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When white smoke curled into the Roman sky and the world learned that the College of Cardinals had elected Robert Francis Cardinal Prevost, Pope Leo XIV—an American—it was met with mixed emotions across Africa. For many, particularly in Nigeria, it stirred a sense of cautious hope layered with curiosity. However, it also raised questions about whether a pontiff shaped by the wealth, power, and contradictions of the United States could truly understand the depth of Nigeria’s struggles and the weight of its aspirations. Could he effectively address the wounds of a country still healing from centuries of colonisation, exploitation, and spiritual marginalisation?

Yet as days passed and the new Pope began to speak—not in abstractions, but in words charged with moral clarity and historical awareness—Nigerian Catholics began to feel a surprising resonance.  Nigeria  with the second largest population of Catholic population in Africa  is home to significant church influence. From rural churches in Ebonyi to urban dioceses in Lagos and Kano, conversations shifted. What started as distant interest has evolved into an emerging conviction: that Pope Leo XIV might be the global moral voice Africa, and Nigeria in particular, has long yearned for—not because he is perfect, but because he appears willing to listen, learn, and lead with compassion.

The emergence of an American Pope now could mean a lot for global Christianity. It is coming at a time of great moral possibilities for a world in active realignment. Can democracy go awry while morality remains intact? Can an American political leader destabilize the world order while an American pope preaches unity and peace? Pope Leo XIV has a heavy moral burden. He can only discharge it by emulating Pope Francis, by drawing closer to the masses to emphasize our common humanity over and above the clashing swords of global big powers and political showmanship.

Sister Benedicta Okeke of Onitsha captured this shift in a post-mass conversation: “You can’t imagine how healing it is to hear a pope acknowledge colonialism not as a thing of the past but as a system whose aftershocks still affect our people. When he said, ‘Africa’s poverty is not a divine mystery but a human-made injustice,’ I wept. For once, our pain was not dismissed as charity fodder. It was treated as a matter of justice.” Recalling Leo XIV’s inaugural homily in which he condemned “the old and new empires that bleed the global South,” her words distilled decades of frustration among believers who have watched multinational corporations extract resources. At the same time, local communities remain poor. In that moment, she said, “our wounds were not invisible anymore.”

Nigeria is home to a significant proportion of the world’s poorest populations. A pope who places the poor at the centre of his teachings reaffirms the Church’s mission of compassion and solidarity. Pope Leo XIV’s unwavering focus on social equity and economic justice will resonate deeply in Nigeria, where poverty, inequality, and limited access to healthcare and education persist. His leadership could redirect global Catholic aid priorities towards Africa, inspiring international donors and Catholic organisations to intensify their commitments to humanitarian efforts. His voice could also encourage local Catholic communities to build stronger, self-sustaining social ministries that reflect the Church’s preferential care for the marginalised, instilling a sense of inspiration and motivation in believers nationwide.

The new Pope’s empathy for migrants struck another chord. His bold defence of migrant rights, a stance that has reverberated among Nigerian migrants worldwide, is a testament to his global perspective. In a modest flat in Milan, Chidozie Umeh shared a message with his local parish group: “The Pope’s bold defence of migrants made me feel visible for the first time in many years. When he said ‘no human being is illegal,’ it wasn’t just a slogan—it was a lifeline.” For thousands of Nigerians enduring racism, statelessness, and institutional neglect in Europe and North Africa, the Pope’s stance is more than symbolic. It is a form of pastoral advocacy that they rarely receive from their home or host governments. For Nigerians navigating uncertain legal status in Europe or the Middle East, Leo XIV’s stark defence of migrant rights is surely a lifeline.

But the promise of Leo XIV’s papacy is not confined to words. Its echoes are beginning to shape the ground realities of faith communities across Nigeria. In Enugu, some Catholic faithfuls have begun mobilising funds for mobile health clinics in underserved communities. The Pope’s emphasis on structural justice—not just acts of mercy—has pushed them to reimagine healthcare as a right, not a luxury. Similar ripples are felt in Jos, where some youth leaders recently mobilise agricultural  cooperatives: They’re starting a community farm project because the Pope reminds them that the Eucharist must extend beyond the altar, and charity begins in the parish.For these Catholics, papal words are seeds that must germinate in local initiatives.

A broader theological implication of this papacy is its impact on representation and hope. For many Nigerians, the election of an American pope signals that the papacy is no longer a preserve of European tradition. If a man from the United States can lead the Church, then perhaps Africa’s turn is not far, and this is no longer a distant dream. It is a possibility. The notion of a future African pope—once whispered in seminaries as wishful thinking—is now discussed with cautious realism.

And it’s not only about leadership at the top. This new papacy concerns cultural legitimacy. Our liturgy—our drums, our dance, our call-and-response chants—have always been considered secondary, something to be tolerated. But now, the Pope himself has said African worship is not an imitation of Catholicism; it is Catholicism. Diversity is no longer a concession; it is the soundtrack of Catholic universality. It is a testament to the Church’s recognition of its global congregation’s richness and diversity.

The most pressing issues Pope Leo XIV has thrust into the spotlight are Christian institutions’ credibility, accountability and transparency. Nigeria is no stranger to ecclesiastical scandals, financial opacity, and misplaced priorities. But now, voices within the Church are rising with renewed confidence. Leo XIV’s insistence on public diocesan audits should reverberate in Nigeria, where some parishes keep opaque books. The Pope’s zero-tolerance stance emboldens Nigerians to ask hard questions of bishops. In a country where corruption routinely hollows out institutions, a transparent Church could model the good governance the state so often lacks.

This sense of empowerment extends into diplomacy and development, where the Pope’s background as an American could prove strategically beneficial. If this Pope speaks directly to U.S. lawmakers about ethical foreign policy, it could change how aid is delivered and how conflicts are addressed. He understands both African suffering and American power. The hope is that he could serve as a moral interpreter between Africa and the West—a bridge with a conscience.

Leo XIV’s personal familiarity with Africa deepens these hopes. Nigerians still recall the Pope’s past visits to Jos and other cities. We feel he understands our reality, which means he can interpret our needs to audiences in Washington and Rome alike. That bridge-building potential implies that the pontiff could unlock U.S. philanthropic networks for dialogue programmes across Nigeria’s religious fault lines.

That potential is especially resonant in economic and environmental justice circles. If Pope Leo XIV addresses debt injustice or the exploitative structure of global trade, Washington will not ignore him. He’s not just a theologian. He’s an insider with prophetic courage. In the oil-polluted communities of the Niger Delta, some activists assumes that when the Pope shines the papal spotlight on our creeks, maybe then the oil giants will remember we are people, not just pipelines. The notion that a spiritual leader could steer profit-driven decisions may seem utopian, yet history is full of encyclicals that nudged governments toward unexpected reforms.

However, the Pope’s impact on domestic reform may be most transformative. Inspired by his message, parishioners in Yola’s St Theresa’s Church recently drafted an open letter urging their governor to publish a transparent and people-focused budget. In southern Kaduna, where violence has claimed countless lives, Father John Yakubu confessed: “This Pope challenges us priests to leave our comfort zones. We are called not only to preach, but to walk beside victims—to be visible where pain is present.” When moral authority radiates downward through the ecclesial chain, it can animate laity and clergy alike to confront entrenched dangers.

All these voices converge on a single conviction: the Church’s relevance in Africa will depend on how deeply it listens to Africa. An American pope who learned compassion amid his nation’s contradictions may be uniquely positioned to foster that listening. He stands at the confluence of Washington’s power, Rome’s tradition, and Africa’s youthful dynamism. If he can channel those currents into a river of justice, he will do more than make history—he will help heal it.

For now, Nigerians keep watch, balancing hope with realism. They know that papal exhortations do not automatically translate into legislative victories, access to education, healthcare or clean water taps. But they also know that culture often shifts on the hinge of imagination, and Leo XIV has already widened that imaginative horizon. As youth leader Blessing Iyorah stood in her cassava field outside Jos, she captured this new spirit best: “Faith isn’t an escape plan. It’s a construction manual. The Pope has given us blueprints. Now we must build the kingdom—right here, right now, with our own hands.” And in that soil, under the sun of central Nigeria —amid prayer, planning, and prophetic courage—the significance of an American pope for Nigeria might be taking root.

The National Judicial Council (NJC) recently made a significant move that may reshape the future of judicial appointments in Nigeria. For the first time in a long while, the NJC invited members of the public to comment on the suitability or otherwise of candidates shortlisted for appointment into various judicial offices across the country. This new openness in the recruitment process deserves commendation and, if sustained and properly managed, may herald a new era of transparency, public trust, and judicial accountability.

This commendable initiative aligns with global best practices. In developed democracies, judicial appointments are not cloaked in secrecy. Instead, they involve wide-ranging consultations, including public hearings, where interested citizens and stakeholders contribute insights or raise concerns about the integrity, competence, and past records of potential judicial officers. This is because the judiciary is not just a branch of government; it is the final arbiter of justice and custodian of the rule of law. Judges must, therefore, not only be competent but be seen by the public to be above board in character and impartiality.

By allowing the public to contribute to the vetting of judges, the NJC has shown its willingness to deepen democratic participation and rebuild public confidence on the bench. This is especially crucial in a country like Nigeria, where the judiciary has faced intense criticism, some justified, others frivolous. Giving citizens a voice in the selection of judges ensures that appointees are not only well-qualified in law but also known to be men and women of integrity by the communities they serve.

However, for this laudable process to achieve its desired objective, certain safeguards must be put in place. First, the process must be transparently conducted and brought to a logical conclusion. Where public objections are raised against a nominee, the grounds should be properly investigated, and the outcome is made public. Where allegations are found to be baseless, the candidate’s name must be cleared and protected from reputational harm. Equally, if the concerns are valid, the candidate must be disqualified, and the appointing authorities should be bold enough to uphold merit over sentiment.

Second, there must be accountability for those who abuse the process. The NJC rightly requires that any petition or objection be supported by a sworn affidavit. This is a wise step. Those who deliberately peddle falsehoods or file frivolous petitions against judicial nominees must be held accountable through perjury charges. 

The process of cleaning and strengthening the judiciary should not be hijacked by mischief-makers or used as a tool for vendettas. Public participation must go hand-in-hand with responsibility.

In conclusion, the NJC’s decision to open up the judicial appointment process to public scrutiny is a progressive move that deserves widespread applause. It shows a readiness to embrace transparency and to allow the people who are the ultimate beneficiaries of justice to have a say in who sits in judgment over them. We believe that this will not be a one-off gesture. Let it evolve into a permanent feature of our judicial system, supported by fairness, transparency, and discipline. The judiciary stands to gain, and so does the entire Nigerian state.

In this instance, the people and the system are announced as the winners.

 

Dr. Monday O. Ubani, SAN is a legal practitioner and public affairs analyst.

The election of Cardinal Robert Prevost as the 267th Pope started with the comical. Days before his election on Thursday May 8, United States President Donald Trump roused a lot of criticism across the world after he posted an AI-generated image of himself as the Pope. The image which the President posted penultimate Friday features him wearing a traditional bishop’s attire: a white cassock and pointed mitre, and a large cross around his neck.

Coming curiously as Catholics were still mourning the passing of the much-loved Pope Francis, who died on 21 April, and in the thick of preparations for the solemn Conclave to choose a successor, many did not see the joke that Trump was trying to pass on. It was a rude distraction; as amusing as it was offensive to believers of the Christian faith. Particularly, the New York State Catholic Conference openly accused Trump of mocking the faith.

Less than a week later, after the mantle of leadership of the Catholic church fell on Cardinal Prevost, it was tempting to look back at Trump’s ‘silly joke’ and juxtapose it against the pure coincidence of his emergence as indeed, the first pontiff born in the United States. The 69-year-old Pope was born in Chicago but his place of birth is insignificant compared to his global mission, where he leads the flock of over 1.4 billion Catholics.

Pope Leo XIV

He has assumed the name Pope Leo XIV and is expected to build on Pope Francis’ reforms, especially his concerns for peace and social justice. His first remarks from the balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica centred on peace and for a church that is engaged with the modern world. Last Friday in the Sistine Chapel, he officiated his first Mass as pope, laying out his direction in his first homily where he spoke about peace and justice and renewed commitment to the Gospel. In the mass attended by the other 132 cardinals who chose him on the second day of the conclave, he pledged to work for a united church and appealed to them to humble themselves in the manner of Christ. These give clear indications of where his priorities lie.

For a man who spent much of his career as a missionary, his election has prompted an outpouring of optimism across the globe as world leaders show eagerness to work with him in finding solutions on global issues. His commitment to be a faithful administrator of the church will not just be in keeping faith with the direction of his predecessor but also an effort to unite the church towards its key purpose.

Originally from Chicago, he has spent most of his career as a missionary in Peru and has dual Peruvian nationality. He became a cardinal only in 2023. Considered a centrist, he was a strong backer of Francis’ 12-year papacy, especially his devotion to social justice issues; however, he is not seen as open to the LGBTQ+ community the way Francis was.

Late Pope Francis is remembered for key priorities that shaped his papacy: care for the marginalized, environmental responsibility, and reform within the Church. He consistently called on Catholics to return to the heart of the Gospel, which he believed involved serving the poor, protecting the Earth, and renewing the Church’s structures to better reflect compassion and humility. These concerns placed him in strong moral dialogue with the world and within the Church itself.

Pope Francis’s emphasis on caring for the poor and the excluded was central to his mission as he consistently sided with migrants, refugees, and victims of economic injustice. This same concern is shared by the current Pope Leo, whose recent statements have emphasized fairness and the Church’s duty to uplift the forgotten. Pope Leo has spoken about inclusive development, echoing Francis’s belief that true progress must center around human dignity and the people’s welfare, and advocating for a more synodal Church that encourages deeper participation by the laity.

Though their approaches may differ in style, their shared vision for a just, merciful, and outward-looking Church remains clear. Circumstances have also changed, as Pope Leo XIV comes at a period of great strife across the globe, with wars in Europe between Russia and Ukraine; in the Middle East between Israel and some Arab nations and in Asia between India and Pakistan. As the world welcomes the new pontiff, expectations are high that the present Pope will reflect, advance, and possibly expand the legacy of Pope Francis by continuing to prioritize the search for peace, compassion for the marginalized and deeper reform in the church.

This article was first published in Sunday New Telegraph on Sunday, 11th May, 2025.

As the world marks the 2025 International Nurses Day, the World Health Organisation (WHO) has revealed that 42 per cent of nurses in Africa report an intention to emigrate.

In a message to commemorate the day, the Acting WHO Regional Director for Africa, Chikwe Ihekweazu, warns that this “alarming trend” could further drain the continent’s already fragile health systems.

Mr Ihekweazu said this year’s theme, “Our Nurses. Our Future. Caring for Nurses Strengthens Health Systems and Economies,” reinforces the need for better support and investment in the nursing profession.

“Nurses are the backbone of our health systems. Yet nearly half of them are looking to leave, drawn by better pay, safer environments, and clear career pathways in wealthier nations. This has far-reaching implications for access to care and health equity,” he said.

The warning comes as Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, continues to struggle with its health workforce crisis. Thousands of Nigerian nurses and other health workers have migrated abroad for better working conditions.

In 2024, the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria (NMCN) revealed that over 15,000 Nigerian nurses obtained verification to work abroad between 2021 and 2023.

 
PREMIUM TIMES has reported extensively on how hospitals across the country are grappling with staff shortages, leading to longer wait times and reduced quality of care for patients.

Nursing workforce

Mr Ihekweazu cited the latest State of the World’s Nursing Report 2025, which revealed that the global nursing workforce has grown to 29.8 million, up from about 28 million in 2018.

The report revealed that nearly 80 per cent of nurses serve only 49 per cent of the world’s population.

In Africa, nurses make up nearly 70 per cent of Africa’s health workforce, yet the region still has one of the lowest nurse-to-population ratios in the world.

Despite recent progress, including a near doubling of the nursing workforce from 900,000 in 2018 to 1.7 million in 2023, Africa still has one of the lowest nurse-to-population ratios in the world.

At 14.1 nurses per 100,000 people, the region lags far behind high-income countries.

The report also revealed that nurses account for 66% of the region’s projected shortfall of 6.1 million health workers by 2030.

“This shortage limits access to essential services, from maternal and child health to chronic disease care, and slows progress towards universal health coverage,” Mr Ihekweazu stated.

“At the same time, while 43 per cent of our nursing workforce is under the age of 35, many lack access to mentorship or clear career pathways.

“High-income countries are actively recruiting from lower-income settings. In some cases, foreign-born nurses now make up nearly a quarter of the workforce in those countries, draining talent from where it is needed most.”

Interventions

The WHO also highlights a gender dimension: women make up 85 per cent of nurses, yet still face a seven per cent pay gap and limited leadership opportunities.

Following the adoption of the Africa Health Workforce Investment Charter in 2024, nations like Zimbabwe are crafting Investment Compacts that align with local realities.

Zimbabwe alone is set to mobilise $166 million annually over three years to strengthen its health workforce.

WHO is urging governments to prioritise five steps: expand education and training, strengthen regulation, create advanced practice roles, improve pay and mental health support, and invest in leadership.

About International Nurses Day

International Nurses Day is observed annually around the world on 12 May to mark nurses’ contributions to society.

In 1974, 12 May was chosen to celebrate the day as it is the anniversary of the birth of Florence Nightingale, the founder of modern nursing.

[Premium Times]

Two dispatch riders lost their lives Sunday morning following a crash involving two fully loaded Mack trucks, identified by registration numbers T-10357 LA, and KJA 107 XM on the Eko bridge inward Alaka corridor.

According to Adebayo Taofiq, director, public affairs and enlightenment department of LASTMA, preliminary findings suggest that the driver of one of the articulated trucks, reportedly driving at an excessive speed while allegedly dozing off, lost control of the vehicle. The truck then careened into another moving truck ahead of it, triggering a violent impact.

Taofiq said that this catastrophic collision led to the dislodgement of a 20-foot container from one of the trucks, which subsequently crushed two unsuspecting dispatch riders who were navigating the route at the time.

“Both victims were confirmed dead at the scene,” he said.

Swift and coordinated response from Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA) Officers, who were on routine traffic monitoring duty beneath the Eko Bridge, ensured the immediate rescue of one severely injured truck driver.

 

He was promptly transported to a nearby hospital in a Lagos State Government ambulance for urgent medical attention.

However, the remaining two truck drivers absconded from the scene, presumably out of fear of the grim aftermath.

 

To forestall further incidents and safeguard other road users, LASTMA personnel immediately cordoned off the affected stretch of the bridge and redirected vehicular traffic through the Coastain Roundabout inward Alaka en route to Stadium.

Olalekan Bakare-Oki, general manager of LASTMA, in his message of condolence to the bereaved families, expressed deep sorrow over the loss of innocent lives.

Bakare-Oki reiterated the critical importance of responsible driving, particularly for operators of articulated vehicles.

He urged all drivers to exercise utmost caution, maintain full alertness, and ensure their vehicles are roadworthy before commencing any journey.

He further emphasised the agency’s ongoing, robust public enlightenment campaigns aimed at instilling safety consciousness among drivers, especially those operating heavy-duty vehicles.

“Investigations are currently underway to trace and apprehend the fleeing drivers involved in the fatal crash,” Taofiq noted.

Other emergency responders at the scene of the accident are the Lagos State Emergency Management Agency (LASEMA), Lagos State Fire and Rescue Services, Lagos Neighbourhood Safety Corps (LSNSC), State Environmental Health Monitoring Unit (SEHMU) and Police man from Iporin Division of the State.

[BusinessDay]

Fitch Ratings has upgraded Cross River State’s Long-Term Issuer Default Rating (IDR) to ‘B’ from ‘B-’, assigning a Stable Outlook.

The improved rating reflects the application of a one-notch uplift for budget loan support to the state’s unchanged Standalone Credit Profile (SCP) of ‘b-’.

This was contained in its latest assessment on its website. 

 

According to Fitch, “The upgrade reflects the application of a one-notch uplift for budget loan support to Cross River’s unchanged ‘b-‘ Standalone Credit Profile (SCP). This is allowed due to both the upgrade of Nigeria to ‘B’/Stable and Cross River’s access to intergovernmental loans, which Fitch considers junior to market and multilateral debt (leading to an enhanced payback close to 8x in our rating case scenario). The ‘b-‘ SCP also incorporates the volatile operating environment and is notched down once for asymmetric risk related to below-standard reporting for debt maturities and interest payments.” 

Revenue challenges and outlook:

Fitch noted that Cross River’s revenue base remains weak and heavily reliant on federal transfers.

Over 70% of the state’s income comes from VAT and statutory allocations dependent on oil revenue, leaving the state exposed to market volatility and federal disbursement delays, the rating agency noted.

The state’s Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) stands, according to Fitch, at just about 25% of total operating revenue, below the median of Nigerian states.

However, the state has made strides, recording an average 20% growth in IGR over the last five years.

In 2023, the IGR rose by 86% compared to 2022, and 2024 estimates suggest a further 50% year-on-year growth, the assessment stated.

Despite this progress, Fitch stressed that the state’s capacity to significantly broaden its tax base remains limited.

“Cross River’s revenue potential depends on its ability to broaden its tax base and enforce tax compliance. The state’s large informal economy, dependent on agriculture, and the low income of its population limit its ability to expand the tax base,” Fitch noted.

Debt and fiscal planning

Fitch projects that Cross River’s net Fitch-adjusted debt will rise sharply to around N800 billion, driven by a combination of increased borrowing and currency depreciation.

The state’s FX debt, which accounts for approximately 60% of adjusted debt, is expected to appreciate under a scenario where the naira weakens to between NGN1,600–1,800 per US dollar.

The projected rise in debt is also tied to the state’s ambitious capital expenditure (capex) program, which involves NGN0.5 trillion in infrastructure and development investments over the next five years.

“Cross River’s enhanced financial profile is stronger than comparable Nigerian states such as Kaduna and Kogi (B/Stable, long-term financial profile of ‘bb’) but slightly lower than Oyo (B/Stable, long-term financial profile of ‘a’),” the assessment stated.

Why this matters

This upgrade marks a significant development for Cross River State’s creditworthiness, offering increased investor confidence and better terms for accessing capital markets.

It also comes as Nigeria’s own sovereign rating was recently upgraded, influencing subnational ratings.

[Nairametrics]

Prominent Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) member, Otunba Segun Sowunmi, has firmly defended the right of former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, to pursue his presidential ambition, dismissing criticisms tied to the number of times Atiku has contested in past elections.

Atiku, who has made multiple attempts at the presidency, ran twice under the PDP platform, losing to the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidates, Muhammadu Buhari in 2019 and Bola Tinubu in 2023.

 

As the political landscape gradually shifts toward the 2027 presidential election, debate has intensified regarding Atiku’s continued interest.

 

Critics argue that the 78-year-old veteran politician should allow younger candidates to emerge. However, Sowunmi considers these arguments misplaced.

Speaking in an interview with Vanguard, Sowunmi dismissed the suggestion that Atiku should bow out of the presidential race, asserting that the decision to contest is personal and constitutionally protected.

The first thing people must understand is that a lot of suggestions, persuasion, argument, pressure, and bullies come into play in politics, but whether any human being will contest any election is purely the rights granted to them by the constitution and according to the platforms of the party,” he said.

Rather than strategising how to unseat the ruling party, Sowunmi said many Nigerians have instead focused on attempting to pressure Atiku into quitting, an effort he insists will not succeed.

So what I find a little bit curious is that instead of people to talk about how they win the or even how they’re going to win the general election they have devoted too much time into trying to bully a man that cannot be bullied. I know very well if anybody tries to bully him, you basically does only to make him more resolute in his position” the PDP chieftain added.

He emphasised that the right to contest is not only Atiku’s constitutional prerogative, but also a matter for the party structures, including zoning, as enshrined in their constitution and that of the country.

What law would you use to prevent somebody from contesting an election when we have even created laws to say anybody who wants to contest is free to contest,” Sowunmi queried.

Reflecting on Atiku’s long history in Nigerian politics, he noted that his previous attempts were part of a healthy democratic process, where individuals can pursue elective office regardless of past outcomes.

 

He has contested primary tickets in parties before that he didn’t win, and he has also contested primary tickets in parties that he has won. He contested in 1992, he didn’t get the ticket at that time in SDP.

“In 2007, he won under he won the ticket under AC, or ACN I can’t remember. In 2011, he tried to do it under the PDP, he didn’t really get the ticket. In 2015, he contested under the APC, he didn’t get the ticket. So, what I’m trying to say in essence is that, don’t let us put too much energy on depriving people of their rights,” he concluded.

[NaijaNews]

A man, convinced his wife was unfaithful, visited a village juju man for answers. The diviner demanded sand from the man’s yard for a ritual. Two weeks later, the man returned with the sample. After incantations, the juju man revealed shocking truths: the man’s children were not his, his daughter was entangled with five men, and his wife carried his brother’s child. Instead of despair, the man laughed. He confessed he’d forgotten his own soil and dug sand from the juju man’s compound. The diviner’s horrified cry—“JESUS CHRIST!”—echoed the irony: the rot was not just in one home, but in the very ground of the “healer” himself.

This allegory mirrors Kenya and Nigeria—two nations where citizens and leaders alike dig into each other’s “compounds,” blaming systemic decay on the other, only to find corruption, debt, and disillusionment are shared burdens. Their stories, separated by geography but united by post-colonial paradoxes, reveal a haunting truth: the poison is not “out there” but in the soil beneath their feet.

Kenya drives on the left, Nigeria on the right—a superficial distinction masking deeper parallels. Kenya’s British colonial legacy left a Westminster-style democracy and tea plantations; Nigeria’s amalgamation of British and French influences birthed a fractured federalism and oil dependency. Yet both nations inherited extractive institutions designed to serve foreign masters, now repurposed by local elites.

 

The traffic norms symbolize this dissonance. Kenya’s $3.2 billion Chinese-built Standard Gauge Railway, envisioned as a “path to modernity,” now bleeds $100 million annually, its debt repaid by taxing diapers and schoolbooks. Nigeria’s 4,000km coastal highway project, launched with fanfare in 2023, has displaced thousands while contractors vanish with advance payments. Citizens in both countries navigate potholed roads, literal and metaphorical, as leaders prioritize vanity projects over functional infrastructure.

Kenya’s debt-to-GDP ratio nears 70%, with Chinese loans consuming 67% of revenue. Nigeria’s $130 billion debt drowns its $24 billion oil earnings. Both nations now sacrifice education and healthcare to service obligations. Kenya spends $5 billion yearly on debt repayment—triple its health budget. Nigeria allocates 97% of 2023 revenue to debt servicing, leaving 3% for 220 million people.

The bitter irony? These loans, sold as “development,” vanish into private vaults. Kenya’s Eurobond scandals saw $4 billion disappear into offshore accounts. Nigeria recycled the Abacha loot recovery ($505 million) into another scam: officials repackaged repatriated funds as “infrastructure investments,” only to re-loot them. As a Lagos trader lamented, “Our leaders eat today, tomorrow, and the day after—while we starve in eternal yesterday.”

 

Kenya’s William Ruto and Nigeria’s Bola Tinubu rose to power on populist promises. Ruto, a self-styled “hustler,” vowed to uplift the poor but imposed taxes on bread and smartphones, sparking Gen-Z protests under #RejectFinanceBill2024. Tinubu, a former activist, canceled petrol subsidies without warning, spiking inflation to 33% and earning the nickname “Agbado” (a Yoruba term mocking his out-of-touch elitism).

Both leaders preach austerity while legislators feast. Kenyan MPs earn $12,000 monthly—52 times the minimum wage—and Nigeria’s Senate president with public funds has an entourage that will take you to heaven. Ruto’s allies face graft probes over $15 million fertilizer subsidies; Tinubu’s cabinet includes ministers indicted for embezzlement. The message is clear: politics is a buffet, not public service.

Corruption isn’t incidental—it’s systemic. Kenya’s Goldenberg scandal (1990s) saw $1 billion stolen via fake gold exports. Anglo-Leasing (2000s) siphoned $800 million through phantom security contracts. Nigeria’s NNPC became a kleptocratic hydra: $20 billion vanished under former Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, while “subsidy cabals” invoice the state for fuel never delivered.

 

Citizens enable this decay. Kenyan police extort $200 million annually at roadblocks; Nigerian officials demand bribes for birth certificates. A Lagos businessman shrugged: “If I don’t pay, someone else will. The system eats everyone.”

Kenya’s median age is 20, Nigeria’s 18—demographics that could catalyze renewal or chaos. Kenya’s #RejectFinanceBill2024 protests, led by Gen Zs on TikTok, forced Ruto to scrap the bill. Nigeria’s #EndSARS movement (2020) saw youths dismantle police brutality networks, only to be crushed by state violence.

Yet disillusionment festers. Kenya’s 5% unemployment masks underemployment: graduates hawk trinkets in Nairobi’s Kibera slum. Nigeria’s 33% jobless rate fuels exodus—75% of medical interns plan to emigrate. Those who stay join gangs or extremists: Kenya’s Al-Shabaab recruits in coastal poverty; Nigeria’s bandit warlords rule forests, taxing villages and kidnapping students.

 

Insecurity binds both nations. Kenya’s 2013 Westgate Mall attack (67 dead) and Nigeria’s Chibok girls abduction (276 kidnapped) are symbols of state failure. Bandits kill 5,000 Nigerians yearly; Kenya’s cattle rustling escalates into ethnic massacres. Security budgets vanish: Nigeria’s ex-army chief Tukur Buratai allegedly stole $2.2 billion meant for weapons, while Kenya’s police chief lives in a $12 million mansion amid cop barracks infested with rats.

The parable’s conclusion—that rot permeates the healer’s own soil—poses a question: Can poisoned systems be redeemed? Kenya’s tech innovators (e.g., M-Pesa) and Nigeria’s cultural power (Afrobeats, Nollywood) hint at dormant potential. But transformation requires digging up entrenched rot.

Kenya must confront land grabs by political dynasties and audit Chinese debt. Nigeria needs to dismantle oil mafias and invest in renewables. Citizens must reject tribal politics: Kenya’s ethnic voting birthed post-election violence in 2007; Nigeria’s North-South divide fuels marginalization.

 

As the juju man screamed for divine intervention, so must these nations. The road ahead demands more than switching driving sides—it requires accountability at all levels. Kenya’s youth must channel digital prowess into governance; Nigeria’s creatives should weaponize art for activism.

The man’s laughter—a mix of irony and despair—echoes from Nairobi’s Mathare slum to Lagos’s Makoko floating village. It asks: Will we keep digging in each other’s yards, or till our own soil? Until then, the wheels spin, the debts mount, and the future hangs on a question only time can answer.

Values play a significant role when adopting learning approaches by individuals during their studies. Values are the baseline of the ethical compass and regulate people’s daily behavior. Values establish the ultimate goals one has to achieve and how to get them. Values guide every decision-making process. Values help someone define what is proper, correct, important, beautiful, worthwhile, or desirable.

In essence, the “Results that Exposed our Values” can be interpreted in a few ways, all pointing to how our values are revealed through the outcomes of our actions and experiences. These outcomes can be in our academics, personal, professional, or even societal, and they can be positive or negative. Ultimately, they highlight the importance of our values in shaping how we live and interact with the world.

Unwittingly, the manifestation of our values is seen in our actions, behaviors, and attitudes. It’s also reflected in how we cherish or admire certain values, and in the principles and standards that guide our interactions with others, both individually and within society. Values are manifested in society by the collective actions of people in society.

 

Essentially, one of the things that plague our society is false value; there are numerous moralistic fault-finders with tremendously laughable superiority complexes based off defeatist attitudes of exalting existing in one’s exploitation or weakness, and parasitic proselytization of communal values.

Following from the above, the recently released JAMB results have generated a lot of hullabaloo for the simple reason that failure is staring us in the face. We are crying wolf where there’s none, because the unfolding scenario is long expected. More than 1.5 million candidates representing about 78 per cent- who sat for the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) scored below 200 out of the 400 obtainable points.

For the avoidance of doubt, this monumental failure in JAMB examinations can be attributed to a combination of factors, including inadequate preparation, poor time management, lack of familiarity with the exam format, and exam anxiety. Technical issues during the exam, such as computer glitches, may have also contributed to lower scores. Additionally, some students may choose to pursue education abroad or in private universities, potentially leading to a calculated failure in the UTME.

 

In reality however, the previous year 2024 was slightly better. According to the JAMB Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, 1,402,490 candidates scored below 200 out of the possible 400 marks. That is a whopping 76 percent of the candidates not scoring up to 50 percent of the marks. It has thus become an annual ritual, for the nation to be regaled with the record of performances of candidates who have been compelled to undertake a national examination in order to qualify to be admitted to study in a university.

The million-dollar question:

As parents; school teachers, school owners, examiners, invigilator and the larger society. Where did we get it wrong? Did we all failed?

 

Let’s examine how we got to this point:

• Is it the deterioration in adequate nutritional balance critical for cognitive capabilities of students?

• Is it the issue of underfunded schools which shows in the structures until roofs caved in.?

 

• Is it that of hungry and unqualified teachers in our schools?

• Is it that of unsuitable policies in our system?

• So, the critical questions arises, it should spark national conversation. Is this how we are going to raised “tomorrow’s leaders”?

 

• This is certainly our collective faults if in some years to come our children becomes the engineer who builds collapsing bridges; the doctor who kills patients and the leader who embezzled billions. Definitely, this is not the future we envisioned.

We all need to accept responsibility and act with intention. This is a timely reminder that transforming EDUCATION is not just about policy—it’s about people, purpose, and shared values.

Conclusively, it is worrisome, this is the time to revisit and mitigate the potential failure as we key into the benefits of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR). It is important to begin by prioritizing the aspect of Technical and vocational Education and Training (TVET), which is crucial to the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) as it equips individuals with the practical skills, lifelong learning and knowledge which could become the game-changer and rebuild trust in our education system and prepare our youths for a future with opportunity and innovation. Specifically, ‘TVET’ plays a key role in providing a workforce with the right competencies for the 4IR, in this era of global industrialization.

 

Finally, as we jointly confront the failed system, the critical question that arises should become our focus instead of rallying on paper qualifications over and above skill development. Because there’s a complex relationship between educational outcomes and the values that shape our society. Therefore, the 2025 JAMB results are more than just statistics—they serve as a mirror reflecting broader systemic issues, ethical dilemmas and social attitudes.

There is no denying the fact that Minister Nyesom Wike is a man of strong opinions and commanding presence. But his recent assertion that anyone who criticizes President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration for non-performance is “blind” reeks of insensitivity, arrogance, and sheer political elitism. It is even more insulting when such a declaration is made from the comfort of his privileged position as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), a role that has obviously placed him within the inner corridors of presidential largesse.

Let us be blunt: Wike is not in a position to dictate how over 200 million Nigerians should feel or speak about the hardship they are enduring. That he is benefitting handsomely from his ministerial appointment does not mean the average Nigerian is experiencing the same “first-class” comfort. It is easy for a man cruising in a bulletproof convoy, signing off multi-billion naira infrastructure contracts, and posing for cameras at commissioning ceremonies to sing praises of a government many see as failing them. But Wike must remember, Nigerians do not eat flyovers, cook streetlights, or spend interchanges in the market.

Given the minister’s vituperations in this context, it is not an exaggeration to opine that there is a disconnect between the elites and the masses.  The foregoing view can be understood by dissecting Wike’s remark with brutal honesty. He said, “Mr President has given first-class infrastructure to Abuja. All of you can attest to the fact that indeed, Abuja has changed… I don’t see why anybody would say that Mr. President has not done well, except that you are just blind.”

 

This is not just a tone-deaf statement; it is deeply offensive. It dismisses the lived experiences of millions of Nigerians who have seen their lives spiral into deeper poverty since May 29, 2023. These are not blind people, they are battered people. Nigerians are seeing clearly, and what they see is not infrastructure, they see hunger, joblessness, inflation, insecurity, and hopelessness.

Wike’s gleeful emphasis on Abuja’s shiny new roads and interchanges is insulting when the average Nigerian cannot afford a bag of rice, cannot fuel their car, cannot pay their children’s school fees, and cannot even afford a simple medical bill. Wike is speaking from the rarefied air of political power, but he forgets that the air down here is choking many Nigerians with economic despair.

Let us be clear, no rational Nigerian will argue against infrastructural development. Roads, bridges, water supply, and public buildings are necessary components of national development. However, they are long-term assets that must complement immediate, people-centered policies aimed at alleviating hardship. Building a 10-lane expressway in Abuja while citizens are unable to afford garri in Gboko or onions in Onitsha is not democracy, it is misalignment of priorities.

 

Wike, like many of his peers, falls into the trap of measuring governance solely by physical infrastructure. But governance is more than concrete and asphalt, it is about the daily quality of life of the people. If infrastructure is booming but hunger is also booming, then something is terribly wrong.

What good is a new interchange in Gishiri to a family that has not had electricity for weeks in Kaduna? What impact does the International Conference Centre renovation have on a trader in Aba who is drowning in debt due to forex instability? And how do the residents of Osogbo benefit from Wike’s much-celebrated water projects in Abuja? These are the uncomfortable questions Wike and the ruling elite refuse to engage with.

One of the greatest red flags of any administration is when its officials begin to attack or gaslight citizens for expressing their pain. Wike calling critics “blind” because they do not see Abuja’s transformation is not just contemptuous, it is dangerous. In a democracy, people have the right to speak, to protest, and to disagree with those in power.

 

Is Wike suggesting that suffering Nigerians should keep quiet simply because some roads are being built in the capital? Is he telling market women, struggling artisans, underpaid civil servants, and jobless graduates that their voices do not matter? Is this what he thinks governance is, a one-way show of praise and silence?

By calling dissenters “blind,” Wike has taken a page out of the playbook of autocrats who suppress criticism rather than addressing it. But Nigeria is not a monarchy, and he is not the emperor of Abuja. Nigerians will speak, because they are hungry, angry, and disillusioned. And no amount of paint on Abuja’s curbsides will silence them.

Wike must understand that his privileged access to national wealth does not reflect the reality of ordinary Nigerians. He may wake up to a breakfast of imported croissants and government-sponsored convenience, but many Nigerians wake up not knowing where their next meal will come from.

 

He may commission projects with fanfare and brag about “dividends of democracy,” but in towns and villages across the country, people are asking why fuel is nearly ₦900 per liter. They are asking why the naira is losing value like a leaking basket. They are asking why the minimum wage still stands at ₦70,000 while a bag of rice is almost ₦80,000.

If this is what Wike calls good governance, then perhaps he needs a refresher course in public administration. The dividends of democracy are not meant to be limited to the capital city or to those who have political appointments, they are meant to be felt by the security guard in Warri, the teacher in Sokoto, the seamstress in Ilorin, and the farmer in Otukpo.

Wike’s arrogant reference to “blindness” must also be addressed. Nigerians are not blind. In fact, their eyes are wide open. They see the corruption. They see the misplaced priorities. They see the opulence of those in power. They see the hardship that deepens by the day. If anything, it is the government and its cronies that have chosen to be blind, to the pain of the people, to the hunger on the streets, and to the cries of the forgotten.

 

So let us turn the tables: who is truly blind here? The man who speaks truth to power from the trenches of poverty, or the man who lives in luxury and mocks the poor for not praising their tormentors?

Minister Wike must be reminded that his duty is to serve, not to scold. He is not a king, and Nigerians are not his subjects. The people have every right to criticize Tinubu’s government if they feel it is underperforming. And so far, the only “first-class” experience the average Nigerian has had in the last one year is first-class suffering.

Let Wike continue to unveil his interchanges and commission his roads, but let him do so with humility and a sense of perspective. Nigerians are not asking for too much. They want food, stable electricity, healthcare, jobs, and security. If the government cannot provide these, then no amount of painted curbsides in Abuja will make it right.

 

In the end, leadership is not about silencing criticism with insults. It is about listening, responding, and improving. Wike should allow Nigerians to express themselves. After all, we do not cook infrastructure, we do not eat flyovers, and we certainly do not need lectures on what we can and cannot see. We are seeing clearly, and what we see is that Nigeria needs more than just ribbon-cutting ceremonies.

And if Wike still insists on accusing the people of being blind, he should remember: the blind may not see, but they can feel, and right now, Nigerians are feeling nothing but pain.

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