Just slightly over a week ago, the political landscape in the United States went 180 degrees with the announcement by President Joe Biden that he was withdrawing from the presidential race. Before then, Biden had been recalcitrant that he would not withdraw from the race. He insisted that he was strong and healthy and was the only person who could defeat the Republican candidate, Donald Trump.

Even though Biden had given the American public many signs that indicated that he was mentally and physically unfit for the job, it was during the first presidential debate that his shortcomings became indisputable. Biden spoke in a raspy voice without any force. He looked feeble. But that was not all. He regularly lost his train of thought and mixed up the names of people and incidents. Even his opponent at that debate, Trump, had occasions when he was surprised at the lack of coherence in what Biden was saying. At a point in the debate, Trump said, while responding to an answer Biden gave to the moderators: “I really don’t know what he said at the end of that sentence, and I don’t think he did, either.”

Biden’s performance was embarrassing. Opinion polls showed that Trump was widening the gap between them. Many Democrats, including legislators, began to openly ask him to withdraw from the race and save the party from not just losing the presidency but also losing some of their strongholds in Congress to Republicans and becoming weakened. To show their seriousness, many sponsors of the party withdrew their support.

But the more Democrats asked Biden to withdraw, the more he said no and insisted that he was the person who could defeat Trump just as he did in 2020. The Democratic Party was divided and confused. The morale of members was low. Their case was worsened by the fact that Biden was (and still is) an incumbent president. As a result, he did not face any strong challenge for the ticket of the party earlier this year.

Another factor – not usually publicly discussed – was the fact that Biden’s deputy, Vice President Kamala Harris, is a woman as well as a person of non-White race. Despite the high level of human rights in the United States, it has never elected a woman. It took America 232 years to elect a non-White person in 2008 in the person of Barack Obama. And it was because Obama had an amazing personality and showed exceptional promise with no bad story associated with him. It would be disastrous to sideline Harris because of her gender and race to pick a White male as Biden’s replacement at the polls. But with less than four months to the presidential election, even if Harris became the candidate of the Democratic Party, it was not obvious whether she could make any impact.

Conversely, the Republican Party was upbeat. The morale of members was high. The missed assassination attempt on Trump some weeks ago drew him sympathy and helped to shoot up his rating. At the Republican Party’s convention, where Trump was officially confirmed as the presidential candidate and where he named his running mate, the party was as united and confident as it had not been in many years. All polls showed that Trump was ahead. It was obvious that Trump would rout Biden in the presidential race in November.

Then on Sunday, July 21, Biden announced his withdrawal from the presidential race and support for Harris. Within 48 hours, the presidential bid of Kamala Harris received over $100 million in donations: a record. (Within one week, it raised $200 million). The Democratic Party was rejuvenated. Attention shifted from the Republicans to the Democrats.

The campaign dynamics also completely changed. Before that Sunday, Trump was the younger and healthier candidate, while Biden was the old and feeble candidate. That was meant to be the focal point of the campaign. Immediately after Biden’s announcement, Trump became the old candidate: the oldest candidate in American history to run for president. The Republicans would be forced to change their campaign message and focus. Opinion polls showed that Harris had gone narrowly ahead of Trump, even though it is still within the margin of error, which makes it an open game.

The Republicans believe that Trump will rescue the United States from the dangerous grip of Biden and the Democrats. The Democrats believe that Kamala Harris and the Democrats will save America from falling into the dangerous hands of Trump a second time.

Another thing that happened after Biden’s announcement was the resignation of the Director of the American Secret Service, Kimberly Cheatle. Since the attempt on Trump, Cheatle had vowed not to resign. Last week, she was grilled by Congress and both Democrats and Republicans tore her to shreds and told her to write her resignation letter immediately. She refused. But the next day, she resigned.

This is why warts and all, the United States is an exemplary and exciting democracy. The system is above everyone. One person does not decide what happens in the country. People take responsibility for any lapses under their watch. There is no room for excuses. If they refuse to do that, they are put under pressure until they do the right thing.

Biden is the president of the strongest country in the world. Therefore, he is the strongest president and individual in the world. But he had to succumb to the pressure from his party members to withdraw from the presidential race. The difference between the US and the Nigerian situation is that in cases like this, the Nigerian president would not resign. It happened when Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was ill. It happened when Muhammadu Buhari was also ill. It happened when Bola Tinubu was contesting for the presidency. Besides, there were many allies of theirs who came out and spoke strongly in their support, giving all kinds of reasons why their health situation was not an issue.

Another point is the importance Americans place on presidential debates. Any candidate who refuses to attend a presidential debate is seen as showing disrespect to the American populace. The presidential debate is the avenue through which the American people, as well as citizens of all developed countries, gauge the physical and mental acuity of those who wish to lead them. They use it to find out who seems prepared for leadership. But in Nigeria, politicians snub debates and all attempts to answer unscripted questions. Tinubu did not participate in any presidential debate before the 2023 election. Before him, Buhari did the same thing. Likewise, Goodluck Jonathan, Yar’Adua and Olusegun Obasanjo either avoided presidential debates or participated in the one they created. There were always people who defended them and argued that talking is not the same thing as leadership.

Nigeria copies most things from the US. The current presidential system of government which Nigeria practises was copied from the US after the First Republic failed and it was blamed on the British parliamentary system. The presidential system has not succeeded in delivering a reliable system that creates progress and stability. That proves that Nigeria’s governance failure has no connection with the system of government in place. The problem of Nigeria is that of a bad workman who continuously quarrels with his tools.

Nigeria does not copy the transparency that the American system is known for. It does not copy the proclivity of Americans to put the interest of the country before their personal and parochial interests. Resigning from positions is almost unthinkable. Individuals are most times above the law. This makes it difficult for democracy to produce the desired dividends that are associated with it. The only dividend of democracy that has accrued to Nigeria is the fact that no president has stayed in power for more than two terms like what obtains in countries like Russia, Rwanda, Cameroon, etc, which purport to practise democracy. Nigerians look forward to the time their politicians will start copying the good examples from the United States.

All hell has been let loose, and the centre can no longer hold in Kenya over the tax revolt that has been ravaging that East African country since June. In the wake of the crisis, a part of the parliament building was razed down by arsonists. Some public buildings were touched while several companies and shops were destroyed and looted. Sensing their relative success in forcing the government to cancel the $ 2.7 billion in tax hikes, the mainly Gen-Z protesters are now calling for President William Ruto’s resignation.

The young people have succeeded in throwing Kenya into turmoil, and no one in that country can now sleep with their two eyes closed. The number of casualties has been on the rise in the ongoing protests. More than 50 people have been reported killed since June, according to Kenya’s National Commission on Human Rights.

The Kenyan violence and destruction are reminiscent of the October 2020 EndSARS protest in Nigeria. During that EndSARS protest, several police stations were burnt with some police officers beheaded. The gory video of cannibals eating flesh from the bodies of slain police officers is still chilling. There was a jailbreak, and hardened criminals were let free in Lagos, Benin, and Abuja prisons. Critical infrastructure owned by the Lagos State Government was destroyed. A notable television station, TVC, was razed down.

It is difficult to forget how a large number of luxury buses meant to power public transportation in Lagos were burnt and left in ruins. A friend recounted to me how a distraught Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu was going through the ruins of the burnt buses at Oyingbo and tears began to cascade from his eyes over the multi-million dollar investment destroyed.

Such was the level of the destruction, the carnage, the investment gone in flames, the trauma and the uncertainty engendered by the protest. Those insisting on replicating the EndSARS protest in the country or reproducing the Kenyan moment in Nigeria do not mean well for the country and the people.
It may be argued that protesters have a right to register their displeasure about the state of the nation, particularly with the excruciating cost of living, even in spite of the government’s laudable economic policies and cushioning efforts, and this may be correct. However, the planned protest does not augur well for the country and our people. This is so for a number of reasons.

Firstly, given what transpired during that 2020 protest, there is no guarantee that any protest at this time would not turn violent or hijacked by hoodlums and other dodgy characters to foist their nefarious agenda on the country. This protest, which by most accounts is politically motivated, can only result in violence, arson and looting, as is characteristic of similar demonstrations in Nigeria and most parts of Africa. The Kenyan episode is also a case in point.
In the past, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, as he then was, and other activists had deployed the instrumentality of non-violent protest or agitation to advance the democratic cause that led to the rebirth of democracy in the land, and to correct some imbalances in the operation of Nigeria’s federalism, particularly during the regime of President Obasanjo.

Secondly, the sponsors and promoters of this protest, christened #EndBadGovernance protest, remain yet unknown. They are faceless and yet unidentified persons. I glimpsed an online interview with SaharaReporters’s publisher, Omoyele Sowore, identifying and calling for the demonstration. Meanwhile, he and his family are in their safe harbour in New Jersey. That was the same way detained Nnamdi Kanu was giving orders from abroad, naming individuals and their properties to be destroyed in Lagos during the #EndSARS protest.

Thirdly, it’s being established that constructive dialogue is the key to resolving issues and thrashing any misgiving or disagreement, which is bound to occur in any society. When there is a conflict between governments and groups arising from policy issues and other matters, dialogue is always the best way to resolve such disputes. In spite of the remonstrations of organised labour over the national minimum wage, eventually, they still resorted to negotiations with the government during which the matter was resolved amicably and a new national minimum wage, which is over 100% of the old one, was agreed upon with even an icing on the cake as President Tinubu committed to every 3-year review, instead of workers having to wait for 5 years before wages are adjusted.

More importantly, the hashtag #EndbadGovernance being promoted by the unknown protesters is dubious and remains contentious. End to bad governance? This condensation reminds one of the rhetoric of still-disgruntled opponents of President Tinubu, who lost the 2023 presidential election at the polls and in court, and now want to unseat him and come to power through the back doors. This is unacceptable. The nation’s electoral laws stipulate how elections are won and lost and the electoral circles as well. They will do well to wait for the next election in 2027.

End to bad governance? Where is the bad governance, one may ask? Yes, these are challenging times. Current economic challenges are not peculiar to Nigeria alone. Almost all the countries around the world, including the most developed ones, are in turmoil. Nigeria is no exception. President Tinubu is applying the right medication to an ailing economy he inherited. This bears restating: the economic policies the government has embarked upon, which have been widely commended, have their gestation periods. And, though some pains may have come during the interregnum, these would be temporary. Some compensatory and cushioning initiatives are also being embarked upon. The point is that the distribution of palliatives to the people needs to be intensified and pursued vigorously. In this respect, states and Local governments must do better as partners with the federal government to ensure the effective distribution of these palliatives.

In the meantime, there is cheering news about the economy. The country has exited the ways and means trap, which had been a cog in the wheel before and there is now growing confidence in the nation’s economy. According to the minister of finance and coordinating minister of the economy, Wale Edun, debt service cost has declined from 97 percent to 68 percent and the government has also surpassed non-oil revenue by 30%. What this means is that the government will now have more money to fund social services and infrastructural projects that will improve the quality of life of Nigerians. The economy is growing, and sooner than later, some of the challenges of today will be overcome.
Therefore, this is not the time for a violent protest. The protest does not bode well. It poses an existential threat to Nigeria and its democracy. It will not augur well for anyone. We may all be losers in the end.

In summing up this article, I cannot but paraphrase that insightful columnist, Idowu Akinlotan, in his July 21, 2024 Palladium column, because he made this point more succinctly than I would do. I quote: “In sum, everybody may end up a loser, including opposition politicians galled by the outcome of the last presidential election, politicians who promote ethnic and religious exceptionalism, ethnic groups which resent the winner of the poll, youths who would likely become cannon fodder should the crisis blow out of proportion, and the country itself whose tenuous unity and untenable political structure have triggered tectonic shifts in the body politic. Nothing is certain, and this is no scaremongering.”

Rahman is a senior presidential aide

Abuja, Nigeria: In light of recent events and ongoing discussions surrounding the appropriateness of citizens expressing their dissatisfaction with government policies and actions, we, the undersigned civil society organisations, are compelled to reaffirm the fundamental right of citizens to peaceful protest as a fundamental pillar of democratic governance. This right is a cornerstone of any democratic society and a critical means for citizens to express their dissatisfaction, demand accountability, and advocate for change.

Protesting is a legitimate form of expression enshrined in international human rights instruments, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, and Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended), among others. It allows citizens to publicly voice their concerns, challenge injustices, and participate actively in  the democratic process.

Protests serve as a vital mechanism for holding leaders accountable and ensuring that government actions reflect the will and needs of the people. History has shown that protests can lead to significant changes in government policies, processes and practices, highlighting the power of collective action to address grievances and promote good governance.

While the right to protest is a fundamental principle of democratic nations, we concede  that it must be exercised peacefully and responsibly without violating the rights of others. Accordingly, we urge all parties engaged, including protest organisers, participants, and law enforcement agencies, to prioritise safety and the rule of law. Law enforcement  has a duty to safeguard protesters while upholding public order. Demonstrators must avoid activities that might exacerbate tensions, cause unrest or threaten public safety.

Attempts to suppress demonstrations through intimidation, excessive use of force, or unjust legal actions are unacceptable and counterproductive. Every protest is deemed  peaceful, and if intelligence indicates otherwise, it is the role of the appropriate government agencies to identify such saboteurs and arrest them immediately. Arresting protest organisers shows a lack of understanding of the enemies of the state.

We urge the Nigerian Judiciary and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to uphold the rights of all protesters and establish a mechanism to promptly address and dismiss oppressive charges that may arise from these protests. The demands include reducing the cost of living, curbing insecurity, reducing the cost of governance, electoral reform, judicial reform, and constitutional reform, which are all recurring themes in Nigeria’s journey towards a healthy democracy.

We reaffirm our commitment to the principles of democracy and human rights and stand in solidarity with those who decided to exercise the right to peaceful protest.

We encourage all citizens to actively participate in shaping a just and accountable society, and we call on all stakeholders to uphold the principles of democracy, human rights, and

the rule of law.

Signed:

1. 21 stCentury Community Empowerment for Youth and Women Initiative
2. Accountability Lab Nigeria
3. Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO) Uganda
4. BudgIT Foundation
5. Centre for Accountability and Inclusive Development (CAAID)
6. Centre for Inclusive Social Development (CISD)
7. Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID)
8. Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)
9. Dataphyte Foundation
10. DigiCivic Initiative
11. Enough is Enough (EiE) Nigeria
12. Farnnel Women Foundation
13. Gee Foundation for Social Justice and Development
14. Global Rights
15. Health Education and Human Rights Advocacy Initiative (HEHRAI)
16. HIFWAC Relief
17. Hope Behind Bars Africa
18. Institutional and Sustainable Development Foundation ( ISDF)
19. International Peace and Civic Responsibility Centre (IPCRC)
20. International Press Centre (IPC)
21. Invictus Africa
22. Kilimanjaro Youth Foundation
23. Media Rights Agenda (MRA)
24. Mothers United and Mobilised
25. Nigeria Network of NGOs
26. Paradigm Initiative (PIN)
27. Policy Alert
28. Public and Private Development Centre (PPDC)
29. Research Centre for Development Action
30. Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC)
31. Sesor Empowerment Foundation
32. TechHer NG
33. The Meluibe Empowerment Foundation
34. We the People
35. WikkiTimes
36. Women Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC)
37. Yiaga Africa

2

“Ka ana achu aja, ka ikpe n' amah ndi mmuo.” Let's keep sacrificing, let the gods take the blame. (Igbo Proverb)

Nigeria is a nation known for its diversity, vibrancy, and complexity. Yet, one thing that stands out starkly is our inability to collectively agree on a single path. This is reflected in our politics, policies, and even daily interactions. Despite this, there are few areas where unity shines through, namely in music, sports, and entertainment. The recent resurgence of the song "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" by Pa Mike Ejeagha exemplifies this phenomenon, highlighting both the nostalgic yearning for the past and the fragmented present we find ourselves in.

Originally produced in 1983, "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" by Gentleman Mike Ejeagha has experienced a remarkable resurgence in 2024. This resurgence was sparked by a skit from Brain Jotter, a popular skitmaker, who used a segment of the song in his comedy sketch. The song's catchy ending, "gwo gwo gwo ngwo," caught on like wildfire, trending across various social media platforms and bringing the 41-year-old song into the limelight once again.

Mike Ejeagha, who will be 94 years old in August 2024, suddenly found his decades-old folktale song becoming the trendiest piece of music in the country. This phenomenon led to a heated debate over copyright infringement issues and payment rights, raising questions about who benefitted more from this revival—Brain Jotter or Mike Ejeagha.

The controversy centers around the intellectual property protocols, which suggest that the duration of the sound clip used by Brain Jotter is less than the required length to qualify for royalty sharing. Whatever Brain Jotter gifted the old man in appreciation is just that—a gift. The silver lining here is the renewed interest in Ejeagha's works, providing an opportunity for him to earn from his repertoire once again. On the side lines the fact emerging is that his record company having dragged him to court for several years simply refused to pay him royalties amongst many other issues.

The song "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" is a folktale that tells the story of a tortoise outsmarting an elephant to marry a king’s daughter. The king had decreed that whoever could bring a large animal like an elephant or cow tethered to the feast would marry his daughter. None of the animals succeeded, except for the tortoise. The tortoise tricked the elephant into believing he was to chair the occasion, and on their journey, the tortoise convinced the elephant to allow him to place a rope around its neck for safety. Upon arrival, the tortoise presented the tethered elephant to the king and won the princess’s hand in marriage. This story elevates intellectual capacity over brute strength, embodying a lesson in wisdom and cunning.

The story of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" and its resurgence brings back fond memories of a Nigeria that many feel has been lost. The nostalgia is palpable, especially when considering how unified and proud Nigerians once were. There was a time when the Naira outweighed the Dollar, Nigerian products were renowned, and the nation enjoyed a semblance of order and pride.

In those days, Nigeria's public institutions, such as the Nigerian Airways, Nigerian Railway, and NITEL, were symbols of national pride. The education system was robust, with universities like the University of Ibadan, University of Nigeria, Obafemi Awolowo University, and Ahmadu Bello University being the pinnacle of academic excellence. Public education was patriotic, and national unity was a given.

Today, Nigeria finds itself in a very different place. The Naira has plummeted in value, and the country struggles with economic instability and political turmoil. The reliance on foreign investments and aid highlights a lack of self-sufficiency. The disconnect between governance and the governed has grown, with leaders more interested in ruling than leading.

Insecurity has become a significant concern. The once peaceful regions are now hotbeds of violence and unrest. The road trips that were once safe and filled with camaraderie have become perilous, requiring prayers and luck to navigate safely. The sense of community that allowed a stranded traveler to find help easily has diminished, replaced by fear and distrust.

Amidst this turmoil, music, sports, and entertainment have remained unifying factors. They provide a sense of identity and pride that transcends the many divisions within the country. The success of Nigerian artists on the global stage, the collective joy during international sports competitions, and the shared laughter from comedians and skitmakers create moments of unity and national pride.

The revival of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" is a testament to the power of these cultural elements. It shows how a single piece of art can bridge generational gaps, bringing back memories of a better past and giving hope for a more unified future. This phenomenon highlights the enduring legacy of our cultural icons and the potential for arts and entertainment to foster national cohesion.

Nigeria's current challenges are numerous, and the road to recovery and unity is fraught with obstacles. Yet, the resurgence of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" offers a glimmer of hope. It reminds us of a time when the nation was more cohesive, and it underscores the importance of preserving our cultural heritage.

While Nigeria may struggle to agree on many issues, the shared love for music, sports, and entertainment provides a common ground. These cultural elements can serve as the foundation for rebuilding national unity and pride. As we look to the future, it is essential to remember the lessons of the past and the power of culture in fostering a sense of togetherness.

Ultimately, the story of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" and its unexpected revival teaches us that despite our differences, there are still threads that bind us together. It is up to us to strengthen these threads and weave a stronger, more united Nigeria—May Nigeria win!

To ensure the stability of the pump price of refined fuel and the dollar-Naira exchange rate, the Federal Executive Council today adopted a proposal by President Tinubu to sell crude to Dangote Refinery and other upcoming refineries in Naira.

Dangote Refinery at the moment requires 15 cargoes of crude, at a cost of $13.5 billion yearly. NNPC has committed to supply four.

But the FEC has approved that the 450,000 barrels meant for domestic consumption be offered in Naira to Nigerian refineries, using the Dangote refinery as pilot. The exchange rate will be fixed for the duration of this transaction.

Afreximbank and other settlement banks in Nigeria will facilitate the trade between Dangote and NNPC Limited. The game changing intervention will eliminate the need for international letters of credit. It will also save the country of billions of dollars used in importing refined fuel.

It is reassuring that the Board of Trustees, Governing Council and other stakeholders of Wigwe University are working hard to sustain the university and fulfil the vision of its founder, Herbert Onyewumbu Wige, who passed away with his son and wife in such a tragic and difficult-to-understand circumstance six months ago. The university will open mid-September – about six weeks away - for its first set of students who are going in to study various courses in engineering; science and computing; management and social sciences and the arts. Herbert’s death undoubtedly created pain, panic and anguish and caused a delay in completion of some projects in the new institution, but overall, the institution is developing at a preset pace to meet all timelines. The recent departure of the university’s pioneer vice chancellor also caused some anxiety, but I can confirm that he was let go in the overall interest of the university and the vision of the founder. A replacement, Prof Marwan Al-Akaidi, has been named and he is exceedingly suitable to provide the required leadership. Al-Akaidi was formerly the university’s Dean of College of Science and Computing and Deputy vice chancellor (Research and innovation). I should also stress that many facilities in the campus have been completed and are ready. They include the gas-powered power plant that will provide 24-hour uninterrupted electricity; IT infrastructure; classroom blocks; students’ hostels; faculty buildings; admin block and sporting facilities. Construction work on the Senate Building and other facilities is progressing in earnest.

Licensed in June 2023, the university is owned by HOW Foundation, established by Herbert in 2016 as a special purpose vehicle to drive his philanthropic activities. Mrs Yvonne Victor-Olomu, the foundation’s chief operating officer, says Herbert’s death was a terrible blow, but the resilience of the team he left behind saw the vision through. She is grateful to some eminent Nigerians for their unwavering support in ensuring that the university’s dream is fulfilled. They include Aigboje Aig-Imokhuede and the Tengen Family Office; Aliko Dangote; Leo Stan Eke; Gov. Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State and the Rivers State government. ‘’In addition, our Board of Trustees chaired by Prof. Fabian Ajogwu and the Governing Council led by Prof. Julius Okojie have been fantastic in driving the vision of Dr. Herbert Wigwe’’, she told this writer, noting that the host community and the lead construction firm deserve commendation for their support. Prof. Okojie is a former Executive Secretary of NUC whose acumen in managing tertiary education has been invaluable in shepherding the young institution.

But why did Herbert set up the university? What exactly did he set out to achieve? On January 14, less than a month to his death, Herbert Wigwe laid out his vision for the university in a speech he delivered at the 2024 DLD Conference in Munich, Germany. Here are his words: ‘’Those of us who have built successful businesses in Africa – and want to see more economic growth for all – cannot wait for (Africa’s) problems to solve themselves. We cannot afford to waste the talents of the next generation. That’s why my foundation is the driving force behind the launch of Wigwe University: to empower the continent’s youth to lead the charge in global leadership, innovation and progress.

‘’Our vision is nothing less than the transformation of tertiary education in Africa: to help the continent leapfrog the world as a global leader in innovation and development. Higher education can transform Africa, and we can transform higher education. Our university sets out to train and mentor the next generation of fearless African leaders, entrepreneurs and innovators. It is a homegrown institution – built by Nigerians for Africans and the world. Sitting on 600 hectares in Rivers State, it has the capacity for 11,400 students, as well as 400 faculty and staff. In its first year, 2024-2025, it will onboard 2,500 students, with staff recruited from across the world – from Europe, North America, Asia and of course Africa. We have reimagined what higher education in Africa should be – by emphasizing entrepreneurship and employability.

‘’We are building a culture of innovation, providing students with practical skills, including critical thinking, problem-solving and leadership itself. We offer work-integrated learning programs, internships and mentorship initiatives, to bridge the gap between academia and industry – including partner institutions across the globe. We are embracing cutting-edge technologies, including artificial intelligence, data analytics and renewable energy, to prepare our students for the Fourth Industrial Revolution. To do all that, we have invested heavily in our own infrastructure, which many African universities sadly lack. We have our own 10MW power plant, and our own fiber optic internet connectivity. We are building sports facilities to the world-class standards of FIFA, IAAF and the NBA.

‘’We are building a world-class performance arts center with a Broadway-standard stage, outdoor amphitheater, and our own sound stage and editing suites. We also have our own university farm to help feed the university and our host community, as well as support research. Our motto is “We, the fearless.” Because that’s who we are, and who are students would be. However, we need you – the visionaries outside Africa – to be fearless too. That means transforming your ideas about African youth and your relationship to Africa’’.

There is no greater honour to Herbert’s memory than to nurture this vision; and as his post humous birthday draws near, I am thankful to all Nigerians of good heart who are standing up to ensure that this is done. Their own vision will never dim.

Founded in 2005, DLD (Digital-Life-Design) has developed into Europe’s leading innovation conference for visionaries around the globe. Herbert was a leading member and the keynote speaker in its January conference. The main purpose of DLD is to bring together business, creative and business leaders, as well as investors and opinion formers, to exchange ideas and get inspired. It is one of Europe’s leading conferences on innovation. Herbert’s presentation was titled ‘’Leapfrogging Africa to the forefront of global development through tertiary education’’.

Any government can easily undermine its credibility if it sends mixed signals on essential policy issues or initiatives, flip-flop from one policy or strategic direction to another, and turn essential socioeconomic frameworks into a yo-yo game. The outcome and resultant consequences have  been consistent: a total erosion of integrity and trust in the government. This has been more glaring in the critical decision on Nigeria’s government size and its twin, cost of governance. In government, size matters! But what matters most is the ideological underpinning of what determines size, relative to goals and objectives. The size of the government in Nigeria has, over the years, been a contentious issue, primarily because of its linkage with bloated bureaucracy, huge recurrent expenditure, and negative impact on economic growth. It is common sense that as the size and cost of the government skyrocket, there will be less funding for development interventions.

 At this time, we can see that the more specific challenges and consequence of not having the right service architecture that matches context, resources and state objectives is manifested in the multiplicity of Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) that perform similar functions or have overlapping responsibilities, hence the increased cost of governance and an increasing misery index. This “misery index” reflects the challenges faced by the average citizen due to the inefficiencies and redundancies in the government system.  

 These challenges have been the bane of governance in Nigeria and merit attention. Successive administrations in Nigeria recognised this elephant in the room and set up processes to tackle these challenges. One would have wondered why it is taking too long to streamline government and governance when everyone knows and agrees it needs to be done. The answer lies in one thing – the political will and courage to take an action that has enormous political ramifications and may affect millions directly and indirectly, supposedly in terms of government jobs and the quality of services the government provides.   The current administration acknowledged this inverse relationship between the ballooning size of government and economic growth. Hence, at various times, the president had promised to streamline the size of government ministries, departments, and agencies. The president made several consequential statements to address the challenge of the unsustainable size and cost of government. The most applauded was his commitment to implementing the Steve Oronsaye  report on mergers and streamlining of government agencies. This column dealt with the issue in a piece titled “High Cost of Government, Low Outcome“. In that piece, it was my argument then as it is now that “I acknowledge as a fact that a US-type presidential system tends to be big by constitutional requirements. And in a country where the government is both an industry and a social welfare institution, the tendency for big expansive government is high”.

Nearly a year later, the government is clearly in a dilemma. Instead of streamlining  the size of government, we are likely to see MDAs increase by the end of the year. In the past six months, the National Assembly has initiated bills to create more than two dozen new agencies and institutions. According to Order Paper, a parliament watchdog publication, under its Oronsaye Report Tracker project, 25 establishment bills have been passed since the presidential proclamation. Most recently,  President Bola Tinubu signed the Acts establishing the Southeast and North-West Development Commissions into law. Mr President also announced the creation of the Ministry of Livestock Development, the 49th Federal Ministry. The presidential think tank suggests that the Ministry of Livestock is the silver bullet that will solve the perennial farmer-herder conflict, assuming that the Ministry of Agriculture is not fit-for-purpose agency to manage such. 

Several new agencies and commissions have already been established between the Buhari administration’s last days and the Tinubu administration’s promise to implement the Oronsaye report. Some of such institutions are the Nigeria Data Protection Commission, the National Social Investment Programme, and the National Senior Secondary Education Commission. It appears that this is an unending exercise. The bourgeoning of government ministries and agencies paints a picture of desperation and a government throwing everything it has at solving intractable socio-economic challenges or improving standards, but in reality, it is adding to the problem of an over-bloated government without the efficiency needed to deliver on the ethos of a public-private partnership model for economic growth.

It is evident that the government urgently needs a comprehensive plan to refocus its desire to manage interests and its responsibility to right size/streamline the size of MDAs or its twin;cut the cost of governance. The consequences of inaction will be appalling. What is the effect of increasing the size of government and, by implication, the cost of governance at a time of national economic distress? At a time when the debt profile is at an all-time high, inflation is taking a toll and debt servicing cost expenditure accounts for a greater percentage of our spending. Expanding the government’s footprint during economic distress can significantly hamper economic growth, widen our debt profile crisis since we often borrow to fund recurrent expenditures, worsen inflation, kill private enterprise, and affect the most vulnerable among us.

Unarguably, a combination of a large, bloated government in a third-world country and inefficient public service is an inhibitor of economic growth. One can argue that size is not necessarily an indicator of efficiency, productivity, and quality of service. It is sometimes better to professionalise the civil service, increase their value addition through innovation and technology, and proper human resource management. The government needs to take a step back and appreciate that despite its best intentions, the perception and signaling it provides does not engender or promote the commitment required to solve citizen’s present and future challenges; and as such should take deliberate steps to create an enabling economic environment that will enhance the private sector’s ability to create jobs and absolve any possible loss of jobs that may  result from the streamlining of government MDAs. 

Today’s technological advancements, even locally, has made it easier to rely on e-governance technology to provide seamless services in government to government, government to business, and government to citizens. Some state governments are at the foundational level of setting up e-governance to improve their services. Edo  and Akwa Ibom states in the south-south, Enugu and Ebonyi in the southeast are creating the architecture for this. The future is e-governance. It is inevitable. So, the earlier we adopt, adapt and refocus the civil service towards being service-oriented and not job creation-oriented, the better it will be for the efficient government running.   

Big and small governments have their relative advantages and disadvantages, but the multiplicity of MDAs with overlapping responsibilities serves no purpose other than to drain scarce resources. It simply reduces government services to social security rather than productive labour. The greatest challenge of a multiplicity of MDAs that are also inefficient is that they stifle the spirit of entrepreneurship and innovation, encourage waste, promote corruption, mediocrity, and politics triumph over national interest. Even much more fundamental than the multiplicity of MDAs or cost of governance is the impact of the misalignment of governments’ words and actions. It does irreparable damage to public trust.

This administration’s multiplicity of government MDAs, as well as the size and cost of governance, is best understood by correlating its words with the actions that follow. When used as an instrument of popular appeal, words could mean something different in politics and public life from their ordinary literal meaning. It is action that builds trust and credibility. It is time the government stuck with its goal of adopting or adapting the Oronsaye  report on streamlining the MDAs to achieve efficiency, save cost, create policy consistency and build public trust. Nigeria is in a difficult place now, and businesses and citizens want clarity of policies and direction. Even the  MDAs and civil service need clarity and a roadmap for the future. I recommend that the government comes out clearly and tell Nigerians where they are on this issue of the ideology, purpose and size of government. The government’s words must match their actions.