As we stand on the precipice of a new year, 2025 presents an opportunity for reflection, change, and forward momentum in our beloved nation, Nigeria. The year ahead holds the promise of growth, development, and transformative leadership. However, to unlock the full potential of this nation, Nigerian politicians, at all levels of government, must make a critical resolution: to become better leaders, grounded in the principles of good governance, accountability, and service to the people.

The time for political leaders to heed the clarion call for positive change is now. The people of Nigeria, who entrusted these politicians with their votes and hopes for a brighter future, deserve leaders who will act in their best interests, who will prioritize the needs of the people over personal gain, and who will pursue policies that promote prosperity, security, and equity for all citizens.

Nigeria, the most populous nation in Africa and one of the largest economies on the continent, is a nation filled with immense potential. Yet, we have seen time and time again that the leadership we have elected has often failed to fully harness that potential. Corruption, mismanagement, and a lack of political will have held back Nigeria from reaching its full promise.

Over the years, many Nigerian politicians have become notorious for their failure to deliver on campaign promises. They have focused more on their personal enrichment, often ignoring the needs of the masses who elected them. Basic infrastructure is neglected, unemployment rates are high, healthcare systems are in disarray, and educational institutions are underfunded. The unfortunate consequence of these failures is a growing sense of disillusionment among the populace, with many questioning whether their votes truly matter.

In this environment, Nigerian politicians must not only acknowledge these failures but also commit to change. The people of Nigeria deserve more. They deserve leaders who will rise above the prevailing political culture of greed and inefficiency. And the resolution to do better must begin now, with the dawn of 2025.

Good governance is the cornerstone of any successful society. It is the framework within which a nation can thrive, providing citizens with the essential services and opportunities they need to live fulfilling lives. For Nigerian politicians, this means not just serving as figureheads but actively working to ensure that the government is accountable, transparent, and responsive to the needs of the people.

Given the foregoing, politicians must ensure that the workings of the government are open and accessible to the people. Financial dealings, policy decisions, and allocations of resources must be transparent to avoid corruption and waste.

Secondly, leaders must be held accountable for their actions, both in public and private life. When politicians make decisions that impact the public, they must be prepared to answer for those decisions and face consequences if they fail to act in the best interests of the people.

Thirdly, time and resources are precious commodities. Politicians should prioritize policies and programs that maximize the use of public resources for the benefit of all Nigerians. Bureaucratic inefficiencies and delays must be tackled head-on, ensuring that services reach citizens in a timely manner.

In a similar vein, leadership must be inclusive, ensuring that all Nigerians, regardless of their region, religion, or social class, have equal access to opportunities. The country’s diversity should be celebrated and harnessed, not exploited for political gain.

For a nation to progress, it must adhere to the principles of justice and the rule of law. Nigerian politicians must ensure that the legal system is fair, impartial, and accessible to all.

Again, politicians must pursue policies that ensure the long-term welfare of the nation. This includes investments in education, healthcare, agriculture, technology, and infrastructure, sectors that will sustain the nation’s growth for generations to come.

In fact, Nigerian politicians must understand that leadership is not a privilege; it is a responsibility. In 2025, they must resolve to act with integrity, prioritizing the well-being of Nigerians above all else. This is not just about fulfilling campaign promises, but about changing the political culture to one that values service and development over self-interest.

It is easy for politicians to become complacent once they assume office, especially in an environment where corruption and inefficiency have become endemic. However, it is time for a paradigm shift. Leaders must stop blaming the system and instead focus on how they can improve it. This requires courage, dedication, and a willingness to be uncomfortable for the greater good.

One politician who has demonstrated a commitment to responsible leadership is Governor Francis Ogbonna Nwifiru of Ebonyi State. Unlike many of his colleagues in political office, Governor Nwifiru has made the conscious decision to send his children to school in Nigeria rather than overseas. This seemingly simple act speaks volumes about his character and his understanding of the importance of investing in Nigeria’s future.

In a country where many political elites send their children to expensive foreign schools, leaving the average Nigerian child to struggle in underfunded and dilapidated public schools, Governor Nwifiru’s decision sets him apart. It is a reflection of his belief in the potential of Nigeria’s education system and his desire to contribute to the development of the country.

Governor Nwifiru’s decision to keep his children in Nigerian schools, even within Ebonyi State, also sends a powerful message to other politicians: if we are to build a strong, self-sufficient nation, we must invest in our own people and institutions. There is no reason why Nigerian politicians should continue to send their children abroad for education while the majority of Nigerian children suffer in inadequate schools. If we want Nigeria to thrive, we must invest in our own education system, healthcare, and infrastructure. And this investment must come from the very politicians who have been entrusted with public office.

As we are now in the year 2025, Nigerian politicians must take a long, hard look at themselves and ask: what kind of leaders do we want to be? The resolution should be clear: leaders who will serve the people, who will deliver good governance, and who will prioritize Nigeria’s future over personal gain.

The year 2025 provides an opportunity for Nigerian politicians to make a lasting impact on the nation’s future. If they can resolve to embrace good governance, through transparency, accountability, and a commitment to sustainable development, Nigeria can begin to emerge from the shadows of corruption and inefficiency. Politicians must become the agents of change, demonstrating the kind of leadership that Nigeria deserves.

The year 2025 should mark the beginning of a new era for Nigeria, an era of responsible leadership, a commitment to public service, and a nation that begins to fulfill its true potential. The people are watching, and they will hold their leaders accountable. Politicians must rise to the occasion and make the resolution to be the kind of leaders that Nigeria needs.

In conclusion, let 2025 be a year of transformation for Nigeria, a year where politicians commit to good governance, where they put the people’s needs first, and where they work tirelessly to build a prosperous, peaceful, and just nation. The task is daunting, but the rewards will be immeasurable. The people of Nigeria are counting on their leaders to make it happen. The time for change is now.

Former Communication Minister Adebayo Shittu has decried the high poverty rate in the country, saying many Nigerians have become beggars.

Shittu, while appearing on an AIT programme, Focus Nigeria, cited examples of how Nigeria’s economic condition has turned citizens into beggars.

The ex-minister, who lives in Ibadan, said a Nigerian called him from Bauchi to beg for N1,000 to feed, adding that another woman called him 30 times to beg for N3,000.

He said, “Yesterday, before I left Ibadan, somebody phoned me from Bauchi and begged me for N1,000.

He said he had not eaten for two days. Again, about a week ago, somebody also called me, a woman who wanted N3,000. At the time she wanted that money, unbelievably, I myself didn’t have that money, and the woman called me 30 times in one day.”

He maintained that poverty had been weaponized in the country to the extent that when politicians go to the people for votes, they tend to be more interested in what the politicians can give them rather than what they are capable of doing.

Shittu said, “It’s not my business to douse the poverty of such people calling. So when you go to such people to ask for their votes or support, they don’t care what you’re capable of doing. What they are interested in is what they can get out of you today.”

However, contrary to Nigerians’ beliefs about political appointees, the ex-minister, who served under the Muhammadu Buhari administration from 2015 to 2019, said he currently doesn’t have money because he didn’t steal while in office.

He said post-political appointment life can be challenging for politicians who didn’t steal in office.

Shittu said he survives on the monthly allowance his 10 graduate children give him for upkeep.

[OpinionNigeria]

On Friday December 19, 2008, Prince Vincent Eze Ogbulafor (24 May 1949- 6 October 2022) from Olokoro, Umuahia South local government of Abia State declared that his party the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) would rule Nigeria for the next sixty years. At the time he made the declaration, he was the fifth National Chairman of the party. Before him, the past Chairmen of the party were Chief Solomon Lar (1998-1999), Chief Barnabas Gemade (1999-2001), Chief Audu Ogbeh (2001-2005) and Colonel Ahmadu Ali (2005-2008).

Before his appointment as the Chairman of PDP, Chief Ogbulafor was the Minister of State on Economic Matters in the PRESIDENCY. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was then under him. His responsibilities as Minister of State were to formulate and issue economic intelligence guidelines for government projects, ensure monitoring of projects and progress relating to plan implementation and supervise the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC).

In 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR appointed other Ministers of State and placed them under THE PRESIDENCY. They include Mr. Abayomi Edu (79) and Dr. Abimbola Ogunkelu, a consultant Physician and Cardiologist, from Ibowon, Epe in Lagos state, who is also a member of the Amala group, a group of eminent journalists who meets monthly at Bunmi Sofola’s place in Surulere, Lagos. 

The schedules of these Ministers of State at that time were prepared by the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Ufot Ekaette (1939- 25 September 2019), assisted by the then Director of Special Duties in the office of the Secretary of the Government of the Federation, Dr. Goke Adegoroye and approved by the President, Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR.

There were Ministers of State Economic Matters, Minister of State Special Project, Minister of State for Inter-Governmental Affairs, Minister of State, Cooperation and Integration in Africa, Minister of State, Civil Service matters and also Minister of State, Special Duties. Mr. Abayomi Edu was Minister of State, Special Duties. He is the son of the Billionaire Politician from Epe, Alhaji Shafi Lawal Edu (7 January 1911 – 8 January 2002) who was elected into the Western State House of Assembly in 1951. Mr. Abayomi Edu who now lives in America is expected home to celebrate his 80th birthday.

Mr. Abayomi Edu’s schedule and responsibilities at that time were to coordinate for the President: award of Titles; National Honours and Decorations (ii) Liaise on behalf of the President, with committee on the Prerogative of Mercy (iii) carry out any special duties assigned by the President.

Alhaji Ibrahim Umar Kida was the Minister of State, Inter-Governmental Affairs in THE PRESIDENCY. His schedule and responsibilities were to (i) formulate and implement policies and programmes geared towards enhancement of inter-governmental relations (ii) Liaison between the Federal, State and Local Governments (iii) Conduct desirable studies and collect intelligence information on Federal/State/Local Government relations and process to the Vice President (iv) initiate follow-up actions to ensure that State and Local Government fulfil their respective statutory obligations (v) Advise the Vice President on Boundary Commission Matters.

Chief Abimbola Ogunkelu was Minister of State in THE PRESIDENCY for Cooperation and Integration in Africa. His schedule and responsibilities were to (i) formulate policies and programmes on regional cooperation and integration in Africa (ii) Strengthening of Intra-African economic cooperation (iii) Foster relations with and coordinate ECOWAS matters (iv) Coordination of matters relating to the Economic and Social Commission of the OAU (v) Coordination and strengthening of matters relating to Joint Economic Commissions in Africa e.g. the African Common Market, the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).

The emergence of Prince Vincent Ogbulafor as the National Chairman of PDP was dramatic. He was brought to the PDP headquarters in 2001 after serving as Minister of State.

President Umaru Musa Yar’adua GCFR (16 August 1951- 5 May 2010) was eventually declared the winner of the 2007 general elections, held on April 21, and was sworn in on May 29, 2007, amid widespread allegations of electoral fraud. In the Nigerian National Assembly election, the party won 260 out of 360 seats in the House of Representatives and 85 out of 109 seats in the Senate.

 At the PDP’s 2008 National Convention, the party chose Prince Vincent Ogbulafor as its National Chairman on March 8, 2008 held in Abuja. Chief Ogbulafor, who was the PDP’s National Secretary from 2001 to 2005, was the party’s consensus choice for the position of National Chairman, selected as an alternative to the rival candidate’s former Governor Sam Egwu and Senator Anyim Pius Anyim. All 26 candidates, including Dr Sam Egwu (70) from Ezzamgbo and Senator Pius Anyim GCON (63) from Ishiagu, both in Ebonyi state, withdrew in favour of Ogbulafor. Meanwhile, Alhaji Abubakar Kawu Baraje was elected as National Secretary.

When Prince Ogbulafor made that declaration in 2008 people believed that his boast could come true. He was on a solid ground at that time.

Let’s look at the situation now. In the Senate, All Progressive Congress (APC) has 58 seats, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has 37 seats, Labour Party has 7 seats, New Nigeria People’s Party has 2 seats, Social Democratic Party—2 seats, All Progressive Grand Alliance—1 seat and Action Democratic Party—1 seat. In the House of Representative, All Progressive Congress has 175 seats, People’s Democratic Party has 118 seats, Labour Party has 35 seats, New Nigeria People’s Party—-19 seats, All Progressive Grand Alliance—-5 seats, African Democratic Congress—2 seats, Social Democartic Party— 2 seats and Young Progressive Party—1 seat.

The PDP governors in 2008 when Prince Ogbulafor made that prediction were Thoedore Orji (Abia State), Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Godswill Akpabio (Akwa Ibom), Timipre Sylvia (Bayelsa), Gabriel Suswam (Benue), Ali Modu Sheriff (Borno), Liyel Moke (Cross River), Emmanuel Uduaghan (Delta), Martin Elechi (Ebonyi), Olusegun Oni (Ekiti), Sullivan Chime (Enugu), Mohammed Danjuma Goje (Gombe), Ikedi Ohakim (Imo), Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Namadi Sambo (Kaduna),

Others were Ibrahim Shema (Katsina), Usman Saidu Nasamu Dakingari (Kebbi), Ibrahim Idris (Kogi), Bukola Saraki (Kwara), Aliyu Doma (Nasarawa), Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu (Niger), Gbenga Daniel (Ogun), Olusegun Agagu (Ondo), Olagunsoye Oyinlola (Osun), Christopher Alao-Akala (Oyo), Jonah David Jang (Plateau), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Aliyu Magatakarda Wamako (Sokoto), Danbaba Suntai (Taraba) and Mahmud Shinkafi (Zamfara).

At that time the AD governors were Babatunde Raji Fashola (Lagos), Kayode Fayemi (Ekiti), Rauf Aregbesola (Osun) and Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole (Edo). Peter Obi was governor of Anambra (APGA), Isa Yuguda(ANPP)—Bauchi, Ali Modu Sheriff (ANPP)—Bornu, Ibrahim Shekarau (ANPP)—Kano, Ibrahim Gaidam (ANPP)—Yobe, Olusegun Mimiko(Labour Party)—Ondo state.

As of today, there are twenty-two states with APC governors, twelve states with PDP governors, one each with APGA, Labour and NNPP. The APC is yet to equal the feat achieved by the PDP in 2008.

At present the governors are Alex Otti(Abia State)—Labour Party, Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri(Adamawa)—PDP, Umo Eno(Akwa Ibom)—PDP, Charles Soludo (Anambra)—APGA, Bala Muhammed (Bauchi)—PDP, Douye Diri (Bayelsa)—PDP, Hyacinth Alia (Benue)—APC, Babagana Zulum (Borno)—APC, Bassey Otu(Cross River)—APC, Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta)—PDP, Francis Nwifuru (Ebonyi) APC, Monday Okpebholo(Edo), Biodun Oyebanji(Ekiti)—APC, Peter Mbah(Enugu)—PDP, Muhammad Inuwa Yahaya(Gombe)—APC, Hope Uzodinma(Imo)—APC, Umar Namadi (Jigawa)—APC and Uba Sani(Kaduna)—APC.

Others are Abba Kabir Yusuf (Kano)— New Nigeria Peoples Party, Dikko Umaru Radda(Katsina)—APC, Nasir Idris(Kebbi)—APC, Ahmed Usman Ododo        (Kogi)—APC,AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq(Kwara)—APC, Babajide Sanwo-Olu(Lagos)—APC, Abdullahi Sule(Nasarawa)—APC, Mohammed Umar Bago(Niger)—APC, Dapo Abiodun(Ogun)—APC, Lucky Aiyedatiwa(Ondo)—APC, Ademola Adeleke(Osun)—PDP, Seyi Makinde(Oyo)—PDP, Caleb Mutfwang(Plateau)—PDP, Siminalayi Fubara(Rivers)—PDP, Ahmad Aliyu(Sokoto)—APC, Agbu Kefas(Taraba)—PDP, Mai Mala Buni(Yobe)—APC, Dauda Lawal(Zamfara)—PDP

The above may change when the gubernatorial election takes place in Anambra on November 6, 2025 this year, while that of Ekiti and Osun state will hold on July 14 and September 22 next year respectively.

As of now most of the parties are in crisis, serious crisis including APC. The worst hit is the PDP. I hope the PDP will not go the way of AD, ACN, ANPP and APP. The death of All People’s Party is tragic. It was the second most powerful party in 1999.

In the 20 February, 1999 legislature elections, the APP won 20 out of the 109 Senate seats and 68 of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives. The presidential election, held on 29 February, 1999, was won by PDP candidate Olusegun Obasanjo. He received 62.78% of the vote compared to 37.22% for the Olu Falae/Umaru Shinkafi ticket. The last functioning leader of the party was my close friend, Senator Mahmoud Waziri. Till he died we disagreed on how he ran the APP. Although he was compensated with position of special adviser by President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR. He felt uncomfortable. I cherished his friendship. Great soul from Yola.

The party elected nine governors at that time. They were Mala Kachalla(Borno), Abubakar Abu Hasheed (Gombe), Ibrahin Samiru Turaki (Jigawa), Adamu Aliero (Kebbi), Abubakar Audu (Kogi), Muhammed Lawal (Kwara), Attahiru Bafarwa (Sokoto), Buka Abba Ibrahim (Yobe) and Ahmed Sani (Zamfara).

Tragically, the APP suffered factional split and contested the next round of elections in 2003 as the as the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP).

The crisis of the PDP now is similar to that of APP. The possibility of PDP recapturing the PRESIDENCY which they lost almost ten years ago is remote. What can emerge is that a faction of the PDP and disgruntled elements in the APC and other parties may form a coalition to challenge the Presidential candidate of the APC in 2027. Definitely there will be a new alliance. That is the Nigerian way. The APC is not invincible, just as PDP was not ten years ago with its failing policies.

Now there is a rush to enlist in the ruling party, the APC. At the second or third year of any Presidential tenure, this is a common occurrence. It is nothing new, we are used to it. It happened in 1981 during the tenure of President Usman Aliyu Shehu Shagari GCFR. I remember Alhaji Umaru Abdulrahman Dikko (31 December 1936 – 1 July 2014) from Wamba village near Zaria, the then Minister of Transport, boasting then that the NPN would rule forever. He told Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola GCFR (24 August 1937 – 7 July 1998) that there was no vacancy in the Presidency and that the Presidency was not for sale.

The possibility of a single party structure or a dominant single party structure has threatened the democratic structure of this great country from time to time. And somehow it never becomes possible. The country survived that threat in 1965, it did in 1983 and also in 2008.

In 1965, the dominant party was Northern People’s Congress (NPC). It was formerly a cultural organization known as Jamiyaar Mutanen Arewa. It was a party that never pretended. It was formed on the basis of Northern interest as the name explains.

Before he was assassinated on January 14, 1966, the leader of the party, Sir Ahmadu Bello (12 June 1910- 15 January 1966), the Sardauna of Sokoto, Premier of Northern Nigeria, was the most powerful politician in the land.

In his book titled “MY LIFE”, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, wrote on page 85 “The Northern People’s Congress grew out of purely cultural society of that name. This had been started in Zaria by Dr. Dikko, who is now an important figure in the Ministry of Health. After the 1951 elections—-the electoral college ones—Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, who had been a member of the original House of Assembly from the start and who always had a keen political sense, asked me to join this cultural party, later to become our own political party with the same name. Curiously enough, this is how the Action Group also started, for it is in origin the ‘Action Group’ of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a Yoruba cultural society. And they started at much the same time.

I agreed to do this and so later became President of the political Northern People’s Congress, with Abubakar as Vice President, and Ibrahim Imam, who since then has had a number of different political allegiances, as Secretary General. We called it Northern because we wanted to unite the Northern people and at that time we were not looking much beyond our own borders. It had an immediate success and most of the members of the Northern House joined it. Since then, it has remained unshaken, though other parties have blossomed and faded.

Our aims were very simple. To develop the country to the fullest extent in the shortest term; to preserve the peace, good order, and friendly relations between all our different peoples; to conduct an efficient and impartial administration; to ensure for all, freedom of thought and religion, to do good to all men. You will see that we were never militant ‘nationalists’ as some were. We were sure that in God’s good time we would get the power. The British had promised this frequently and we were content to rest on these promises; there was plenty of work ready at our hands for us to do”. 

The Principal officers of the Northern People’s Congress of the first Republic were: President-General—Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, first Vice-President-General—Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, second Vice-President General—Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu, acting Secretary General Secretary—Alhaji Ahmadu Galadima Pategi, acting assistant Secretary General —Alhaji Ibrahim Biu, National Treasurer—Alhaji Aliyu Makama Bida ad Financial Secretary Alhaji Isa Kaita Waziri Katsina.

The Staff of the National Headquarters were Party Manager—Alhaji Habib Raji Abdullahi, Chief Operating Officer—Mallam Muhammadu King, Chief Publicity Officer—Mallam Yusuf Dantsoho, Research Officer—Mallam Abubakar Tugga, Local Government Officer—Mallam Abba El Anasari, Officer in charge Youth Wing—Mallam Ahmadu Kwanbo, North Regional President—Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gashash and North Regional Secretary—Mr. Michael Audu Buba.

Executive committee members (unofficial) were Mallam Mu’azu Lamido, Alhaji Shehu Usman, Galadima Maska, Zanna Bukar Dipcharima, Alhaji Ahmadu Sarkin Fadan Zazzau, Alhaji Ndagi Farouq, Tafidan Bida, Mallam Sule Gaya, Mallam Mu’azu Gambo, Mallam Tanko Yusuf, Alhaji Ibrahim Biu, Alhaji Muhammadu Bashar, Wamban Daura, Alhaji Dalhatu Bida, Mr. S.A. Ajayi, Mallam Idrisu, Tafidan Adamawa, Alhaji Ari, Alhaji Sanda Na Alhaji, Alhaji Zakari Isa, Mr. J.C. Obande, Mr. M.A.O. Olanrewaju and Alhaji Sani Okin.

Others were Mallam Usman Sarkin Musawa, Alhaji Ladan Barki, Mallam Maitama Sule, Alhaji Shehu Ahmed, Madawakin, Kano, Mallam Baba Nahannun Dama, Alhaji Audu Anace, Mallam Ibrahim Mukun, Bida, Mallam Hassan Makaman Abuja, Mallam Usman Son Gari Wukari, Alhaji Usman Sarki, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Alhaji Tijani Hashim, Mallam Bello Malabu, Madakin Adamawa, Alhaji Aliyu Magajin Garin Sokoto, Mallam Mamman Tela, Alhaji Chief Sule Enugu, Alhaji Isa Haruna, Alhaji Abubakar Madawakin Sokoto, Mallam Sani Dingyadi Makadamn Sokoto, Alhaji Baban Gire, Chiroma Suberu, Bukar Batulbe Maiduguri, and Alhaji Audu Bida.

Members of the working committee were Zanna Umara Bensheikh, Alhaji Mustafa Monguno, Mallam Mu’azu Lamido, Alhaji Muhammadu Bashir, Wamban Daura, Alhaji Isa Kiata, Waziri Katsina, Alhaji Umaru Babura, S. Fulani, Alhaji Ahman, Galadima Pategi, Alhai Ibrahim Biu, Alhaji Muhammadu Kabir Ciroma Katagum, Mallam Muhammadu Nasir, Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gashash and Alhaji Sule Gaya.

Others were Mr. Michael Audu Buba, Alhaji Shehu Usman, Galadima Maska, Habib Raji Abdullahi, Alhaji Mu’azu Gambo, Alhaji Sani Okin, Mallam Hassan Ahmed, Alhaji Audu Anance, Alhaji Dalhatu Bida, Mallam Gwani Jatau, Mallam J. Tanko Yusuf, Alhaji Muhammadu Kokori Abdul, Alhaji Tijani Hashim, Mallam Muhammadu Sokoto, Mallam Abba Masta, Alhaji Usman Sulayman, Mallam Haliru Zarma Hong, Mr. Edmond B. Mamiso, Alhaji Ndagi Farouq and Mallam Muhammadu King.

From the above, one could see the direction of the party. Fortunately, Section 173 of the 1978 electoral decree has made it entirely impossible for a political party to represent regional interest.

There have been several attempts to force this country to have a one-party structure or a two-party structure, but the boldest attempt was made by General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR (83).

On January 10, 1986, he established a 17-member political bureau to oversee and co-ordinate the debate on the political future of the country.  Three days later, that is on January 13, 1986, he inaugurated the bureau. The bureau was headed by Professor Sylvanus John Sodienye Cookey, an historian from Opobo in Rivers state.  Professor Cookey was born on April 9, 1934. In 1982, he became the second Vice Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife. He is the first President of the Council of Knights of the Niger Delta Dioceses and first President-General of the Joint Council of Knights of Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion).

As a Philanthropist, he has endowed a professional Chair in Malaria Studies at the University of Port Harcourt while the Sylvanus Cookey Foundation, established by him, is helping to transform the lives of youths in his home town, Opobo.

During the Civil War, he served as Commissioner for Special Duties in Ojukwu’s Cabinet and was awarded the Biafra Silver Medal (BSM). He has since received many honours including Officer of the Federal Republic (OFR), Honourary Doctor of Science (D.Sc) and Doctor of Letters (D.Litt) from the University of Port Harcourt and Anambra State University respectively as well as Chieftaincy titles from Upata Kingdom in Rivers State and Ogbor in Mbaise. He is a member of the Institute of Doctors of Nigeria. He holds the unique title of Arusibidabo (Inspirational Leader) in Opobo Kingdom.

Other members of the bureau were E. O. Awa, A.D. Yahaya, Haroun Adamu, Ibrahim Halilu, Pascal Bafyau, Oye Oyediran, Tunde Adeniran, Sam E. Oyovbaire, Bala Takaya, O.E. Uya, Sani Zaharadden, Mrs Hilda Aderarasin, Mrs R. Abdullahi, Ola Balogun, Edwin Madunagu and Abdullahi Augie (Executive Secretary).

On June 27, 1986, different categories of politicians were banned from participating in politics until after the transition programme.

On March 26, 1987, the Political Bureau submitted its report. It recommended that any Nigerian who hadn’t been previously convicted of a criminal offence be allowed to participate in politics in the 1990s as well as the gradual replacement of the military administration by civilians.

On July 11, 1987, the White Paper on the Political Bureau report was released. A new date of 1992 was given for the army’s handover. Other items in the White Paper included the retention of Presidentialism and the rejection of any religion as state religion.

On September 1, 1987, a 46-member review panel was named to review the 1979 constitution. It was headed by Justice Mohammed Buba Ardo.

On September 4, 1987, local government election time-table was released. It was scheduled for 12 December. Registration was to hold between 12 October and 1 November.

On April 22, 1988, elections were held into the Constituent Assembly while on April 25, 1988, government’s nominees to the Assembly (117 of them) were announced. To head the Assembly was Justice Anthony Aniagolu. The Assembly was saddled with the job of fashioning a new Constitution for the country.

On April 1, 1989, the Constituent Assembly concluded sitting in Abuja while General Ibrahim Babangida received the draft on April 5, 1989. On May 3, 1989, General Babangida lifted ban on political activities while the National Electoral Commission headed by Professor Eme Awa (15 December, 1921- 11 March 2000) recommended six political associations to the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) for registration on September 26, 1989. The political associations were the People’s Solidarity Party, Nigerian National Congress, Peoples’ Front of Nigeria, Liberal Convention, Nigerian Labour Party and the Republican Party.

On October 7, 1989, General Babangida in a broadcast to the nation dissolved the political parties claiming that they had been hijacked by some individuals as their personal property. He then created two political parties by decree—the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. He also created the Centre for Democratic Studies.

In creating the two parties, General Babangida declared “by this decision, the AFRC has declared its acceptance of the principles of a grassroots democratic two-party system. It is our belief that the system shall: provide a grassroots basis for the emergence of political parties, establish a grassroots or mass platforms for the emergence of new leadership, give equal rights and opportunities to all Nigerians to participate in the political process irrespective of their wealth, religion, geo-political backgrounds and professional endeavours, de-emphasise the role of money in politics and reduce to a minimum level, the element of violence in our electoral process.

“Preclude the emergence of political alliances along the same lines as in the First Republics and therefore, give Nigerians a new political structure within which to operate, ensure the emergence of a new, more dedicated and more genuine leadership cadre, which will not be a mere proxy for old political warlords, chart a new patter of political recruitment and participation which will enhance Nigeria’s stability, establish strong instructional structures which not sustain future governments, but also be strong enough to stand the test of time and establish a political system that will be operated according to the spirit and letter of the Constitution of the Federal Republic”.

Between July 21 and 25, 1990, the National Republican Convention held its convention in Port Harcourt, Chief Tom Ikimi was elected as the Chairman. At its own convention in Abuja, the SDP elected Ambassador Baba-Gana Kingibe as the chairman. On December 2, 1991, General Babangida arrested and detained eleven banned politicians. They were Abubakar Rimi, Maitama Yusuff, Lateef Jakande and Lamidi Adedibu. Others were C.C. Onoh, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Arthur Nzeribe, Dr. Olusola Saraki, Mr. Solomon Lar, and Major General (rtd.) Musa Shehu Yar’adua.

On September 23, 1992, ten Presidential aspirants of the SDP, withdrew from the contest scheduled for Saturday, September 26, 1992, claiming that the party was bent on imposing Major General (rtd.) Musa Shehu Yar’adua on the party. The aspirants were Chief Olu Falae, Olabiyi Durojaiye, Arthur Nzeribe, Alhaji Datti Ahmed, Mahmud Waziri, Lateef Jakande, Drs Olusola Saraki, Patrick Dele Cole, Layi Balogun, and Professor Jerry Gana.

A few weeks later, the same General Babangida banned 21 Presidential aspirants, leaving only Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the SDP and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the NRC to contest the June 12, 1993 Presidential election.  The election was annulled later by General Babandiga while General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998) sacked the elected governors, the Interim Government of Chief Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan GCFR (9 May 1936 – 11 January 2022) and also the two political parties.

Joining the ruling party is only a partial solution to the country’s problems. Apart from personal consideration, there must be enough justification for joining the ruling party in terms of performance. To me, the destination must be good governance which we are still expecting from the APC because, we in bad shape at the moment.

President Bola Tinubu has approved the change in the retirement age of medical doctors and other healthcare professionals in the country from 60 to 65 years.

The National Publicity Secretary of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Dr. Mannir Bature, disclosed this in a statement issued on Wednesday.

He added that President Tinubu has also approved the allocation and disbursement of funds necessary to settle their outstanding arrears.

Bature noted that the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Muhammad Pate, has been tasked with officially submitting the approval to the Council on Establishment via the Office of the Head of Service for final confirmation.

He mentioned that the change in policy was communicated by Pate during an important meeting with the NMA President, Prof. Bala Audu, alongside crucial stakeholders in the health sector.

He stated that the coordinating minister has verified that the outstanding payments stemming from the adjustments to the Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS) are scheduled for disbursement.

Mr. Bature cited the minister’s statement indicating that President Tinubu has given his approval for the necessary adjustments to be made for both the Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS) and the Consolidated Health Salary Structure (CONHESS), which are a result of the implementation of the new minimum wage.

He said, “The necessary funds have been secured, and disbursement to beneficiaries will commence soon.

“The process to effect this correction is at an advanced stage, providing much-needed relief to doctors and other healthcare workers.

“This will particularly benefit members of the Association of Nigerian Private Medical Practitioners and Nurses (ANPMPN), ensuring better financial remuneration and sustainability for healthcare services nationwide.”

[NaijaNews]

Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals FZE and the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) have taken opposing legal positions regarding the former’s N100 billion import license lawsuit and allegations of monopoly in the oil and gas sector.

This is according to counter-affidavits and associated court documents exclusively seen and reviewed by Nairametrics amid the refinery’s suit.

The pending suit, marked FHC/ABJ/CS/1324/2024, seeks to void import licenses issued to some Nigerian oil companies by the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA).

These companies include the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Matrix Petroleum Services Limited, A.A. Rano Limited, and four others.

Brief facts of the case  

In suit number, FHC/ABJ/CS/1324/2024, dated September 2024 and first mentioned at the Federal High Court, Abuja, in October last year, Dangote Refinery is seeking N100 billion in damages against NMDPRA for allegedly continuing to issue import licenses to NNPCL, Matrix, and other companies for importing petroleum products such as Automotive Gas Oil (AGO) and Jet Fuel (aviation turbine fuel) into Nigeria.

The refinery argues that these products are already being produced domestically without shortfalls.

The refinery’s lawyers, Dr. Ogwu James Onoja, SAN, and George Ibrahim, SAN, argued that NMDPRA allegedly violated Sections 317(8) and (9) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) by issuing import licenses for petroleum products, which should only be granted when there is a proven shortfall in supply.

Days after the suit was filed and adjourned, three oil companies—Matrix Petroleum Services Limited, A.A. Rano Limited, and AYM Shafa Limited—filed a motion urging the court to dismiss the suit.

They argued that only NMDPRA and NNPCL are legally empowered to determine petroleum product shortfalls in Nigeria, not Dangote Refinery.

Meanwhile, NNPCL’s counsel, Ademola Abimbola, SAN, filed a preliminary objection, arguing that the plaintiff erroneously sued “Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation,” a non-existent entity, instead of the correctly registered “Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited.”

Abimbola also argued that until NMDPRA decides to apply the Backward Integration Policy in the downstream petroleum sector, it is not under any obligation to restrict the issuance of petroleum product import licenses solely to cover shortfalls in local refinery production.

In its counter-affidavit and written address filed last Friday and seen by Nairametrics, George Ibrahim asked the court to dismiss NNPCL’s objection, arguing that a close examination of the originating summons, affidavit, and attached documents clearly shows that the plaintiff’s grievance concerns the “flagrant disobedience of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) by a statutory body created to implement the Act.” 

Nairametrics reports that the matter is pending before Justice Inyang Ekwo, and the next proceedings have been fixed for February 5, 2025.

Amid the pending case, the FCCPC, on January 5, 2025, filed a motion on notice seeking the court’s leave to join as a “co-defendant” in the refinery’s lawsuit.

What FCCPC and Dangote Refinery Are Saying 

• In its motion and accompanying processes exclusively seen by Nairametrics, the FCCPC legal team, led by Barrister Olarenwaju Osinaike, stated that FCCPC is seeking to be joined as a necessary party to the present proceedings because its interest would allegedly be affected by the outcome of the suit.
• The Commission stated that the case involves whether preventing the oil companies in dispute from operating the said licenses would lead to anti-competition or monopoly in favor of Dangote Refinery, among others.
• He submitted that one of the main issues raised in the refinery’s originating summons allegedly “relates to anti-competition and monopoly in the petroleum industry sector.”
• He drew the court’s attention to the functions of the FCCPC, which, according to him, include eliminating anti-competitive agreements, misleading, unfair, deceptive, or unconscionable marketing, trading, and business practices.

“There are grounds from the plaintiff’s case for believing that the plaintiff (Dangote Refinery) is attempting to create a monopoly situation in relation to the production and distribution of petroleum products in Nigeria through the machinery of the court,” the FCCPC stated.   

The FCCPC contended that Nigeria operates a free-market economy, allowing individuals and entities to participate in various sectors without hindrance.

He submitted that the FCCPC Act, which established the Commission, obligates it to eliminate anti-competitive agreements and practices that may restrict other participants from engaging in the petroleum product distribution value chain.

“The extant spirit and provisions of the FCCPC Act do not permit monopoly behemoth activities in product manufacturing and distribution, including oil and gas,” the FCCPC stated.   

The lawyer highlighted that if the court eventually joined the Commission in the suit, it would seek its outright dismissal.

In its counter to FCCPC’s request to join the suit, seen by Nairametrics, Dangote Refinery responded that:

“It is not true that the plaintiff’s suit is monopolistic but solely aimed at revamping local refining of petroleum products in Nigeria.” 

Ibrahim submitted that his client was granted a license by NMDPRA under the Petroleum Industry Act to import, produce, and refine petroleum products.

He maintained that NMDPRA should only grant import licenses in line with Section 317(8) and (9) of the Petroleum Act, which permits the import of refined products only when there is a shortage in local production.

“Dangote Refinery is able to meet the daily consumption demand of the country,” he stated, adding that NMDPRA allegedly granted licenses to the defendants to import petroleum products contrary to Section 317(8) and (9) of the Petroleum Industry Act. 

“The Petroleum Industry Act does not give the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) authority to issue licenses or impose levies on the plaintiff,” he continued, describing the FCCPC as a “meddlesome interloper” that should not be allowed to join the suit.   

He further submitted that FCCPC has no business in a case revolving around the PIA—an Act of the National Assembly .

He stated that FCCPC should instead seek an amendment to the law if it has any grievance regarding the petroleum sector.

Nairametrics gathered that the court will make a pronouncement on FCCPC’s application amid the  proceedings.

What You Should Know 

• Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote had announced his willingness to sell his multibillion-dollar refinery to NNPCL, amid escalating disputes with regulators and equity partners, last year.
• Dangote had previously accused other importers of bringing substandard petroleum products into Nigeria.
• Nairametrics reported that the federal government later allowed marketers to purchase petroleum products directly from Dangote Refinery, following NNPCL’s decision to withdraw as an intermediary between the refinery and marketers.

[Nairametrics]

Grammy-winning Nigerian singer Temilade Openiyi, popularly known as Tems, has shared that she has a unique relationship with her mother.

The Mr Rebel crooner revealed that she shares everything she has with her mom.

Tems disclosed this in an interview with ET on the sidelines of the 67th annual Grammy Awards in Los Angeles on Sunday.

“What I have is hers [my mother’s]. We share everything I have,” she said.

On her Grammy win, Tems said: “I’m grateful to God. I’m thankful. I think it’s a blessing. I’m extremely blessed and favored. I just want to give that out in any way that I can.”

DAILY POST reports that Tems’ Love Me Jeje won the Best African Music Performance award at the Grammys on Sunday.

While accepting the award on stage, she dedicated it to her mother.

The singer has previously shared that she and her brother were singlehandedly raised by their mother.

[DailyPost]

Journalists by training and orientation suffer two major disabilities.  Insufficient grounding in sociological theories, the foundation of society, and avoiding core economic and business/accounting  courses  at school which lay them open to manipulation by vicious business men at in later years as practicing professionals. Unfortunately, humility is not often a virtue in display among highly qualified professional journalists. As students of society that routinely dine and wine with owners of society, they sometimes forget their place on the social ladder. They often put their hope and aspirations in the hands of vicious businessmen who see restless journalists as the only obstacle to turning society into an empire of slaves.

Stanley Macebuh, The Guardian pioneer managing director and editor-in-chief who promised to publish one of the best three newspapers in English-speaking Africa south of Sahara, and achieved the goal through unflawed exploitation of talents of first class young brains from our universities and those of the best young educated professionals from the then existing media houses to ensure the flagship was read ‘sooner than later’ was unarguably the man behind the success of The Guardian.

But Stanley knew very little about business and business’ dirty wars. He was a civilized man with a touch of human kindness. His goal was making the world a decent place for all. He did not think anyone would be opposed to this noble pursuit. But he was wrong because he never really understood that the economic status of a man determines a man’s position in society.

I walked up to his office around 6pm sometime in 1983 to report a crime. One of the new pool car drivers took his colleague’s car out without permission. When he returned 40 minutes later, he had replaced the car’s new engine with an old engine. When Stanley finally raised his head up from the script he was reading, he asked with sadness boldly written over his face: “How much do we really pay those poor boys?” as if all of us were not victims of capitalism, a euphemism for slavery. I also started to feel sorry for the criminal. But for Mr. Alimi, the experienced transport manager who had by 8am the following morning prepared the young man’s sack letter ready for collection, left to my humane MD/Editor-in-chief, the boy would have retained his job. Stanley Macebuh could afford not being ruthless precisely because it is not he but the much derided vicious businessman  that went to the bank to borrow money, cut deals and must be prepared to fight dirty publicly as most businessmen do.

Maiden Ibru, the current chief executive of The Guardian is not much different. Also a trained media practitioner with bias towards public relations, by orientation, she also cannot be vicious.

Just like Stanley who treated me like his graduate student from the Daily Times days all through his stay at The Guardian, I think I also know Mrs. Ibru fairly well.

As the Executive Consultant (Editorial and Advertising), the de facto chief operating officer of The Guardian from 2003 to 2008, Mrs. Ibru, the chief executive of The Guardian snubbed the tastefully furnished expansive chief executive office on the first floor preferring to spend the period in my scantily furnished and noisy office downstairs. After our daily round of meetings ranging from directors’ meeting, editorial content review meeting or editorial board meeting, she would return to my office where she ate the lunch procured for her from our cafeteria by Biola my secretary.  That was at a time lunch could have been ferried down from the Federal Palace or Sheraton, owned by her husband. Maiden is humble, kind and stands for the building of a more humane, just and compassionate society.

Mrs. Ibru  is the chief executive  who on her way to the office would stop by an accident scene,  ferry victims to hospital where she would pay for their care before returning to the office, of course with her day totally ruined.  Like Stanley she just wants to serve humanity in her own little way. Accepting Nduka Obaigbena’s award despite her well-articulated position on the contradiction between an arm of state institution giving award to other state institutions it is constitutionally empowered to keep on their toes is no doubt part of Maiden Ibru’s efforts to please others.

Maiden like many other decent and accomplished journalists is very vulnerable. That Obaigbena, a ruthless businessman and a veteran of many boardroom dirty wars including the ongoing one with his friend, Femi Otedola and First Bank, easily outwitted Maiden Ibru was not a surprise.

The way fiercely competitive and ruthless businessman Obaigbena outwitted Mrs Ibru is the same way businessman, Alex Ibru who held no hostages when alive, outwitted Stanley Macebuh and effortlessly eased him out of The Guardian. It is not different from the strategy adopted by the late Chief Aboderin to ease out of The Punch Sam Amuka (Sad Sam) who had to start the Vanguard at his garage in Anthony Village Lagos. Who would have thought Ray Ekpu and Malam Haruna Mohammed, after building the Newswatch brand for over 20 years would allow Jimoh Ibrahim, a controversial ruthless businessman to effortlessly take their well-nurtured baby away from them? Unfortunately, journalists with all the influence they wield, they are no match for calculating ruthless businessmen, unrestrained by any form of moral appeal when they choose to fight dirty.

As for the contest for superiority between The Guardian and Thisday, I think comparison can be odious especially when it is all about comparing apples and oranges.

A newspaper, we are told, operates at three different levels of society (Lade Bonuola).  The one operating above the level of society tries to set agenda for society to follow. That is the task The Guardian has set for itself since 1982 when it first set out “to produce the best and most authoritative newspaper Nigeria had ever seen, that would be committed to the principle of individual freedom where citizens have duties as well as rights, which will, at all times uphold the need for justice, probity in public life and guarantees equal access to the nation’s resources and equal protection under the law of Nigerian for all citizens”.  And the paper resolved to achieve the above through “factual reporting, and well-reasoned and mature opinion and editorials arrived at after an exhaustive and painstaking examination of issues” – (Dr Patrick Dele Cole in his preface to ‘Selected Editorials of The Guardian 1983-2003’ edited by Reuben Abati). The Guardian has remained committed to this creed.

The second type of newspaper operates at the level of society and merely reflects society and its idiosyncrasies for all intent and purposes. ThisDay is a newspaper that operates at the level of society and mirrors society through celebration of human vanity; it pioneered this from the birth of the fourth republic. As it has turned out, all those whose vanity were promoted in government and the banking sector from 1999 have all turned to be men and women with feet of clay.

And if further empirical evidence is needed to prove how Thisday smiles to the bank by celebrating vanity of Nigerians, the outing of Nigeria political economic and military elite in their flowing agbada and Babaringa wanting to be recognized for doing their job as governors, bankers and other professionals is all we need. ThisDay has continued to do what it does best-mirroring society through celebration of human vanity.

It is therefore apparent that there can be no basis for comparing The Guardian with ThisDay. Each from the onset clearly defined the nature of its service and commitment to society. And their past speaks for them.

Vice Chancellor of the Federal University Gusau, Zamfara State, Prof. Mu’azu Abubakar Gusau, has denied reports he accused the House Committee on University Education of demanding bribe from Vice Chancellors to pass their 2025 budget. 

An online newspaper had alleged that the lawmakers demanded about N480 million bribe to approve the 2025 their budget proposal. 

In  a letter of disclaimer addressed to the  Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on University Education,  Abubakar Hassan Fulata, titled “Disclaimer: Re: Investigation: Nigerian lawmakers demand N480 Million from universities to approve 2025 Budget”  Prof. Gusau described the allegation as baseless, malicious and mischievous and urged the lawmakers to discountenance the publication. 

Gusau said “the report, sub titled “targeting a stubborn VC”, the reporter specifically alleged that “the Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University Gusau, Muazu Gusau, appears to have become a target for lawmakers. During the 16 January meeting the lawmakers threatened to “deal with” Mr. Gusau for being stubborn”

“The paper also alleged that it is unclear what Gusau has done to incur the lawmakers’ wrath but it seems he has refused to comply with their demands.

“At first, the intention of the University was to ignore the write-up in its entirety, but on a closer reflection, we have deemed it necessary to respond to the issues raised to foreclose any possibility of such jaundiced, misleading and vexatious insinuations being taken for the truth by otherwise discerning members of the National Assembly including your amiable self and other Honourable Members of the House Committees on Education.

“For record purposes, the Vice Chancellor, Prof: Mu’azu Abubakar Gusau was represented at the University’s 2025 budget defence by a team led by the Deputy Vice Chancellor, Administration, Dr. Lawal Sa’adu and during the exercise, the team enjoyed a robust, friendly and convivial session with the lawmakers. 

“We make bold to say that neither the DVC nor any member of the University team at the budget defence is a party to the information concocted by the media house and put out in the media space.

“We, therefore, urge you, Mr. Chairman and members of your Honourable Committee, to discountenance the malicious and mischievous write-up from the medium which has a proclivity towards sensational headlines and destructive journalism.

“Mr. Chairman, the Governing Council, the Vice Chancellor and indeed, the Management and Senate of the Federal University Gusau, openly acknowledge the praise-worthy support of your Committee and pledge to work assiduously to further cement such relationship in the interest of the overall development of the University and furtherance of tertiary education in Nigeria.” 

Hon. Fulata  and House of Representatives had also recently dismissed the allegation,  describing it as baseless and unfounded, urging the medium to ensure professionalism in its reportage.

President Bola Tinubu will depart Abuja on Wednesday for Paris, France, on a private visit en route to Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.

While in France, Tinubu will meet with his French counterpart, President Emmanuel Macron.

The President’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, disclosed this in a statement on Wednesday titled ‘President Tinubu departs for France ahead of the AU summit in Addis Ababa.’

It read, “In Addis Ababa, President Tinubu will join African leaders at the 46th Ordinary Session of the Executive Council and the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the AU Heads of State, scheduled from February 12 to 16, 2025.

“The president will arrive in Addis Ababa early next week for the African Union summit.”

[Punch]