according to the stimuli of their whims and intrinsic human wickedness. They were emotive and made no effort to shroud their human passions and desires. Many African leaders have, over the century, been profiled as despots because they couldn’t tame their passions and emotions. They came across as wicked and self-centered, sometimes acting out as narcissists. No doubt a product of close to a century of colonialism, it was believed that some of these beastly leaderships the Third World produced could not be found in America. On the contrary, “God’s Own Country” was the manifestation of human purity and America epitomized the height of the purest of human character.

When a situation makes everyone equal in action, the Yoruba have allegories with which they justify it. One way they do this is to invoke the imagery of an African chickens’ pen. As a way of reducing costs of daily sustenance, most African homes maintained pens. They are enclosures within compounds where livestock or pets are kept. They serve as immediate relief from the rigour of dashing to the market for protein. At dusk, these animals, especially the local livestock, are lured from roaming round compounds into the various pens/cages, lest they become preys to reptiles. Because this practice is replicated in virtually every home, when it is time to equalize human action, it is invoked as an allegory. It illustrates a sense of similarity; that, what is done beyond the shores of individual localities is the same, irrespective of any allusion to sophistication. This is found in the aphorism, “everywhere, without exception, at dusk, hens are packed inside the pen” (ibi gbogbo l’a tií ńk’ádìye alé).

This aphorism has served as excuse for failure. It has also served as justification for horrendous human actions. It is a weak line explored to say that corruption or evil is innate in every man, no matter the clime or skin colour. Despots have invoked it to claim that their actions were normal human reactions. More importantly, the aphorism has served to legitimize and sustain that theory which says that, there is a beast in every man, apologies to Fela Anikulapo-Kuti’s musical line, “…this uprising will bring out the beast in us”.

Many analysts who got sucked into the theory of American leaders’ ‘righteousness’ and Third World leaders’ beastliness, find another aphorism as justification. With it, they explain racial leadership character differences. So, they ask if it wasn’t the same rain that fell on and nurtured the bitter-leaf tree into its repulsive bitterness that also fell on the sugarcane which in turn comforts man with its sweetness (Òjò tó rọ̀ sí ewúro náà ló rọ̀ sí ìrèké). The bitter-leaf, in this case, was African leaders who were demonized for almost a century as wicked and selfish. The sugarcane is American leaders whose perceived purity lifted their countries to the zenith of positive global reckoning. This subsisted until about two weeks ago when America’s self-imposed righteousness unraveled.

Mobutu Sese Seko illustrates this bitter-leaf leadership thesis. Born Joseph-Dèsirè, he was President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from 1965 to 1997. Then came Robert Mugabe, who served as the president of the Republic of Zimbabwe from 1987. And Francisco Macìas Nguema, first president of Equatorial Guinea from October 12, 1968, till 1979 when he was overthrown.  So also was Ahmed Sèkou Tourè, the first President of Guinea. From 1958 when he came into this position, he was there till 1984. The continent also had the likes of Abacha, Charles Taylor, Siad Barre of Somalia, Omar Al-Bashir of Sudan, Hissene Habre of Chad, Idi Amin Dada of Uganda and many more. America and the west constructed a cemetery for all of them and cast them in boulders of infamy. It must be said that virtually all these African despots claimed they did all they did to make their countries great. Like Donald Trump.

But, how were we to know that America itself was the proverbial ‘physician, heal thyself’? The last two American presidents, especially Trump, deconstructed America so badly in the eyes of the world, making them not different from Third World countries.

At the twilight of his administration, President Joe Biden shocked the world when he issued an official pardon for his son, Hunter. As at that time, Hunter was facing sentencing for two criminal cases. In September, he pleaded guilty to tax charges and was found guilty of illegal drug use and possession of a gun. He became the first American sitting president’s child to become a convict. In 2001, Bill Clinton equally pardoned Roger Clinton, his younger half-brother, who had been convicted in a 1985 cocaine-related offence. During the first coming of President Trump, in 2020, he equally pardoned Charles Kushner, father-in-law of his daughter, Ivanka. He has also recently announced that this same Kushner will be America’s ambassador to France. On his first day in office, in the confetti of Executive Orders he signed, Trump also pardoned more than 1500 of his supporters who were serving prison sentences for their participation in the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol.

The attack was said to be the final denouement of a seven-part plot by Trump to overturn the election. In 36 hrs, five persons died, one of whom was shot by the police. A police officer also died a day after being assaulted. Scores were injured, including 174 police officers and damage caused to the US exceeded $2.7m. While it was riot in America, if it occurred in one of those Third World countries, it was a coup. And whether successful or otherwise, the mastermind were coup plotters, susceptible to America’s usual paternalistic rhetoric. The prisoners were Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) fanatics protesting his presidential election loss. Trump was sentenced in over 34 felony counts of falsifying business records, in efforts to illegally influence the 2016 presidential election. These convictions signal that in Trump, America now has its first and only criminal elected to its presidency. Such self-serving actions and criminality were hitherto ascribed to nepotist dictators for which African leadership had incontestable patent.

Today, you would see Mobutu Sese Seko, Robert Mugabe, Francisco Macìas Nguema, Ahmed Sèkou Tourè, Abacha, Charles Taylor, Siad Barre, Omar Al-Bashir, Hissene Habre, Idi Amin Dada, all wrapped into one in Trump. He is as conceited as the typical African despot, arrogant in his self-righteousness as all of them rolled into one, and persuaded, like them, in his own vain conceit. President Trump recently hinted he would walk through the same ignoble track of a third term in office, though the US constitution forbids it. It was a low for which Olusegun Obasanjo suffers the worst unpleasant appraisals till today and for which all the despots above are reserved a place in the hell of global estimation. Trump, in a recent parley with House Republicans, said, “I’ve raised a lot of money for the next race that I assume I can’t use for myself, but I’m not 100 percent sure”. He continued, “I think I’m not allowed to run again;” and asked rhetorically, in a prodding of Mike Johnson, the House Speaker,  “Am I allowed to run again?” He said further, “Mike, I better not get you involved in that”. All he got from Johnson, an ex-constitutional lawyer, was a chuckle, with other lawmakers sharing an infectious guffaw at this American Wonder.

Trump had previously dismissed insinuations of a third term when he said, “I suspect I won’t be running again, unless you do something…Unless you say, ‘he’s so good, we have to just figure it out.’” That same week, Andy Ogles, a Republican House member, had introduced a bill which sought allowance for Trump to run for a third term. Ogles’ alibi, bowing to Trump’s prodding of ‘he’s so good, we have to just figure it out,’ was that Trump “has proven himself to be the only figure in modern history” capable of “restoring America to greatness”. If the world knows Trump enough, it will know that America would soon receive its first genetic transplant of an African sit-tight  leadership. Trump is provoking trade war, withdrawing America from globally-beneficial institutions like WHO, threatening to harness territories like Greenland, all in the name of his MAGA.

Donald Trump’s son, Trump Jr., recently hallmarked his father’s Greenland harnessing when he made a surprise appearance there. Immediately, Nigerian maga on social media asked what stops President Bola Tinubu from cloning the same nepotist hubris and weave his son, Seyi, round Aso Rock. Trump should be made to know that, at the end of all these, yes, America will be lush once again for Americans. However, that country would have forever lost the savour of respect and dread for which the world stands in awe of it. By the time Trump ends his Adolf Hitler-like preferencing of his Aryan race as the most superior in the world, America would wake up lost and naked.

As Trump is busy affirming the “everywhere, without exception, at dusk, hens are packed inside the pen” to the world, in Nigeria, former Rivers and Kaduna state governors, Rotimi Amaechi and Nasir El-Rufai, are struggling to deconstruct the thesis. At an “Impact of democracy on the national economy” in Abuja last week, both acted from the playbook of a typical adulterous woman sent packing from her erstwhile home. Underlining their “dogo turenchi” is the theme that, while the present government, from which they are estranged, is performing horribly, if they had played prominent roles therein, it would not have been otherwise. That submission attempted to deconstruct the “ibi gbogbo l’a ti nk’adiye ale” thesis.

Quite frankly, Amaechi and El-Rufai were dead right. Nigerians are too docile and possess incredibly short-spanned memory. It is these two limitations that Nigerian politicians capitalize upon to catapult themselves into power. When you add the infectious poverty that afflicts the Nigerian to the mix, you have at your finger tips zombies. Evergreen Anikulapo-Kuti got it right. “My people sef, dem fear too much…” he lamented. While many attribute this to the sparse blood spillage in our fight for independence, some say our docility is a product of our comfort. You cannot also fault El-Rufai’s claim that there is no internal democracy in the ruling APC. But, if I may ask, which party in Nigeria observes internal democracy? The former Kaduna governor had equally lamented that, “You cannot afford to have illiterates, semi-illiterates, and cunning people as your leaders. This is why we end up with the poor leadership we have today.”

My take is that indeed, Nigeria, America and many parts of the world are today facing an Autumn in good leadership. Global leadership is fast decoupling from the people who constitute its foundation. If Amaechi and El-Rufai had been in plum offices today under the APC, there would be nil or marginal differences in the people’s sorrow. Nor any complaints from them. Their comments above are the usual initial traps politicians set to seduce electorates penultimate lunching new parties or entering into alliances. Both Amaechi and El-Rufai were in office when the Muhammadu Buhari government dealt incalculable blows on good governance. It was the most opaque, naive and directionless in Nigeria’s history. Yet, we didn’t hear any hoopla from the duo.

On the whole, Trump is teaching leaders of the world that indeed, “everywhere, without exception, at dusk, hens are packed inside the pen”. As Trump’s Third term ambition grows, it will trigger a wave of African leaders also nurturing perfect alibi for sit-tightism. This brings me to an intersection to disagree with El-Rufai’s claim that the present APC leadership is illiterate. I agree more with ex-Youth and Sports Minister, Solomon Dalung, who recently said that the combine that surrounds power today is educated but lethal. Cunning and sadistic, yes, they are. It is why I am of the opinion that it will be difficult to dislodge Tinubu from power

Rather than sounding sanctimonious, El-Rufai, Amaechi and the Nigerian opposition will need to abandon rhetoric. I am sure that what God deployed to drive Satan away from Heaven wasn’t mere demagogic narratives. What the Nigerian opposition needs to do to drive away the Morning Star is to recreate an American Donald Trump as an aspirant for Nigeria’s No 1 office. A Trump clone will dislodge the current ruling establishment. In Trump is a symbolism of leadership madness, unconventionality, criminality and unorthodoxy. Don’t our people say it is only a meek face that gets riven with pimples (Ojú tó rọ ni rore nsọ)? Yoruba reckon with this when they say, you must deploy madness to cure madness. While campaigning for votes, Tinubu himself said you cannot snatch the kernel from the palm-nut with rhetoric. What Nigeria’s opposition needs to dislodge the kernel from the hard palm-nut is a stone on the floor and another stone to smash it at the top.

Ganusi and the fire this time

All over the world, musicians are reputed to have patented argots, slang and jargon  that signposted global conversations. In the tiny Island of Jamaica, the unkempt, locked-hair, weed-smoking, reggae music singer, Peter Tosh pioneered the word ‘Rasta’ as prefix for devotees of a new religion that began to reign in the West Indies. That religion believed that His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, formerly Abyssinia, and the last Emperor of the Empire, was “King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah and Elect of God”. In a musical track titled “Rasta Shook Dem Up” released in 1966, Tosh patented the usage of the word for worshipers of Selassie named “Rastafari.” It was derived from Selassie’s pre-monarch name, “Ras Tafari Makonnen,” “Ras” having come from an Ethiopian Semitic word meaning “Duke” or “Prince”.

In the early 1980s, when Yoruba Awurebe music icon, Alhaji Dauda Adeeyo, alias Epo Akara, was accused of couriering Indian hemp to Abidjan, Cote d’voire, his traducers had an upper hand in spreading the news. He had to denounce it in a track he called O wa l’Abidjan. In it, he sang that he was engaged in legitimate sale of Ankara clothes which was a major trade in the French-speaking country. A new kind of cloth style became known as L’Abidjan in the Southwest of Nigeria then.

About two weeks ago, Yoruba Fuji icon, Wasiu Ayinde, unwittingly added to the lexicography of the Southwest. His mother, Animotu Sadia, had passed and among a beehive of people who flooded his Ijebu-Ode, Ogun State home for the burial were Islamic clerics. In Yorubaland, clerics at such occasions, whether Christian or Muslim, have come to be synonyms with scavenging for perks and food. Islamic clerics are the most notorious. I remember that while growing up, a very unflattering but predominant phrase that was bandied about was, “If an Alfa goes to an occasion, how to know that the event was fruitful and he ate to his fill was that the Alfa’s elbow would be soaked in oil” (Bí Aafa ba lọ òde, bí òde bà dun, igbunwo l’a tí mọ, torí yíò mú epo dẹdẹ ni!).

An apparently clandestinely recorded video had Ayinde complaining that the flood of clerics to his house in the guise of condolences, was stomach-driven. This was not the novelty Ayinde pioneered. The lexicographic enrichment came from the musician’s usage of a barroom, society’s lowlife slang to describe the scavenging. He said the clerics had chosen his house, rather than his father’s house at Fidipote area of Ijebu-Ode, to “Ganusi.” Ganusi can be used either as a noun or verb and has literally shut down the social media in the various mutations it has suffered.

Many people have done a syntactic and lexical examination of “Ganusi” since then, many times without fruition. It is most probably a weave of two words “Ga enu” (prized open like a trap) and “si” (to) to arrive at a word which conveys the meaning of a deliberate ploy to fill the tummy. Such act of prizing open the mouth is deliberate, purposive and tendentious, while not being real as it is concealed. Ayinde was obviously communicating a tendency that is getti

In a bid to curb the rising wave of criminal activities in Eket Local Government Area, its Chairman, Mr. Akaniyene Tommey, has issued a stern warning, threatening to demolish any property harboring criminals. While his frustration and determination to restore peace are understandable, such a drastic approach raises serious legal, ethical, and practical concerns that must not be ignored.

Security is undoubtedly a top priority for any government, and no responsible leader should sit idly while criminal elements terrorize residents. However, Mr. Tommey must understand that local government authorities do not possess the sweeping executive powers required to implement such extreme measures. If his motivation is drawn from the recent actions of Anambra State Governor, Charles Soludo, who authorized the demolition of structures linked to criminal activities, he must be reminded that he does not wield the same level of executive authority.

The foregoing view is a there are legal boundaries and due process.  As Barrister Udo Akpan rightly pointed out, without a properly enacted bylaw, demolishing private property on the basis of suspicion alone would amount to illegality and malicious damage. Under the Nigerian legal framework, the power to demolish properties linked to criminal activities largely rests with state governments, as seen in cases where governors exercise their authority under kidnapping and anti-terrorism laws. For a local government chairman to take such action without proper legal backing would be an overreach and a blatant violation of the rule of law.

Even if Eket Local Government enacts a bylaw to support such actions, it must be in alignment with constitutional provisions, which guarantee citizens’ rights to property ownership and due process. Before any property can be demolished, there must be a thorough investigation, judicial oversight, and an opportunity for the affected individuals to present their defense. Anything short of this is an invitation to lawlessness and anarchy.

Furthermore, demolishing properties without due legal processes could lead to a dangerous precedent where authorities bypass lawful procedures to enforce policies based on perception rather than evidence. This would erode public trust and create an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty in the community. The chairman must remember that the rule of law is the foundation of a democratic society, and any policy or action taken must adhere to legal principles to prevent abuse of power.

Without a doubt, there are unintended consequences and collateral damage in such move been anticipated by the local government chairman. Beyond the legal implications, carrying out demolitions arbitrarily could lead to devastating consequences for innocent citizens. If a house is used by criminals without the knowledge of the landlord, is it fair to punish an entire family for the actions of a few? Would demolishing homes not render more people homeless and create additional social problems?

Moreover, such actions could foster resentment among the people, leading to distrust in the government. Security is best achieved through community cooperation, not intimidation. By resorting to demolition threats, the chairman risks alienating the very residents whose support is crucial for effective crime-fighting.

Additionally, one must consider the financial implications of demolitions. Many families have invested their life savings into building homes and businesses. Destroying such properties without careful consideration could have dire economic consequences, including increased hardship, displacement, and long-term instability. Instead of promoting safety, indiscriminate demolitions may push affected individuals into further desperation, potentially fueling criminal activities rather than curbing them.

Also looking at the issue from the perspective of police excesses and a ghost town at dusk, it is expedient to opine that another pressing concern is the manner in which security operations are currently being conducted in Eket. Reports of arbitrary arrests, including that of a bricklayer, David Uwa, who was detained despite having no incriminating evidence against him, are deeply troubling. The fear of indiscriminate police action has already turned Eket into a ghost town by 7 p.m., a sharp contrast to the once-bustling community it was known to be. If security agencies continue on this path, the line between combating crime and violating citizens’ rights will become increasingly blurred.

The authorities must ensure that the security measures being implemented do not infringe on the fundamental rights of law-abiding citizens. There must be clear guidelines for arresting suspects to avoid wrongful detentions and harassment. The security agencies must operate within legal and ethical confines, as excessive force and indiscriminate arrests will only deepen the people’s grievances against the government.

In fact, there need to be a more strategic approach in place. Instead of resorting to demolition threats, the chairman should focus on proactive measures that strengthen security while respecting the rule of law. Some recommended approaches include:

Given the foregoing, there is no denying the fact that community intelligence gathering is strategic enough. In fact, encouraging residents to provide anonymous tips and intelligence about criminal activities will help authorities take precise action without harming innocent citizens.

Another strategy that can be adopted is that of holding landlords to account through legal means.  Rather than threatening demolitions, the council can introduce policies requiring landlords to vet tenants properly and report suspicious activities.

In a similar vein, it is expedient, under the circumstance, to put enhanced security operations with accountability in place.  With this, the police should be given the necessary support to conduct lawful operations that do not infringe on the rights of law-abiding citizens.

Also in a similar vein, there is the need for the local government to be in engagement with State government on the issue of security in the local government.   If the chairman believes that demolishing criminal hideouts is a necessary step, he must lobby the state government to enact relevant legislation and oversee its implementation within the confines of the law.

Again, there is the need for economic and social interventions in the local government.  Addressing the root causes of crime, such as unemployment and poverty, is essential for long-term security. The council should explore youth empowerment programs to steer potential criminals away from crime.

In fact, deployment of modern surveillance systems, and utilizing technology, such as CCTV cameras in strategic locations across the local government, will help in tracking criminal activities and gathering evidence without causing collateral damage.

Also, there is the need for the chairman to think of how the local vigilante groups in the local government can be strengthen, rather than taking the law into his hands.  In fact, working in collaboration with security agencies, local vigilante groups can be better equipped to help in community policing without resorting to illegal actions.

To put it in a cautionary perspective,  Eket Local Government Chairman, Mr. Akaniyene Tommey, must exercise caution and restraint in handling the security challenges plaguing the area. While his commitment to restoring peace is commendable, his approach must not trample on the legal rights of residents or exceed his jurisdiction. Security must be pursued within the bounds of the law, ensuring that both the guilty and innocent are treated fairly.

A community thrives not through fear and destruction but through justice, collaboration, and smart governance. Eket deserves security, but not at the cost of legality and human dignity. By embracing a more measured and lawful approach, Mr. Tommey can foster a safer, more inclusive society while preserving the rights and trust of the people he serves.

Chelsea midfielder, Cesare Casadei has left the Blues to become new Torino player on a permanent transfer deal.

This was disclosed by football transfer expert Fabrizio Romano in a tweet via his X account in the early hours of Sunday morning.

“Cesare Casadei has left Chelsea and becomes new Torino player on a permanent deal,” Romano tweeted.

“€15m package, 25% sell-on clause, saga over.”

Recall that Casadei was attracting strong interest from Serie A clubs Torino and Lazio.

Chelsea are said to want £12.6million for the Italian, who has made just six appearances this season for the Premier League west London club.

Casadei is down the pecking order of midfielders in manager Enzo Maresca’s squad at Stamford Bridge.

He is behind the likes of Moises Caicedo, Cole Palmer and Enzo Fernandez.

[DailyPost]

• Apex bank demands two years audited accounts of LGs

Local Governments across the country are facing a fresh hurdle in their bid to receive their monthly allocations directly from the Federation Accounts.

Each of the 774 local governments is now required to furnish the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) with a comprehensive audit of its finances for two years as a prerequisite for direct remittance of their allocations, it was learnt yesterday.

The direct revenue disbursement was originally scheduled to commence last month but had to be deferred at the last minute because many of the councils failed to submit the necessary details required to facilitate the direct payments.

Their share of N361.754 billion from the distributable revenue of N1.424 trillion for the month was subsequently channeled to them through the states.

The apex bank is already in the process of opening accounts for the LGs to enable them receive their allocations directly from Abuja under the financial autonomy sought for them from the Supreme Court by the federal government. 

The next allocation is due in a few weeks and there were doubts yesterday about the ability of the LGs to submit the two-year audit reports demanded by the CBN before the February meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) in Abuja where the allocations are made.

Sources at the CBN told The Nation that the bank could not open accounts for the LGAs without a thorough understanding of their current financial status.

“We cannot just open fresh accounts for the LGAs when many of them have not operated as an independent government entity,” one of the sources said.

The official said the audit report was important.

An Inter-Ministerial Committee headed by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) is developing a framework to enforce the Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy.

A member of the Committee revealed that a template is being developed to authorise the Accountant General of the Federation (AGF) to directly deduct funds designated for specific areas like primary education, healthcare, and other constitutional responsibilities of LGAs from their FAAC allocations and transfer them to the relevant agencies.

[TheNation]

• A’ Court judgment can’t take effect – Minister’s aide
•Don’t complicate crisis further, say NEC members

Some loyalists of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, have hit back at state governors elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party for affirming a former National Youth Leader, Sunday Ude-Okoye, as the National Secretary of the party.

They stressed that a factional party leader, Samuel Anyanwu, remained the only recognised executive for the position pending the national convention.

Members of the PDP National Executive Committee, including the Deputy National Youth Leader, Timothy Osadolor, and a former Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Diran Odeyemi, warned the governors not to escalate the party’s crisis, stressing that opposing Wike’s camp might worsen the situation.

However, a senior member of the PDP National Working Committee, who asked not to be identified because he was not authorised to speak on the matter, stated that the governors acted in the best interest of the party.

Party crisis

The PDP has been grappling with internal turmoil before and after the 2023 general elections, leading to persistent instability within the party.

The issues have continued to plague the party and cause rifts among chieftains.

The acting National Chairman, Umar Damagum, in particular, has faced increasing criticism from party members who hold him responsible for the ongoing struggles within the PDP.

Damagum took over from Iyorchia Ayu, the former National Chairman, who was removed by the court due to his failure to implement crucial reforms within the party.

The leadership transition only added to the party’s existing troubles.

The crisis recently worsened due to disagreements on the position of the National Secretary.

National secretary struggle

In 2023, the party’s South-East zone nominated a former National Youth Leader Ude-Okoye to replace Anyanwu, who was selected as the party’s candidate for the Imo State governorship election.

The South-East faction argued that Anyanwu should step down from his role as the National Secretary given his new political responsibilities, which fuelled further controversy and division within the party.

On December 20, 2024, the Court of Appeal in Enugu ruled in favour of Ude-Okoye, confirming him as the new National Secretary, with the official communication sent to the party leadership on December 24.

However, on January 27, 2025, the Court of Appeal in Abuja issued a restraining order, instructing Anyanwu to remain in the position until the Supreme Court made a final ruling.

The situation escalated on Wednesday when party supporters loyal to Anyanwu physically removed Ude-Okoye from a meeting of the Board of Trustees.

On January 31, PDP governors distanced themselves from Anyanwu and confirmed Ude-Okoye as the party’s National Secretary during a meeting in Asaba, Delta State.

Reacting, Anyanwu insisted that with the stay of execution, he remained the National Secretary of the PDP.

Anyanwu fights back

In a letter dated February 1 and addressed to the Inspector General of Police, the President of the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court of Nigeria, and the Department of State Services, Anyanwu vowed to resist any attempt to remove him from his position.

In a letter titled, ‘Security Alert: The Advice of PDP Governors’ Forum to the National Working Committee of the PDP – An Invitation to Chaos and an Affront to the Rule of Law,” Wike’s ally, Anyanwu, called on security agencies to take appropriate actions to prevent the crisis allegedly being stirred by the governors and Ude-Okoye.

The letter read in part, “There is an urgent need for the police to take note of paragraph 3 of the communique issued by the Peoples Democratic Party Governors’ Forum after their meeting, which took place in Asaba, Delta State, on Friday, January 31, 2025.

“In the quoted paragraph 3 of the communique, the forum advised the NWC to set up a mechanism for the implementation of the Enugu Court of Appeal judgment, which favoured the nomination of SKD Ude-Okoye as the National Secretary of the party.

“The police should be aware that an appeal has been filed in the Supreme Court against the quoted judgment. Furthermore, the Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja granted an order on January 13, 2025, clearly directing both parties to maintain the status quo ante bellum pending the determination of the substantive application. The order was duly served on all parties concerned, including the National Working Committee of PDP and INEC.

“It is a settled matter in law that when a judgment is appealed against to a superior court, all parties should maintain the status quo ante bellum until the matter is finally determined. The governors cannot claim ignorance of this legal position before issuing their statement, which runs in conflict with the court’s decision.”

Anyanwu accused Ude-Okoye of hiring ‘bandits’ to create disorder during the PDP Board of Trustees meeting.

The letter further expressed disappointment that the PDP governors had “allowed themselves to be deceived by the sponsors of Ude-Okoye,” whom it claimed were under criminal investigation for allegedly forging PDP guidelines to mislead the courts.

It warned that the NWC should avoid implementing the PDP Governors Forum’s recommendation, particularly the directive stated in paragraph 3 of their communique, as doing so would be “an invitation to chaos and an affront to the judiciary and the rule of law.”

Raising concerns about the legal implications of the situation, the letter urged security agencies to intervene and prevent actions that could escalate tensions.

Anyanwu insisted, “It is my right as a lawful citizen to seek justice against a judgment that was fraudulently secured against me.”

He also insisted on the need for all parties to respect the judiciary and maintain the status quo pending the court’s decision.

Wike’s allies back Anyanwu 

An aide to Wike, who spoke to Sunday PUNCH on condition of anonymity, said the group was not worried about the governors’ decision.

The PDP chieftain said, “The central issue in the crisis is the matter of the secretary, and unfortunately, the PDP governors, in their decision to adopt Sunday Ude-Okoye as the National Secretary, are not being sincere.

“Anyanwu contested the Imo State governorship election as the National Secretary of the PDP; he didn’t resign because the constitution of the party doesn’t say he should resign. That is an aspect that these people are hiding from the public.

“The PDP constitution doesn’t mandate whoever is holding a party position to resign before contesting government offices. If you don’t resign from a position, it means it isn’t vacant. Can you fill a position that is not vacant? Anyanwu didn’t resign from his position. So, you can’t replace him. The first thing for those people to do is to remove him in accordance with the law of the party and thereafter replace him.

“The PDP governors claimed they accepted the court judgment on the National Secretary; if that is the case, they are not supposed to have adopted Ude-Okoye because there is a stay of execution on the judgment.”

He added, “The position of the law is that if a stay of execution has been filed, the judgment cannot come into effect until the stay of execution is decided. That is because if you had executed the judgment before the stay of execution was decided, then it would become a fait accompli if the verdict was decided in favour of the applicant.

“The judgment of the Appeal Court that these people are talking about cannot take effect because a stay of execution process has been filed.”

Anyanwu still secretary – Youth leader

When contacted, the PDP Deputy National Youth Leader warned that the governors’ directive to implement the Appeal Court’s decision could worsen the situation for the party.

In an interview with Sunday PUNCH, Osadolor accused the governors of attempting to undermine the party.

He stated, “Well, Senator Samuel Anyanwu still remains the substantive secretary of the PDP. He was not nominated or appointed by the governors’ forum.

“He is a product of the National Convention. The only way to remove an NWC member from the equation is either by death or resignation. Since neither of these has happened, he remains the National Secretary.”

Odeyemi, on his part, cautioned that opposing key figures could lead to disaster for the main opposition party.

The former Deputy National Publicity Secretary recommended that the governors should consider a political solution, which should involve inviting Wike.

He stated, “I think the whole situation boils down to the legal interpretation of the Appeal Court ruling and the status of execution. The layman’s understanding of appeal is that the status quo remains. If the governors now decide, in their wisdom, to recognise Okoye despite Anyanwu’s appeal, I believe that rather than solving the problem, we are creating more issues for the country.

“I would have expected both Anyanwu and Okoye to be invited by the governors. Of course, they have the power to do that. This is more about politics, persuasion, and appeal than about recognising one against the other because Anyanwu is like a masquerade dancing in public or in the marketplace. Even though the drummer may not be visible, there are definitely people supporting him.

“I think it is the governors’ wisdom to consider the situation carefully. They should think about the drummer, the dancer, and the person they want to take over, which is Okoye. They should bring all of them into a meeting and see if they can achieve peace, rather than recognising just one.”

Also, a former member of the House of Representatives, Dr Chinyere Igwe, blamed the governors for the crisis rocking the party.

Igwe, who represented Port Harcourt Federal Constituency 2 in the House of Representatives, said PDP governors were acting as if they were above the law.

While insisting that the court had ordered a stay of execution on the issue between Ude-Okoye and Anyanwu, he said, “What is the position of the court? We cannot go against what the court says because we are not a lawless people.

“The court granted a stay of execution. So, the governors are not the court because the court has a position. We are all waiting for the position of the court. Ude-Okoye too depends on the court. So, if the court has said something, why would the governors want to go against it to say it is Ude-Okoye they want?

“So, the governors are the cause of the crisis in the PDP because they don’t respect the law. They feel they are above the law, but they are not.”

On the alleged plot to prevent Wike from making key decisions in the PDP, Igwe, another loyalist of the FCT minister, maintained that Wike remained a force to reckon with in the party.

“Forget about whether there is a grand plot against Wike or not, can they succeed? So, the position of the court is what is standing. The governors should respect the law.

“All of them are products of law because if the Supreme Court did not affirm their elections, they wouldn’t be there. So,why are they playing demi-god?”

But a reliable source within the NWC stated that the governors acted in the party’s best interest.

The source insisted that the governors did not violate any laws, noting that the party did not appeal the matter.

He stated, “The governors did not violate any laws in their actions. As a key organ of the party, their decisions and directives are made with the best interests of the PDP in mind.”

[Punch]

“Revolutions end up in the hands of mad men. Besides, if the power is great enough, it will make its own mad men by its own pressure” – Saul Bellow, 1915-2005, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ, p 217

When a national newspaper thundered on its front page that EFCC BATTLES INTERNAL SCANDALS AS OPERATIVES LOOT RECOVERED ASSETS, it was obvious to me that the creation of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, in 2004, which, for Nigeria, was a revolutionary measure aimed at taming corruption had ended up in wrong hands. I am not talking about the current Chairman, who has actually inherited a bad situation. No.

The rot started much earlier; as early in fact as the administration of President Obasanjo who passed the law to create it. The story, which appeared on January 25, 2025, mentioned only recovered assets. But, in reality, some hooded EFCC agents actually rob, at gun point, people, whose premises, homes, hotels and offices, they invade in the middle of the night without court order. They cart away assets without taking inventory and deliver what they choose, if they choose, to the office.

Deliberately and inadvertently, we have allowed the EFCC to become like a bunch of cats engaged to manage a fish shop. I expect the EFCC spokesman or somebody to write a rejoinder, stating that only a few criminally-minded officers are giving the commission a bad name. I agree and disagree. Yes, it is possible that only a few people are engaged in such nefarious activities. But, the silence of others, have rendered them as accomplices. Furthermore, most people, worldwide, who hold Nigerians in low esteem, have met only a handful out of 230 million. Thus, I am treated with disdain and suspicion at every airport globally.

Whether the EFCC likes it or not, its image is being battered by the actions of corrupt officials, high-handedness, lack of professionalism – even when carrying out routine official duties. We frequently receive news of courts dismissing EFCC for media publicity even before accused persons have been served with court orders. Recently, the commission asked a court to issue warrant of arrest for Oba Otudeko on account of allegations made against him. The court turned down the request while pointing out that Otudeko was not properly served notice of the hearing. This is not the first time EFCC would be admonished by the courts for clearly unprofessional conduct. The question is: why does the EFCC continue to fall into the same manhole?

IT STARTED EARLY

“Morning [sometimes] shows the day.”

Politicisation of the EFCC started very early; almost as soon as the law creating it was signed by Obasanjo. Malam Nuhu Ribadu, who was the first Chairman, did not fully meet the requirements stipulated by the law. But, the all-powerful President pushed the appointment through all the same.

Ribadu started like a whirlwind; very soon, several Governors were being investigated; and prosecution started. Nigerians, imbued with the Machiavellian spirit, cheered the new national hero without looking closely at the discriminatory and sometimes unconstitutional methods adopted.

Ribadu was the Man of the Year award winner according to several newspapers and the darling of young Editors. But some of the things he did were questionable. The EFCC went after Governor Festus Dariye of Plateau State because the man had a small disagreement with Obasanjo. Because Governors have immunity from prosecution, EFCC could not directly touch him.

So, Ribadu went after eighteen State legislators; accused them of corruption; invaded the State House of Assemble with armed policemen; and then got the remaining six lawmakers to impeach the eighteen who had not been tried in any court. The six went further to impeach the Governor. Meanwhile, N100 million of the funds Dariye allegedly embezzled was given to the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, to finance its 2003 elections. Dariye was eventually convicted; but it took a courageous Justice of the Federal Court to declare EFCC’s actions illegal.

The same trick was played on Bayelsa State with Alamieyeseigha in order to get him convicted and Jonathan elevated as Governor; and to some extent Ibori. An attempt was also made to get Attah into EFCC net which failed woefully because Attah took the unusual step of dragging the EFCC to court and defeated the commission. I was in court with Attah throughout his ordeal until vindication. What many Nigerians did not know was the fact that Alamieyeseigha, Ibori and Attah were the ‘Three Musketeers’ of RESOURCE CONTROL – the struggle which eventually resulted in 13 per cent derivation which the Niger Delta States have been enjoying since. Attah wrote the book, to which I wrote the foreword.

But, the credit for 13 per cent derivation belongs to the three former Governors.

Meanwhile, Obasanjo was totally opposed to RESOURCE CONTROL; he wanted the oil-producing states to receive only 1.5 per cent derivation but only for onshore production and nothing for offshore production. Only the tenacity of the three Governors saved the Niger Delta from the sad fate Obasanjo had in mind for the people. Out of vindictiveness, Obasanjo made sure that the three Governors paid heavy prices for their defiance. He sent the EFCC after them.

Only truth and honesty saved Attah. By contrast, the EFCC also charged to court former Governor Odili, an ally of Obasanjo, who stood aloof from the RESOURCE CONTROL effort. Odili got a perpetual court injunction from another court against investigation and prosecution of himself and members of his administration. The EFCC had the option of getting that perpetual injunction vacated; but till today has not exercised that option.

WAR ON VICE PRESIDENT ATIKU

“A truth that’s told with bad intent/ Beats all the lies you can invent” – William Blake, 1757-1827, VBQ p 254

When former Vice President Atiku announced his intention to run for president in early 2006, he inadvertently started a war with Obasanjo – who was determined that Atiku would not be his successor. Among the weapons unleashed upon Atiku was the EFCC which probed the VP’s management of the Petroleum Development Trust Fund, PDTF. Ribadu, predictably, “indicted” Atiku and provided Obasanjo with the excuse needed to illegally take over the PDTF.

Later, however, a Senate Ad Hoc Committee, headed by Senator Danjuma, investigating the affairs of the PDTF, had this to say about PDTF and other matters involving Obasanjo: “I was shocked, disturbed at the extent of gross abuse of office, privileges, and misapplications of public funds by both the President and Vice President…Page 45 [of the Ad Hoc Committee’s Report] says PDTF was paying for services outside its mandate and this was a regular feature…” That was after Ribadu had issued a report exonerating Obasanjo of all blame on mismanaging PDTF funds.

When another Senator suggested that another probe be conducted, Mrs Danjuma replied: “I do not see any need for another investigation [especially] if it was to be conducted by Ribadu’s EFCC which has disgraced itself] because this is enough; it speaks for itself that funds were misplaced against the Constitution and against the people of Nigeria.”

PDP: CORRUPTION INCORPORATION. P 198)

 The Senate Ad Hoc Committee was able to discover several instances of illegal and fraudulent misapplications of public funds by Obasanjo (including payment of N250 million to a famous lawyer) from PDTF funds; which the EFCC failed to see…

FEMI FANI-KAYODE: TELLING LIES AS HISTORY

I read Femi Fani-Kayode’s piece published in several newspapers and ordinarily would not have bothered to join issues with him; until I got to the point where he described his father Remi Fani-Kayode as “an innocent man”. That was not how I would describe the man who drove a Land Rover Jeep to Inalende Street in 1963 where our family house was directly opposite that of Honourable Lanlehin. I was tossed over the fence by my stepmother with money stuffed in my pocket to go to Ogunpa Motor Park to board a bus for Lagos. Half the people in our house have not been seen till today after the invasion. Innocent man? Many of us wonder why the soldiers left him alive.

To be continued

Some years back, it was common practice among members of Nigeria’s former ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to describe their political party as the largest in Africa. None of us outside the party bothered to authenticate the claim. Perhaps some people just believed it because the party was Nigeria’s biggest, judging by the overwhelming number of elected political office holders it produced from the level of a local council to the presidency.

Indeed, the PDP won the Presidential elections of 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011. At a point, its party chieftains boasted that their party would rule Nigeria for a minimum of 50 years. But the PDP which is visibly an atomistic entity – one that is permanently at war with itself, would incur huge challenges.

In the last 6 years, the PDP, now in the opposition, has been embroiled in one crisis or another which it has been unable to resolve. To start with, the party behaves as if it relishes being a headless body as it always rubbishes every chairman it has had.  Although some members imagined their founding chairman, Solomon Lar to be too charismatic to be rubbished out of office, his tenure was not hitch free. The harassments of his successors spoke volumes.  Barnabas Gemade, Audu Ogbeh, Okwesilieze Nwodo, Vincent Ogbulafor, Adamu Muazu, Uche Secondus together with the indomitable Ahmadu Ali (the Garrison Commander) were all virtually rubbished.  Thus, PDP members do not appear conscious of the adverse effects of a headless body; otherwise with what does such a body think?

Whereas some PDP members often greatly disagreed with critics such as this columnist for calling them out, each time they displayed political immaturity, intolerance and avoidable tension, we have since been proven correct by the unending crises in the party. The case of chairman Bamanga Tukur was particularly annoying as party executives gave him sleepless nights for attempting to reform their palpably corrupt national secretariat. In 2015, the late media icon, Raymond Dokpesi was appointed to chair a committee to rebrand the party ahead of its national conference. Dokpesi’s speech at the conference which was well attended by many was titled “PDP is not dying and certainly will not die.” If Dokpesi’s team successfully allayed public fears of a one-party state, this column projected other observations.

First, as large as the forum was, it was different from the usual flamboyance of the PDP. The normal bright colours of the party were not there; Abuja was not brought to a standstill as the party was used to doing whenever it organized any activity in the past. The paucity of media coverage was also observed as only Dokpesi’s Africa Independent Television gave the event partial LIVE transmission which was interrupted at a point and replaced by the coverage of another event – the 7th Anniversary of Edo governor Adams Oshiomhole. Could it be that the PDP did not have the financial muscle to sustain a LIVE coverage?  Again, I didn’t see party leaders such as former President Goodluck Jonathan, his former Vice, Namadi Sambo, Alex Ekwueme, Ken Nnamani, David Mark and the popular leader Anthony Anenih who had been advertised as confirmed participants at the conference. 

The national executive of the party later distanced itself from Dokpesi’s earlier apology for what he called the party’s past mistakes. The then national publicity secretary, Olisa Metuh, later told the media that Dokpesi’s apology was his personal opinion. Unfortunately, Dokpesi’s posture was more realistic as Nigerians often showed that they deprecated PDP’s attitude of self-denial. The party being a human organization that is not infallible made so many mistakes in its 16-year rule; a notable example being its constant effort of sweeping issues of public interest under the carpet. Allegations concerning the inappropriate purchase of armoured vehicles and the daily hiring of private aircraft against two influential female ministers were similarly discountenanced by the then PDP government. 

A party that lacks unity of direction would always have crisis and PDP has since had too many. At different times, it lost powerful chieftains. One reason the party lost the 2015 general election was a sudden defection of its governors in 5 states namely: Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano) Aliyu Wammako (Sokoto), Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara) and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa). The then Jigawa governor, Sule Lamido managed to remain but the way his own presidential ambition was thwarted particularly, the coincidence of the pursuit of his children for corruption charges as soon as he announced his presidential bid was irritating. A dramatic example of all PDP losses was that of former President Olusegun Obasanjo who publicly tore his PDP membership card in the presence of his party ward chairman and over 300 other members at a gathering in Abeokuta.  

The 5 governors that left the PDP during Goodluck Jonathan’s administration were not the last to do so. Two others, Dave Umahi (Ebonyi) and Ben Ayade (Cross River) left PDP to join former President Muhammadu Buhari’s government. Speculations that some incumbent PDP governors and other political office holders are working towards joining President Bola Tinubu’s administration may not be far-fetched. Researchers who may be interested in searching for what is repulsive in the PDP may begin by examining the high degree of self interest in the party. The general impression that Nigerian politicians often defect from their parties because such parties have no ideology needs to be further illuminated. Political office-holders defect to only the ruling parties while those who defect from the ruling parties are only searching for another platform that can guarantee their candidacy in future primaries

It is self-interest that explains the current controversies surrounding the office of the national secretary of the PDP. In other climes, political party executives would resign from office as soon as it becomes clear that they no longer enjoy the confidence of their members. But here, the PDP national secretary cannot see his lack of popularity. He would rather wait for a court order and if what comes is not favourable, he would disobey and then embark on a long litigation process through the hierarchy of courts notwithstanding the turmoil in his party. His predecessor, Iyorcha Ayu did not leave office even though he had promised to do so if a northerner emerged from party primaries as presidential candidate. When will the current acting national chairman in the interest of party unity and progress, allow the appropriate zone to fill the position?

The PDP has continued to engage in circumlocution choosing different chieftains to resolve grievances of certain party members as if the main cause of the grievances is unknown. Everybody is blaming FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike as the cause of PDP’s problem but no one has the courage to suspend him. We hear Wike ought not to have accepted to serve in the APC government, but none of the reconciliation committees says anything about Wike’s defence that the party executive approved for him to take the post.  Another offence of Wike is that he spent huge sums of money building the party. What did other governors of the party do with their own money? A state governor is the official leader of the PDP in a state, why is the party unable to sanction all those disputing Governor Sim Fubara’s position in Rivers state?  

PDP is the party that introduced zoning to Nigerian politics, but it is the only party that thinks it is in order to continue to support the emergence of only a Northern presidential candidate. By the time this happens again in 2027, PDP will give birth to many more reconciliation committees. After that, it will tell the nation that APC officials are the ones luring PDP members to the ruling party. In Edo state, Nigerians are being told that it is the APC that lured elected PDP councillors to disown their own chairmen and vice chairmen with whom they were jointly elected. Well, with continuing implosion, PDP leaders will not have to waste time claiming to be the largest in Africa; they will instead find out if anyone is still with them. 

I am not a political prophet but history tells me that if Senator Monday Okpebholo, the new Edo governor is confirmed by the judiciary, PDP legislators in the state will also be immediately ‘lured’ into the APC. At that point, the PDP should humbly consider the suggestion to refuse to die by changing its name to SIP (Self Interest Party); and stop misleading Nigerians that it is an opposition party that is supposed to keep the ruling party on its toes.     

A disturbing trend has emerged, threatening the fabric of society.

Fake marriage certificates, obtained for various reasons, have become a growing concern. Behind the facade of matrimony, individuals seek to exploit the system for immigration benefits, financial gains, social status, and legal convenience. 

But little do they know, this deceitful path leads to severe consequences.

Option

For Tayo, hiring the service of a marriage agent firm to obtain a certificate was the only option to live and work freely in America and the United Kingdom (UK) among others.

Four years after Tayo finished his National Youth Service Corps, NYSC, he hoped to leave Nigeria for greener pasture.

Traveling out of the country was the best option.

A few years after he got to the UK, he was advised to solidify his stay in the country by obtaining a green card.

The only option for him was to marry.

Tayo believed that obtaining the marriage certificate would help him secure his green card.

After the marriage certificate arrangement, Tayo was able to work and live comfortably.
He was in the UK for years and was progressing.

Eight years later, his fake marriage certificate saga was exposed.
Tayo was not the only one in this mess.

Lots of people for the sake of greener pasture are also wearing the same shoes.

Sentenced

Recently, there was a report about four Nigerians, Abraham Alade Olarotimi Onifade, 41, Abayomi Aderinsoye Shodipo, 38, Nosimot Mojisola Gbadamosi, 31, and Adekunle Kabir, 54, who were convicted and sentenced at Woolwich Crown Court, in the UK.

It was reported that they were sentenced to a total of 13 years in prison after being convicted of involvement in over 2, 000 fake marriage certificates to support the applications of Nigerian citizens seeking to remain in the UK under the EU Settlement Scheme.

Issuing fake marriage certificates has become a trend, especially for those looking for greener pasture.
Sharing her views with Sunday Vanguard, Mrs Shukurat Badmus, a marriage counselor based in Lagos, explained that procuring or using fake marriage certificate is immoral and illegal, adding that it involves deception and fraud.

On his part, Joe Bollore, another marriage counselor, cases of fake wedding certificates are seen as a necessary evil such as in situations where real wedding is not possible due to circumstances like distance.

To Miss Oyenike Bello, a student, the trend negates the beliefs about marriage which is supposed to be a sacred institution, adding that procuring fake wedding certificates disrespects the marriage institution.

Also speaking on the issue, Mr Jide Oluboye, a Lagos resident who has been married for 15 years, said, “Fake wedding certificates are a convenient solution for those who want to avoid the hassle and expense of a real wedding but need documents for immigration”.

‘You can’t marry your green card’

In a video that has gone viral, a content creator, Dr. Shola, who spoke on, ‘You can’t marry your green card’, disclosed that it is pertinent for anyone who wants to work and live in America and England to have something to work with.

“You must have something that would make you legal, you must have a green card; if you do not have you cannot stay there, you cannot be sustained there, so many people enter into America and they have no papers and they have been living there for the past 15 years and they still do not have a green card all because they made up their mind”, he said.

“Many people who come to America or the UK have the mindset to stay legal there and the only way is for them to marry an American citizen.

“Then, you can remain legal and have your green card and, after three years, you can make up your mind to divorce the American, go back to Nigeria, marry your Nigerian wife and then bring her with you to the United States of America or wherever you are staying.

“So many people left Nigeria without the understanding of what it takes to stay and work comfortably abroad. They believe it is only to secure a visa.

“There is a need to make an organization in Nigeria and America that will make people understand that it is not only a visa, a visa is not the ultimate.

“Coming to America is not just by visa alone, when you come to America and stay there as your primary home, then you need to make sure you have a green card and become a citizen.

”A visitor in America cannot get a green card unless he marries an American citizen.
“We will need to pay money or pretend like you love the person.

“For a person who fears God, the first thing you would think about is how you would use someone for paper?
“Many women are depressed because of the action”.

Work permit

Another content creator, Tosin Akingbade, also known as citizen Tosin, also speaking on the issue of fake marriage certificate, said, “Nigerians in UAE are still facing work permit challenges. And this has lasted for more than three years.

“Any man who wants to be in the UAE will only have to be under his wife’s visa permit. Men do not have work permits.

“The common saying among Nigerian men is ‘wetin men do men? Why we no fit get visa? Wetin Adam do Adam?’ The Nigerian government is economical with the truth by saying the visa ban has been lifted.

“It is criminal to put false information in a public place even when reality is staring you in the face.
“If you cannot get a work permit and your government official is not telling the truth… “Even visit visas are not open.

“As we speak, Nigerians in the UAE are still facing work permit issues.

“Nigerians can come to the UAE with visiting visa and if they get to the UAE, they will not get work permit and they will be stranded.

“Fake marriages can lead to a range of negative consequences, including immigration fraud, identity theft, financial exploitation, emotional trauma, and undermining the integrity of marriage and immigration laws, ultimately harming individuals, communities, and society as a whole”.

Risk

Dr. Efe Anaughe, a human rights activist, also shared his perspective. His words: “Nigeria’s complex marriage laws, comprising the Marriage Act of 1990, Islamic Law, and Customary Law, govern civil, religious, and traditional marriages. Yet, amidst this diversity, fake marriage certificates flourish.

“The consequences of obtaining fake marriage certificates are dire. Imagine facing imprisonment for up to five years or paying fines of up to N500, 000.

“For foreigners, deportation is a risk. Moreover, the marriage is invalid, leading to loss of reputation, social stigma, and complications in divorce, inheritance, or child custody.

“To combat this menace, the government has taken decisive steps. Marriage records are being digitized, verification processes strengthened, and public awareness campaigns launched. Inter-agency collaboration and strict enforcement of laws and regulations are also underway.

“However, more needs to be done. “Strengthening legislation and enforcement, improving registration and verification processes, and enhancing public education and awareness are crucial.

“Increasing funding for relevant agencies and promoting inter-agency collaboration will also help.
“By joining forces, we all can eradicate fake marriage certificates and create a safer, more secure society for all Nigerians.

Call to Action

“We can unite against this hidden threat. Protect the sanctity of marriage and uphold the rule of law”.

[Vanguard]

You can say whatever you like about Rt Hon Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, but you can never accuse the former governor of Rivers state of denying the media premium content anytime he speaks. He talks so plainly and pungently you cannot but hunger and thirst for more. He is a journalist’s delight. Those in the business of politics will not find his pronouncements funny, though. He does not speak like a typical politician who will couch the facts in a way that gaslights us, making us wonder if the problem is us and not them. He says it as it is, although I smile at some of his claims — like when he said, without flinching, that he doesn’t like money. Even the famously gullible marines shook their heads.

At a conference in Abuja last week, Amaechi spoke briefly – precisely for three minutes and seven seconds — but it was so loaded I could write a whole book exploring the nature and culture of Nigerian politics based on his confessions. I instantly distilled five angles. One, the reason for political violence. Two, the attributes of opposition politicians. Three, the role of vote protection in forestalling rigging. Four, the economic motive for joining politics. Five, the economic incentive for the masses at election times. By the way, the conference was a gathering of opposition politicians and some APC members who feel sidelined by President Bola Tinubu and are strategising for 2027.

Amaechi said: “The politician is there in Nigeria to steal, maim, and kill to remain in power.” Alhaji Bello Matawalle, minister of state for defence, has quickly countered him, describing the statement as reckless, inflammatory and dangerous, warning that the security agencies were on high alert against those planning to use violence to win elections. Initially, I was wondering what Matawalle was saying, but the undertone of Amaechi’s statement was that Nigerians should be ready to die if they are to unseat an incumbent. He cited an example from the 2003 governorship election in Kano, claiming 500,000 people were on the streets ready to die if it was called in favour of the ruling party.

However, Amaechi spoke the truth when he said the Nigerian politician is ready to steal, maim, and kill to remain in power. I would add: to gain power as well. There should be a caveat though: not all Nigerian politicians choose violence as route to power. Many are decent. A major problem is that politicians who fail to play the game of violence are often muscled out. Many decent people stay off politics because of this culture of violence. Since the 1950s and 1960s, violence, in varying degrees, has been part of our political culture. No need to deny or deodorise that. Politicians do it to intimidate opponents, to rig the votes and to entrench themselves as the kings and queens of terror.

It is a common practice for politicians to have youths and transport unionists in their corner. Conventional wisdom is: if you control the streets, you control the thugs; if you control the thugs, you control the ballot; if you control the ballot, you control power. The recruitment pool for terrorists and bandits in the north is traced to politicians using youths at election times and dumping them thereafter. In the Niger Delta, militancy mutated from organised political violence. In the south-west, transport unions breed the Rottweiler thugs for elections. Generally, many political thugs end up as billionaires and get celebrated as freedom fighters out to liberate their people from oppression.

My second take from Amaechi’s remarks is on the nature of opposition politics in Nigeria. He stylishly upbraided those clapping over the rousing statements being made by the speakers and discussants. “All we are hearing here is typical Nigeria and you are clapping,” he said. I understood his comment to mean the opposition must do its homework and organise itself to gain power — beyond talking a good game. This is interesting. Many of us made a similar point for years until the opposition parties finally came together in 2015 to unseat the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which had been threatening to rule Nigeria for 60 uninterrupted years. The PDP fell to a much stronger opposition.

This really makes sense. I have looked at the 2023 presidential election results like one million times and my conclusion has always been that if the opposition had not been balkanised, the APC would have been torn to pieces. While APC’s Tinubu garnered 8.79 million votes, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and the ex-PDP duo of Mr Peter Obi and Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso polled 14.58 million in total. Tinubu would not have won if the opposition was united, but his rivals chose to blame iReV, Chicago and everyone apart from themselves. Not one contender produced evidence at the tribunal to prove they won. If they really want to unseat APC in 2027, they must change tact and up their game.

My third take is on the role of vote protection in fostering credible elections. Amaechi gave the example of the 2003 election in Kano between Kwankwaso (then of the PDP) and Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau (then of the All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP). Amaechi claimed that then-President Olusegun Obasanjo (PDP) wanted INEC to declare Kwankwaso as the winner but when he realised that Kano people were ready to “defend” their votes, he retreated. I remember Obasanjo eventually appointed Kwankwaso as minister of defence obviously as compensation for losing the election. Shekarau went on to do two terms and Kwankwaso returned in 2011 to do a final, second term.

I have been hearing this “defend your votes” campaign for decades. Some call it “rig and roast”. That was what led to the violence in the Western Region in 1965 and, many would argue, the end of the first republic. This hits me in two ways. The first is that yes, let the riggers know that people are watching them in order to put them in check and pre-empt their ploy. This is fine. The other part, though, is that there is the danger that someone who loses an election can mobilise mobsters to wreak violence under the guise of defending their votes. I find it this particular possibility disturbing. It takes only a few mobsters to set a town on fire even if their candidate truly lost the election.

My fourth take is on Amaechi’s confession on poverty and politics. “Poverty has made me part of the political system since I left university in 1987, and I’ve been part of the process till today,” he said, bluntly. How many politicians, political appointees and other public officers can sincerely admit in public that they are in government for economic reasons? They will normally give us soundbites like “I’m here to serve my people”. The late Godwin Agbroko once wrote that some politicians and political appointees stay so long in government that if you ask them their state of origin, they will instinctively reply: “Government House.” The only business they have ever done in life is politics.

Also, there are people who did other businesses before joining politics but get stuck with it for life. When they compare efforts and rewards in the public and private sectors, they know where to pitch their tent — especially in a society where there are hardly any consequences for poor performance and unexplained wealth. I have nothing against career politicians but it is an easier choice in Nigeria because it fosters wealth without work. There is so much access to public resources with little or no accountability. Who can afford the choicest things of life? Dig deep and you will discover that it is disproportionately those who treat politics as business. But most of them will not admit this openly.

My fifth and final take on Amaechi’s confession is directly related to the fourth: just like many politicians, there are ordinary Nigerians who participate in politics just to address hunger. They do not care about free or fair elections. Amaechi narrated how he released money for protesters to be mobilised for the APC ahead of the 2015 general election only for marchers to come to the protest ground in pro-PDP attires. For all you care, they might not even know the difference between APC and PDP. They might even know but did not care. They were only interested in making their “daily 2k” to eat before going to bed. Many voters do not have allegiance to any party or politician.

Atiku, in buttressing Amaechi’s point, gave the example of when he went for a rally in Rivers state when Dr Peter Odili was governor. He said after two hours, the ground became empty. What happened? “We paid them for only two hours,” Atiku quoted Odili as saying. This elicited laughter in the hall. Nigerians know that politicians are the ones with the free money and are ready to splash it to get people to attend their rallies. If they don’t go, somebody else will attend and collect the 2k. Thus, voters eagerly look forward to the election season: that is when they can get their own “dividends” from politicians, many of whom have amassed colossal wealth “serving my people”.

Always, the masses get blamed for selling their votes. We make it look like they are in a position to make rational decisions, but poverty damages both the body and the soul. Someone struggling to get a decent meal is expected to turn down 2k and a mini bag of rice. May our stomachs not be tested. It is easy to blame the victims of misgovernance for selling their birthright. Some are actually clear-headed and calculative: they know politicians are stealing and don’t care about the people. They take election period as the only time the politicians will come to them. It is their only opportunity to get something from the politicians. It is a cynical view of politics but it is certainly not a baseless view.

To be clear, I do not support or seek to justify vote trading. Actually, I condemn it. However, you cannot solve a problem through condemnation alone. You have to understand the root causes, the factors that sustain it as well as its dynamics before you can think up a solution. The dynamics are more nuanced than simply blaming the voters for exchanging their birthright for a mess of pottage. We say they get the kind of leader they deserve because they sell their votes. Of course, we often assume that politicians who don’t share 2k will perform well in office. There is no such evidence yet. You can be an honest, tight-fisted politician and still be an incompetent leader. Examples abound.

We should dissect Amaechi’s confessions thoroughly. As an insider, he gave us important leads. One, we have a political class that kills and maims to gain and retain power. Thugs don’t recruit themselves for elections. Somebody does. Two, we have opposition politicians who are more into media war than mobilising voters. There is a place for issuing press statements on everything that happens and jumping to tweet all sorts at the slightest opportunity, but that cannot substitute for a solid election-winning strategy. Three, we have politicians whose interest is to address their own poverty while the masses feast on crumbs. How can we fix Nigeria if we don’t fix our politicians?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

MIND SHIFT

I have undertaken quite a number of leadership training home and abroad, but I am still excited about the upcoming SHIFT conference to be hosted by Dr Sam Adeyemi on February 8 at Eko Hotel, Lagos, Nigeria. Many people know Adeyemi more as a cleric, but he actually has a PhD in strategic leadership from the Regent University, Virginia, USA, and regularly serves actionable strategies for personal and professional growth. For entrepreneurs like me, I want to be equipped with tools and insights to thrive, to reset my mindset, to align my vision with action and drive impactful change. We cannot take impactful actions if we don’t have a proper understanding of the dynamics. Instructive.

OBASA DRAMA

As I was saying, Rt Hon Mudashiru Obasa, the ousted speaker of the Lagos state house of assembly, is so full of himself. After being removed from his high horse by 32 of the 40 members while he was in the US, he returned to the country boasting that he remained speaker. He resorted to semantics on the difference between impeachment and removal (the constitution actually uses the word “remove”; “impeach” is reserved for governors, presidents and their deputies). Obasa said: “I believe strongly that I’m still the speaker until the right thing has been done.” It’s like common sense eventually prevailed. If he thinks he is too big to be an ordinary member, he can go home. Conceited.

TAME TRUMP

Many Nigerians who, out of bigotry, supported the election of President Donald Trump must be questioning their choice now, assuming they care. Trump has been on the rampage. He even ordered a freeze on grants — a decision that would have terrible impact on the war against malaria, HPV vaccines and HIV treatment in Nigeria. A judge has temporarily blocked the order because of a lawsuit brought by grant recipients. However, this applies to only grants that have been approved. If the recipients win the case, Trump can still decide to scrap the grants from 2026. The man is trying so hard to please his excited fanbase but something tells me he will soon overreach himself. Unhinged.

NO COMMENT

You must have read the report of a magistrate court in Ilesa, Osun state, that ordered one Rhoda Adu to pay her boyfriend N150,000 as damages for failing to show up at his place after collecting N3,000 for transport. The report went viral. The name of the magistrate was given as Akogun Oludare. It was such an enjoyable story. The only problem is that it was fake news. The first red flag for me was that a similar story had been circulated in March 2024 but it was attributed to an Enugu magistrate. In any case, the Osun state judiciary has issued a statement denying both the judgment and the imaginary judge. How can you be asked to repay N3,000 with N150,000? In this Tinubu economy? Wonderful.

There was an unusual spike in the tempo of political skirmishes last week, with pointed accusations by leading opposition figures and prompt rebuttals by those speaking for the ruling party. It was not accidental, nor is it meant to be episodic. It is safe to expect a higher and more sustained tempo from now on. Beyond the conference and the arrests that served as a platform and the trigger for the exchanges, there has been a fervent quest, barely beneath the radar, by key opposition and displaced politicians to form or inhabit a formidable electoral machine ahead of the next presidential election. Those on the other side are aware of the open and subterranean moves, and seem ready. Both sides know what they are doing. For all intents and purposes, the battle for 2027 has started.

The quest for an early realignment of political forces ahead of 2027 is driven by a number of factors.

One, the incumbent, President Bola Tinubu, is perceived as electorally vulnerable. He came to power with the slimmest electoral margin in the Fourth Republic; and in office, he has not done much to broaden his base or appeal. His signature policies, necessary as they are, have translated to the worst cost-of-living crisis in decades, with most average Nigerians struggling to feed themselves and meet other basic needs. He has alienated some of the key politicians who helped him to secure significant votes outside of his zone or who worked to take votes away from his opponents, and who thus swung the electoral calculus in his favour. His key appointments have been unabashedly sectional and his government is straining to escape the provincial tag. This combination—of afflicted populace and disaffected politicians—suggests that if presidential election were to hold today, the incumbent president might struggle to hold on to more than the South West, his home base.

Two, the consensus is that even the most vulnerable incumbent president in a democracy such as ours can only be effectively challenged by a strong and united opposition party (not just by a strong individual). At the moment, the opposition is anything but strong or united. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is in disarray. Despite remaining the main opposition party on account of its size and spread, PDP is a sorry shadow of the dominant party that ruled for 16 years. PDP has not really got used to how to survive without power, and most serious politicians within its fold are just marking time. Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) are either going through it too or lack the heft required.

Candidate Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) defeated the candidates of the three leading opposition parties when he was not an incumbent and when some within his own party, including in the presidency, reportedly worked actively to prevent his emergence as a candidate, then as the president. Of course, the fractured opposition also helped him with their divided votes that ensured that Tinubu clinched the presidency with just 36.61% of the total votes cast, the lowest winning margin since 1999. Tinubu’s share of votes in 2023 was only comparable to the 33.77% that Alhaji Shehu Shagari polled to win the 1979 presidential election, Nigeria’s first presidential poll and the most competitive till date.

Incumbent Tinubu, even with his evident vulnerabilities, is in a stronger position than Candidate Tinubu of 2023. Yes, his time in office has taken away from his mystique. But incumbency has also enhanced his electoral sinew. He remains the leading political strategist of his generation and he is unlikely to be shy in leveraging available apparatuses of the state to his advantage. Those banding to take him on are not naïve enough to think this is a task they can undertake successfully without serious preparation.

Three, adequate time is needed to form a new political party or get a critical mass of politicians to migrate to a chosen platform, to jump all the hoops that the ruling party and state institutions will definitely put on the paths of such a party, and to become a viable and credible alternative to Nigerian voters and public. There is enough lesson in the history APC to support the three factors identified. PDP became electorally vulnerable as early 2003 but it wobbled and fumbled through three electoral cycles. Candidate Muhammadu Buhari posed a great challenge to PDP in 2003, 2007 and 2011 but despite his wide following among the commoners of the core north, his appeal did not cross over to the south until 2015 when he became the candidate of APC, a coalition of three legacy parties and factions from two others. Also, APC was formed in February 2013, and thus had enough time to position itself as a robust counterweight to the ruling PDP.

In power, APC itself has been vulnerable since 2019, but it has managed to hang on largely because of incumbency and because of the state and the contradictions of the opposition.  The reckoning now is that for the opposition to stand a chance in 2027, it has to do to APC what APC did to PDP between 2013 and 2015. To be sure, there might be other paths to opposition victory, including the possibility of an individual with broad electoral appeal standing and running alone. But given the sectional nature of Nigerian politics and the arithmetic of our elections (including the spread requirement), it seems assembling a cross-sectional coalition is still the surest bet to unseat an incumbent president.

However, the quest for a mega and viable opposition party will not be a cakewalk. The first stumbling block will be competing ambitions. The easiest part is to assemble a coalition. The fact that there are no permanent enemies but permanent interests will make that possible.  The hard part is getting everyone in the coalition, including presidential hopefuls, to line up behind and work for the eventual presidential candidate. While there are enough positions to go round, there is only spot at the top, and there are many eyeing the top ticket. It is clear that both Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and Mr. Peter Obi will run for presidency in 2027. It is not unlikely that Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso will run too. There are others thinking seriously of running too.

Will any of these potential candidates step down for the others? Will Atiku step down for, say, Obi? Or will Obi agree to step down or be Atiku’s running mate again like he was in 2019? With Obi’s record-breaking showing in 2023, what will be his incentive not to run or to be a running mate? Will Kwankwaso align with either of the two or agree to be Obi’s running mate? There is a strong suspicion that the quest for a mega party is actually the project of one of these politicians. If this is what it turns out to be, will the others remain loyal party people or will they seek their fortunes elsewhere or stay in and do antiparty? And if just one of them moves to contest elsewhere, how electorally potent can the mega party be?

A second hurdle will be how the eventual candidate fits the bill of the unwritten but salient code on power rotation between the north and the south. Will the politicians be comfortable with and able to sell power returning to the north after one term in the south? Or can the politicians and the populace set aside the north-south arrangement, even if temporarily?

Will the coalition be able to find a southern candidate who will agree to do, or can do, only one term? And can any politician that is not term-barred as president be held to such agreement? One name that is making the round in this respect is former President Goodluck Jonathan since he can’t do only more than a term. With the outcome of the 2024 elections in Ghana and the US, he is likely to fancy his chances. But will he run? And if he does, can he stop Obi from contesting? If both Jonathan and Obi run, what does that do to the bloc votes from the South-East and the South-South? 

The third hurdle will be capacity of the mega opposition to sell itself to Nigerians as a credible alternative. As I mentioned at the conference last week, Nigerians are not likely to take seriously a band of politicians asking for power just because they have lost out or because they have become internally displaced politicians (IDPs). I listened with profound amazement to people who were in government at the highest levels till 18 months ago criticising the same state institutions they supervised, waxing poetic about Nigeria’s abysmal governance and development deficits and calling on Nigerians to save their democracy. The planned mega party cannot be viable and credible if it is just a grievance platform designed for some politicians to return to reckoning. What alternative vision of society, of politics, and of governance are the same-old, same-old politicians offering? What lessons have they learned from their well-rewarded involvement in public life in the past 25 years and how do they plan to make amends?

APC’s mandarins are definitely keeping a close eye on all the moves in the opposition camp. And it is conceivable that some of the key opposition figures are APC’s moles. It is the way of politics. The ruling party will remain hopeful, even confident, that the mega party plan will fall apart. The odds that it will not work are high. But politics is the art of the possible. And politicians, including our politicians, can put aside their differences and ambitions, even if temporarily, to advance a common goal or to face a common enemy. This was what the folks that formed APC did in 2013 to 2015. If APC could do it, others can too.

Does it mean that it is over for Tinubu in 2027 if such a coalition is formed? Not necessarily. And does it also mean that if no such coalition is formed, then Tinubu automatically returns in 2027? Not necessarily too. We are still at least two years away from the next election. Needless to say, a day is a long time in politics. A lot will depend on what happens at different levels on both sides and in the larger society between now and then.

With or without a coalition, an incumbent can be defeated in Nigeria if we get to a situation where a critical mass of Nigerians is ready to vote for anyone else but the incumbent. That was what happened in 2015. If the cost-of-living crisis continues, irrespective of improvement in macro-economic indicators, we may get to that situation. If Nigerians continue to struggle with high costs of food and other essentials, they are likely to want out, would probably overlook the primordial sentiments that mostly define our elections and likely defy attempts to buy or intimidate them.

But if prices stabilise this year and next, and Nigerians begin to see tangible improvement in their material conditions (even if not back to pre-2023 levels), they may be hesitant in taking a gamble with someone else. A sizeable number of Nigerians may be persuaded that the present shocks are part of the pains of reforms and may be open to giving the president the chance to see his reforms to a logical end. Tinubu may also be favoured by the inability of the opposition to pick a credible or acceptable alternative. For example, the northern elites and voters may just reconcile themselves with another four years of Tinubu than with a probable eight years for another southerner. Political calculations are sometimes made at such margins.

Tinubu is not without agency in this matter. He has ample time to make course correction: become less sectional in his appointments, accommodate individuals and zones that he has alienated, drop the dead-weights in his cabinet, and act more promptly and decisively in areas that affect the generality of Nigerians. He also has enough time to undermine the opposition, sow discord in their ranks and poach some of their leading lights.  

Naturally, it is way too early to say how things will pan out for the incumbent and the probable challengers. Ordinarily too, we shouldn’t be talking about next election until at least 2026 in the lead up to party primaries. But here we are, and it is what it is. It is going to be a long electioneering period this time around, with plenty of twists and turns. There will be distractions, unfortunately. And there will be an abundance of opportunistic moves on both sides of the divide. Welcome, unofficially, to the 2027 election cycle.