Around May 26, 2020, the police in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) announced that Raphael Yanyi, a senior judge, “had suffered a suspected heart attack” leading to his death. The ministry of justice quickly clarified, however, that the remains of the judge “did not exhibit any toxic substances.” Following an autopsy, justice minister, Celestin Tunda Ya Kasende, disclosed that Judge Yanyi had died from “blows of sharp points or knife-like objects, which were thrust into his head.”

Contrary to the claim by the police, the judge did not die of a heart attack. Instead he was murdered. At the time of his killing, Raphael Yanyi was presiding over the high profile corruption trial of Vital Kamerhe, chief of staff to President Felix Tshisekedi.

The killers of Raphael Yanyi have yet to be unmasked and it is impossible presently to say whether they were state or non-state actors.

Zimbabwean advocate, Justice Mavedzenge, makes the distinction between attacks on the independence of judges on the one hand and the persecution of judges on the other. While the former are usually institutional, the latter seek to harm the lives, persons or wellbeing of judges and their families. This goes beyond the weaponization of judicial ethics or the targeting of judges for political reasons. It is not exactly new in Africa.

On September 21, 1972, for instance, elements in the army of Uganda’s Field Marshall Idi Amin Dada, abducted chief justice, Benedicto Kiwanuka, from his chambers at the supreme court of Uganda. Four days later, Marshall Amin shot and killed his captive, Chief Justice Kiwanuka, at the state lodge in Nakasero, Kampala, Uganda’s capital.

Nearly 10 years later, on June 30, 1982, unknown persons abducted three serving judges of the High Court of Ghana: Cecilia Koranteng-Addow, Frederick Poku Sarkodee, and Kwadwo Agyei Agyepong. They transported the judges to the Bundase Military Firing Range near Accra where they were shot and killed. To cover up the act, the perpetrators set fire on their bodies. Their charred remains were located the following morning. Joachim Amartey Quaye, a senior member of the ruling Provisional National Defence Council, PNDC, was one of the people found guilty of the judges’ murder. He was subsequently executed by firing squad on August 18, 1983.

Elective government found in most of Africa today, is supposedly more subtle. The predominant contemporary arc of the judicial trajectory around the continent reflects intersecting trends of both “regime capture of the courts” and willing abdication of independence by the highest levels of judicial leadership. However, there remain many examples of judges possessed of both integrity and courage. To bring such judges into line, they are increasingly targets of persecution and harm.

The assumption that the state, government or ruling political parties have a monopoly over these kinds of malefaction appears to be supported by both experience and evidence. It is also the state or ruling parties that are best placed to weaponize mechanisms of judicial ethics in order to terrorise upright judges into submission.

However, in many African countries these days, the presumed monopolies of the state are contested by sundry entities. In Burkina Faso, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan – to cite a few examples – there exist belligerents, insurgents, or armed movements, who exercise quasi-state capacities, enabling them to target judicial officers or other public officials at will or to harm them.

In the face of a slow build-up of this reality in Nigeria, for instance, there has been a concerted effort to deny it or avoid conferring upon it the stamp of official acknowledgement.

At the beginning of January 2012, for instance, an unknown gunman entered the house of Baba Loskurima, Registrar of the High Court of Borno State in north-east Nigeria and “fired several shots into Baba’s head and chest with a Kalashnikov rifle in front of his wife and children.” He stood no chance.

Nine months later, in September of the same year, Zanna Mallam Gana, the Attorney-General of Borno State was also assassinated. The killings of both Baba Loskurima and Zana Mallam Gana were suspected to have been the handiwork of assassins from the Islamist insurgent group, Boko Haram.

These were not the first attacks by suspected non-state actors in Nigeria designed to bring judges to harm. In 2009, Florence Duroha-Igwe, a judge of the Imo state high court in south-east Nigeria suffered an attack in which both her driver and police orderly sustained severe gunshot injuries.

The following year, the judge-president of the state’s customary court of appeal, Ambrose Egu, and senior magistrate, Pauline Njemanze, were abducted near the Sam Mbakwe International Cargo Airport near Owerri on official duties. In March 2011, high court judges in the state embarked on a strike to protest the abduction of one their colleagues, Theophilus Nzekwe.

Emboldened by the incapacity of the Nigerian state to exact accountability, the perpetrators of these attacks grew in both audacity and intensity and started trading judges for ransom. In October 2019, a senior Justice of Appeal from the Imo state, Chioma Nwosu-Iheme, was abducted in Benin City while on duty presiding over election disputes. She spent a fortnight in captivity.

In September, 2021, former chief judge of Abia state, Nnenna Oti, was abducted in Orlu, Imo state. Seven months earlier, presiding justice of appeal in Owerri, Rita Pemu, needed an extra supply of native wiles to survive the perils of abduction.

The non-state perpetrators of the most recent attacks on the safety of Nigeria’s judges are no longer keen to hide their provenance. Janet Gimba, a judge of the upper customary court of Kaduna state in north-west Nigeria, was abducted with her four of her children on 24 June 2024 by reputed bandits who brutally killed one of the children in order to drive home their bargain for both money and prisoners. The children were released after 15 days in captivity.

On the date in June on which Judge Janet Gimba and her children were abducted, in the Borno-Yobe borderlands in north-east Nigeria, elements suspected to be from the Islamic State, West Africa Province (ISWAP), abducted Haruna Mshelia, a senior judge of the high court of Borno state together with his wife, Binta (who was nursing a fracture), their driver and an orderly. For two years until 2010, before his appointment as a judge, Haruna Mshelia was the chairman was the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), in Maiduguri.

While the fate of the judge, his spouse and their staff remain uncertain, it is prudent to prioritise their safe return. As such, it may be premature to dwell too closely on their case. It is not difficult, however, to speculate as to why a senior judge who is deeply respected for his integrity could be the target abduction by an armed quasi-state actor like ISWAP.

The real question that must be addressed is how legitimate institutions of the state and of organized civics should respond to this kind of situation. Seventy-seven days since the abduction of this senior judge and his wife, very little official or public information exists about their plight or about efforts to free them. That could, of course, be because public authorities have decided that this is the best guarantee for their safe return.

The good news in that is that this suggests that government trusts that the judge, his wife and other abductees with him are alive. The risk, however, is that this could also enable government to demobilise pressure for their safe return. That could guarantee their erasure from public consciousness and, even worse, bring closer the day when the abduction by non-state actors of conscientious judges will become normalised in Africa’s most populous country.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

“The city burns but Nero has just finished playing tambourine in Chinese cafes. The end of the world is having the street empty. It is having ghostly trekkers casting no shadows everywhere. It is Nigeria becoming Malcolm Cowley’s “empty streets of air.” How many will live to tell the end of these hard times, only God knows. Bill Gates said in Abuja last Tuesday that “the actual tax collection in Nigeria is actually low.” Our president echoed him in China on Friday that the petrol we buy must be this costly for the country to stand. There are ‘rumours’ that VAT may move from 7.5 percent to 10 percent. Wahala! Eleven years ago, a barrage of austerity measures was wracking the people of Greece. Just as Nigeria has its own husbands feeding it doses of poison as elixir, Greece had Germany as its guardian angel, its doctor which prescribed for it poisonous doses of magical wellness. Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, paid a visit to Greece on Thursday, July 18, 2013. To welcome that visitor, a troublesome Greek newspaper exclaimed: “Hail Schaube, those who are about to die salute you.”

From William Bascom, American folklorist and anthropologist, I got a Yoruba story. It is here retold, substantially in my own words, in some areas using his words: A certain Chief Lowa was careless with his tongue. Every priest has a priest; Lowa’s own warned him to be careful so that his mouth would not disgrace him. Chief said he had grown taller than disgrace; he was too surefooted to be put to shame. Because he had money and medicine in super abundance, he thought there was nothing he said or did that would have repercussions. His secrets he made subjects of boasts at palm wine joints. He would say anything on impulse and credit it to spasms from unseen spirits.

Then it happened that an unknown tale bearer had gone to inform the king that Lowa had a goat that talked like a human being. The king sent for the chief and the chief appeared before the king. “Is it true that your goat speaks like you and I?” Lowa said it was true. The palace responded with gasps of disbelief. Are you sure? He said he was sure and swore in the name of the town’s ancestors that what he said was the truth and the whole truth. “Well then. Bring your goat before the throne in four days’ time.” The king ordered him and vowed that if, indeed, the goat talked, he would give Lowa half of his possessions, but if it did not, Lowa would be given the goat treatment – barbecued. Chief Lowa smiled and shrugged. He was sure of his goat and its human vocal chords.

Lowa in four days’ time brought his goat before the king. The palace grounds hosted the noble and the not so noble. Every ear wanted to hear the unnatural; every eye was desirous to behold the goat that was human. Lowa rose and spoke to his goat; the goat kept mute. He talked to his goat more frantically, Lowa’s goat ignored Lowa; it refused to answer its owner. It was clear to all that Lowa’s truth was an empty boast; they said he had fooled the king and the ancestors. The people said what he did no one had ever done and gone back home in one piece. Palace guards seized Chief, got him bound, hands and feet, while a huge fire was prepared in fulfillment of the king’s vow.

Chief was stripped naked and his body passed slowly back and forth across the huge fire. On the third pass, the goat opened its mouth and asked, “Why are you trying to kill my owner?” There was a commotion in the palace. “The goat talks!” The people shouted. Lowa was saved and taken off the fire while the king ordered that half of all his possessions be given to him. He was richer but sober. Bascom said as Lowa was taking his goat home, he asked the animal, “Why did you let them pass me over the fire three times?” The goat replied, “Should I have answered the very first time and let you get all this wealth without any suffering? If one becomes rich through trade, do we not see its scars on one’s body?” May our mouth not set us up for trial.

The president spoke to Nigerians before he left China a few days ago. He spoke about his “very bold and unprecedented decisions” at home; he linked his audacious boldness with the unprecedented hike in “fuel prices” and then asked: “can we help it?” No one there could tell him we could – if we searched well and in the right places and using the right persons. Is it not true that the market owes its access not to just one road? While the president was sawing our spine abroad, NNPC was sinking its teeth into our neck at home. It said petrol price in Nigeria would be “determined by global market forces.” And you wanted to ask what that meant. Dangote Refinery is active too, painting ambiguous portraits of oily prices on canvas. Everyone is tugging at the wounded entrails of the helpless.

Writing for ‘The Reading Teacher’ in March 2004, Salli Forbes said “to err is human, to self-correct is to learn.” She was correct. A leader may have the courage to make a mistake but he must not lack the wisdom to know that an error has occurred. And, it is not enough to spot the mistake; the leader must have the competence to correct himself, to repair the damage and stitch up the error. Buying petrol now is like paying for the last supper – dining, then dying. And it is all because someone spoke the wrong words on a wrong day last year. That person has not agreed that his error threw the nation under the bus; he is instead doubling down, praising his priest of pain.

Ben Sira’s wisdom of the ancient counsels whoever must speak to “say much in few words.” Eugene MacNamee, author of ‘The Government of the Tongue’, has a more extreme maxim: “Whatever you say, say nothing.” MacNamee warns that “saying the wrong thing at the wrong time, or even saying the most banal of things in the wrong place with the wrong accent could lead not only to offence but to death…” You would agree with MacNamee if you agree with South African researcher, Khona Dlamini, who thinks “the tongue is fire.” And with Douglas Ewart who insists that “the tongue is mightier than the sword.” Richard Turnbull says “by the tongue, men are led into error through false doctrine.” The wise men who founded Ile Ife had a million gods. But they said one deity worthy of their worship is the mouth. What they offer the mouth till tomorrow is a mouthful of carefulness; they gave it a tongue-twister name, olubobotiribo. Its cognomen is ‘baba ebo’ (father of offerings). May our mouth not disgrace and defeat us.

Darkness has a heart. If you like, call it ‘Heart of Darkness’ with all the pun Joseph Conrad’s novel of that title evokes. Nigerians entered last year and suffered the stroke of escalating petrol prices – one of Buhari’s parting gunshots. Today’s president, as that president’s reluctant candidate, campaigned vigorously against the pains of that era. On his campaign rostra, Bola Tinubu told the distraught to trust him with their votes: “E lo f’okàn ba’lè (be calm), we will bring down the price of petrol.” The candidate on heat got what he wanted and, in his very first speech as president, the conquistador pulled the plug on the livelihood of hope: “subsidy is gone.” He fired that shot into the darkness of our market and nothing has remained the same for all since. He said in China that he could not help it. When he made the be-calm promise before the election, did he know that what he said was a lie? In every context (and contestation) of lies, at least one side is not deceived. And that is the liar. Lies can kill, and they kill. The lie teller may keep his body while victims of his untruth lose theirs. But he loses his essence. “Lying is dying…There is a taint of death, a flavour of mortality in lies”. For the source of that line, check Conrad’s ‘Heart of Darkness’.

While the petrol price tragedy drags on forever, people are dropping dead farm and stream. Nothing walks the land at this moment except poverty and pain. But the president said in China that our eyes needed to see what we are seeing for Nigeria to be sturdy and stable. It is in Orwell’s dystopian ‘1984’ that you read that a stable society is “only possible on a basis of poverty and ignorance.” Listen to Orwell: “For if leisure and security were enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who are normally stupefied by poverty would become literate and would learn to think for themselves…” (page 198). No one, not even regime backers, are free from this pain. For I have seen some very committed Emilokan people writhe in pain, wetting their withering plants with tears. Why are they not excused from what we suffer? “It is deliberate policy to keep even the favoured groups somewhere near the brink of hardship, because a general state of scarcity increases the importance of small privileges…” (Orwell’s Nineteen-Eighty-Four; page 199).

The city burns but Nero has just finished playing tambourine in Chinese cafes. The end of the world is having the street empty. It is having ghostly trekkers casting no shadows everywhere. It is Nigeria becoming Malcolm Cowley’s “empty streets of air.” How many will live to tell the end of these hard times, only God knows. Bill Gates said in Abuja last Tuesday that “the actual tax collection in Nigeria is actually low.” Our president echoed him in China on Friday that the petrol we buy must be this costly for the country to stand. There are ‘rumours’ that VAT may move from 7.5 percent to 10 percent. Wahala! Eleven years ago, a barrage of austerity measures was wracking the people of Greece. Just as Nigeria has its own husbands feeding it doses of poison as elixir, Greece had Germany as its guardian angel, its doctor which prescribed for it poisonous doses of magical wellness. Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, paid a visit to Greece on Thursday, July 18, 2013. To welcome that visitor, a troublesome Greek newspaper exclaimed: “Hail Schaube, those who are about to die salute you.”

The Greek newspaper got the about-to-die salutation from Ancient Rome. In ancient Rome, captive gladiators are routinely driven to death in a horrid game supervised by the emperor. They called it a gladiatorial match. The fights had large, loud crowds watching and applauding as men hacked men to death. It was an event that saw fighters die after fighters until the last man standing dropped dead. In AD 52, Emperor Claudius reviewed an edition of that ‘game’, then he heard those fated to die let out a cry: “Hail, Emperor, those who are about to die salute you (Ave Imperator, morituri te salutant).” And the emperor responded in practical terms demanding that they died.

Malcolm Cowley’s poet persona hears a scratching at his door, “the noise of some one fingering the latch once.” He opens “and found the night empty of sound, empty.” A long time ago, Emeritus Professor Ladipo Akinkugbe’s uncles heard their own “scratch at the door.” They also found “night” but it was not “empty”. He writes: “Asleep in their little mud hut, they were suddenly roused by some knock at the door in the middle of the night. His elder brother bade him open the door as he had assumed that this was a neighbour seeking assistance. He refused and soon the knocking ceased and the caller’s footsteps faded into the darkness. Peeping through a small hole in the mud wall, they discovered to their horror that it was a leopard. Had that door been opened, they both would never have lived to tell the story.”

My muse told me we’ve finally opened our door to the leopard of Big Brother. It was the muse’s summation of the many things that happened at the same time last week. Reports of trials and tribulations, of protesters in police courts, and of traumatized paupers at petrol pumps. Petrol, for the first time since 1914, sells for more than a thousand naira per litre. If you can buy, buy it quietly and drive home; if you are too poor to buy, trek home silently in peace. Whichever you choose, BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU. Those words in capital letters you find in George Orwell’s ‘Nineteen Eighty Four’. They make up the caption beneath a huge poster that displays “…an enormous face, more than a metre wide”. It is not enough that the face is enormous, you find, to your horror and dread, that the eyes in the poster “follow you about when you move.”

The leopard-at-the-door story above is a paragraph in Akinkugbe’s autobiography, ‘Footprints & Footnotes’. The book is a personal story which provides some ghastly details about this country, the demons in its forest and why it may never work well. A leopard at the door cannot be a friend or a totem of good fortune. Not all who knock at doors seek help or seek to help. Beware of those you open your heart or stall to, especially when it is dark. You may be sorry if every rap on your door unbolts the access. Nigerians did this – many times during their election cycles. They are always sorry after the act. They did it yesterday, – and today, they are very sorry. But, they will do it again.

In July 1986, Nigeria’s military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, launched a public policy initiative hailed as the silver bullet for Nigeria’s distressed economy: the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). A local adaptation of an IMF/World Bank  initiative, SAP was intended to stabilise the economy. However, within a year of its implementation, the programme had left a trail of hunger, industry closures, unemployment, and acute poverty. Instead of achieving its objectives, SAP exacerbated the economic crisis, leaving Nigerians groaning under economic hardship. SAP was part of a broader World Bank/IMF global economic policy framework.

While SAP failed from a broad perspective, certain socio-economic elements—like poverty alleviation, job creation, and rural development—experienced some success in the medium term.

 Fast forward 37 years to 2023, and Nigeria’s new political leadership revisited two critical elements of the 1986 SAP: the policy on petrol subsidies and the floating of the Naira. While these policies’ medium to long-term impacts are still uncertain, their short-term effects bear an uncanny resemblance to those of their predecessor.

The issue is not necessarily the nobility of these policies’ intentions—after all, the road to hell is often paved with good intentions. Nor is it about the appropriateness of the policies themselves. What’s indisputable is that these public policies have imposed unintended consequences, hurting the very people they were meant to help. These aren’t the only government policies in Nigeria, at both the national and state levels, that have failed to achieve their intended objectives or have produced adverse effects.

It is not uncommon to see government policies fail to meet their goals. Such failures drain public resources, exacerbate the suffering of the people rather than alleviate it, and erode public trust in the government. The question is, why? As Nigeria continues to embark on new public policies that, if not carefully examined, may produce unintended consequences, I will explore why public policies fail in Nigeria and how we can do things differently.

First is the need for more rigour in policy conception. Most policies emerge as reactive measures to imminent problems the government seeks to solve. This reactive approach often forces a sense of urgency in policy formulation, leaving little time for proper planning, research, cost-benefit analysis, and scenario mapping of both intended and unintended consequences. We often see policy statements made in the media by leaders on the fly, with policy implementing institutions scrambling to catch up in executing  these policies. This approach is dangerous in a democracy and detrimental to economic development. The lack of rigour in developing the fuel subsidy removal policy is evident for all to see.

For instance, the president made a straightforward policy statement during his inaugural speech that “oil subsidy is gone,” triggering immediate reactions from the people and the economy. However, there was no clear, overarching policy framework to guide the process, consider intervening variables, anticipate unintended consequences, and devise ways of mitigating them. The policy apparatus was unprepared, and implementation has been a game of catch-up with unintended  results. The ongoing attempts to rein in the consequences of this policy have largely failed, and the damage is evident for all to see.

Contrastingly, the Philippines, one of the few countries that successfully removed petrol subsidies, took a markedly different approach. The government meticulously laid the groundwork for the policy over nearly five years, engaging independent assessors to evaluate the potential impact of subsidy removal and mitigation measures. The implementation was phased, with provisions for targeted support to assist vulnerable citizens, ensuring the impact was cushioned for lower-income households. The Philippine government also proactively communicated the rationale behind price changes and the benefits of deregulation, which helped build public trust and acceptance of the reforms. This strategic, long-term approach fostered a more sustainable oil and gas market in the country, a stark contrast to Nigeria’s short-term, reactive policy formulation.

Second, policymakers in Nigeria are often driven by short-term gains and personal interests. The prospect of immediate results or benefit too easily sways them, and they seldom consider the long-term impact. True leaders think about generational impact and provide solutions that transform society for posterity. Unfortunately, such leaders are not common in Nigeria . Many policymakers are so short-sighted and parochial that their focus on policy is as narrow as pursuing the subsequent election victory. Even when good policies are created to benefit society, a lack of political continuity often kills their implementation. Political discontinuity in policy execution has led to frequent policy disruptions. New policymakers tend to abandon previous policies to create new ones, even if the old policies are addressing the challenge it was designed to address   or nearing completion. This constant change fosters confusion and instability.

Thirdly, policymakers in Nigeria often lack a deep understanding of the policies they plan to implement or the economic context. Instead of developing solutions that are tailored to Nigeria’s unique circumstances, they often defer to foreign solutions—a copy-and-paste approach, without the necessary adaptation . The floating of the Naira under this administration is a prime example. On paper, the policy aligns with recommendations from international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank and was heralded as the solution to Nigeria’s exchange rate problems. However, previous governments resisted the policy due to fears of unintended consequences in an import-dependent and mono-product export economy. This lack of understanding and the blind adoption of foreign solutions have led to the current exchange rate crisis. May be adaptation could have produced a different result . 

Nigeria’s economic structure means that fluctuations in the Naira’s value against major currencies directly affect the cost of living for millions of Nigerians, especially those living in multidimensional poverty. The government was overly optimistic, expecting the Naira to stabilize at around N750 per USD. However, within a year of implementing the policy, the exchange rate has mostly harmonized and partially deregulated (with the CBN still intervening to influence the Naira’s value). However, the currency has depreciated by over 300%, from N500 per USD at the start of this administration to N1600 recently. The problem lies in the supply of USD in the market, which neither the Nigerian government nor the private sector has significantly impacted. Demand far outweighs supply, leading to a severe erosion of the Naira’s value.

It is evident that policymakers in Nigeria often underestimate the challenges and potential unintended consequences of their policies. This was the case with both the oil subsidy removal and the exchange rate floating. As a result, they have yet to find answers to the many unintended consequences that have nearly overwhelmed the planned policy objectives. Most Nigerians are less concerned with the policies’ good intentions and more affected by the harsh consequences. Furthermore, there was poor communication with stakeholders. The government needed to adequately prepare the public for the unintended consequences or provide sufficient remedial and palliative measures. As the saying goes, ‘To be forewarned is to be forearmed.’ Nigerians were unprepared for what they are now facing.

Moreover, misleading narratives led to these policies. The government framed the economic situation under the Buhari administration as dire, suggesting that without these two policies, the country would collapse. This doomsday narrative initially led to the policies being received as the panacea to Nigeria’s economic woes. But time is proving the opposite, and people are increasingly frustrated. The difference between the tail end of Buhari’s regime and now feels like a lifetime. The price of everything has at least doubled, if not more.

I advocate for a more intellectual approach to governance. Politics seems to dominate everything, and this lack of capacity to engage with the complexities of governance leads to ineffective policymaking and implementation. Nigeria must develop a national policy elite capable of creating, pursuing, and sustaining sound policies. Nigerian leaders must work to bridge the gap between policy formulation and implementation. Most policies fail at the implementation stage due to conflicting interests and the impunity that hinders Nigeria’s economic and social progress.

In Nigeria, the persistent failures of public policy reflect more profound issues in the governance structure, where reactive measures, short-term thinking, and a reliance on foreign templates overshadow the need for tailored, well-researched, and rigorously planned policies. The consequences of these approaches are evident in the current economic distress and public disillusionment. Nigeria must cultivate a new generation of leaders and policymakers who prioritize long-term societal transformation over immediate political gains to break this cycle. These leaders must embrace a more intellectual and context-sensitive approach to governance, ensuring that policies are well-conceived and effectively implemented, with robust mechanisms in place to mitigate unintended consequences. Only through such a paradigm shift can Nigeria hope to achieve sustainable economic and social progress.

Today, 8 September, is traditionally celebrated as the birthday of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Our chaplain,
Fr. Chigozie Jidere mentioned that the celebration might be somewhat subdued because, traditionally, the Church dedicates Sundays to Christ, which Archbishop Albert Obiefuna described as our “weekly Easter”. As a result, the Sunday liturgy is not adjusted for any other celebration, reflecting the Church's focus on worship solely reserved for Christ. While we hold profound respect for the Blessed Virgin Mary, it is crucial to remember that we do not worship her.

Unlike the dogmas concerning the Blessed Virgin Mary - namely, the Immaculate Conception, the Assumption, her Motherhood of God (Theotokos), and her Perpetual Virginity - her Nativity is not considered a dogma. As Ichie Fred Chukwuelobe acknowledged, some of these beliefs can be challenging, but by faith, we are called to believe before questioning. For me, as long as it falls within the realm of Christianity, the Catholic Church is always correct. However, it does not require special revelation for us to acknowledge that she was born.

Fr. clarified that not only Catholics but all Christians should celebrate today, as it marks the birthday of Mary, who holds a significant place in the scheme of salvation. He recalled how Christ entrusted Mary to the world as the mother of all, symbolically giving her to John at the foot of the cross with the words, "Son, behold your mother; mother, behold your son." This act extends to us, making us partakers in that solemn and profound motherhood. Disagreements, often due to ignorance, do not alter this reality.

As we celebrate the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, I wish her a heartfelt happy birthday. She will forever remain our mother.

I recall a pilgrimage to Israel a few years ago, where we visited the Church of St. Anne, built over the traditional birthplace of the Blessed Virgin Mary. This church is situated near the Pool of Bethesda. Such traditions illustrate how the Church’s tradition evolve. Although the Bible does not explicitly name Mary's parents, Anne and Joachim, we know of them through tradition. Similarly, tradition informs us of the names of the three wise men who visited Christ and the two thieves crucified alongside Him, one of whom is honoured as a saint today.

This underscores why the Church holds apostolic tradition in high regard. These traditions, practised by the apostles and the early Church Fathers, are truths that may not be explicitly stated in the Bible but are integral to the faith. As a Church founded by Christ, the Catholic Church, along with other churches that share in its universality and apostolicity, maintains the custody of these traditions.

Curiously, the Church of St. Anne, like almost all other holy sites, is under the custody of the Catholic Church (specifically, the Franciscans, to whom the present Pope belongs) as the custodian of Christian tradition and heritage. This is among their core duties in the Catholic Church. Other churches in the Holy Land under their custody include: the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Church of the Nativity, the Church of the Pater Noster, the Church of the Ascension, the Church of All Nations, the Basilica of the Annunciation, the Church of the Beatitudes, the Church of the Multiplication, the Monastery of the Temptation, the Church of the Dormition, and the Church of the Flagellation (where Jesus was flogged).

These churches, along with many not mentioned here, are part of the Franciscans’ extensive custodianship of Christian holy places, further proving that the Catholic Church’s role as the mother of all Christians can only be ignorantly denied, but not disproved.

This brief excursion aims to educate those who may condemn what they do not understand - those I refer to as little demons, without respect for the holy water. As usual, they will read not to understand or appreciate the Church’s rich history but to express their usual unadulterated ignorance and nonsense.

The Peter Obi Media Reach, POMR, wishes to inform members of the public, especially media operatives, of some minor changes in the media reach personnel.
The Spokesman of POMR, who was also the chief Spokesperson of the Peter Obi Presidential Campaign, Dr Yunusa Tanko, is leaving his position for another huge challenge.

Dr Tanko has been appointed the interim National Coordinator of the Obedient Movement. A job that will see him coordinate the activities of the Obedient Movement nationally and internationally.

Recall that the Obedient Movement, a quasi-political movement that was created in 2023 during the electioneering, reflects the philosophy and dreams of our Principal, Peter Obi, whose members are drawn from across all political parties and non-politicians as well as from within the country and in Diasporas who are desiring a new Nigeria that is Possible.

Dr Tanko will be replaced in POMR by Mallam Ibrahim Umar another versatile Obidient that is as hungry as Dr Tanko for a new Nigeria.
We, therefore, appeal to members of the public to cooperate with these Nigerians in their new endeavour as we continue the struggle towards dismantling the gang of political criminals holding our dear nation hostage. New Nigeria is Possible.

Signed
Ibrahim Umar.
POMR Spokesman
September 7, 2024

The remains of Onyeka Onwenu, Nigeria’s renowned singer, songwriter, actress, social justice advocate and journalist were laid to rest at the Ikoyi cemetery in Lagos after a solemn funeral service on the 31st of August.

It is an understatement that Onyeka 72, accomplished great exploits in her chosen fields and left indelible marks on the African music, culture and entertainment industry.

Unknown to many are Onyeka’s sacrifices and selfless services in the promotion and improvement of public health in rural Africa.

From early 2000, she accompanied Global health teams led by the World Health Organisation (WHO) and Prof Uche Amazigo for advocacy and to sensitise poor and difficult-to-reach communities on the fight against river blindness in West Africa, including Nigerian states.

Onyeka willingly spent nights in bugs and cockroach-infested rooms during visits to rural communities, where she encouraged and sang for poor families free of charge as part of her contributions and advocacy for good health.

Her galvanising songs inspired impactful actions toward elimination of the river blindness and enabled farmers to resume cultivation in fertile river basins for improved food security in the affected communities in Nigeria’s Benue, Kogi, Taraba and Kaduna states, and in Burkina Faso.

Until her death, Onyeka never declined any requests or invitations to use her talent to promote the health and well-being of Africa's rural populations free of charge.

For effective control of river blindness also known as onchocerciasis, people in endemic communities were required to take the control drug Ivermectin once a year for about 14 years.

The WHO through its African Programme for River blindness control, APOC and the predecessor Onchocerciasis Control Programme (OCP), achieved the feat of scaling the campaign from control to elimination, thereby making the river blindness programme one of the most successful health interventions in Africa.

This could not have been possible without the resilience of the health workers and the contributions of non-state actors such as Onyeka Onwenu, her friend and fellow music icon Amity Ameria of Burkina Faso.

A patriotic advocate for the poor and an irrepressible voice for the voiceless, Onyeka touched many lives in her eventful and versatile career.

Her autobiography My Father’s Daughter released in 2020 is a no holds barred, that chronicled Onyeka’s life as a musician, activist, wife, mother, and politician, her formative contact with feminism and how her father’s life influenced her decisions and character as an independent woman.

In the book, Onyeka explained how her political philosophy took after the exemplary foundation laid by her father, Dixon Kanu (DK) Onwenu, who cared deeply about the development of Nigeria when politics was not a means to ill-gotten wealth.

Onyeka’s songs evoked affection, empathy, love, unity, and taught tolerance and peaceful human co-existence.

That the diva chose to be laid to rest in Lagos, hundreds of kilometres from her native Imo State, speaks volumes for her cosmopolitan disposition.

Onyeka’s patriotism and love for Nigeria shone throughout the book. Little wonder it was officially released on October 1st to coincide with the Day of country’s 60th Independence anniversary.

She narrated her transition from a musician to an actress, and provided a rare peep into her private life, her marriage, the challenges faced by women and her resolve never to allow others to define or validate her life.

Onyeka’s wish for a low-key funeral did not stop the outpouring of love and eulogies for a humanitarian affectionately called the “Elegant Stallion.”

The funeral service was attended by family, friends, and colleagues from the entertainment industry.

Dignitaries included former Anambra State governor Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s flag-bearer in the 2023 presidential election and Abia state governor Alex Otti.

On behalf of Onyeka’s numerous friends from the health community (WHO/APOC, OCP, PACIEH and MITOSATH in West Africa, we morn our dear sister with a big heart for the poor and at the same time, take solace in the immortality of the abiding legacies of her invaluable service to God and humanity.

Adieu Onyeka!

For and on behalf of Health Community Friends/Colleagues

The easiest and most attractive national pastime remains buck passing especially with the bunch of leaders that we have, that can hardly peel a banana nor wash an already white handkerchief. Not many of us want to take responsibility for anything, from personal, to family or national life.

The blame is on the system. We do not need to create demons out of our leaders because they are already specimens of demons, so we hang our sins on them appropriately and inappropriately too. And unfortunately, their behaviour has made it easy for the critic to descend on them.

We at most, talk, write and discuss the Nigerian myth with a sense of fatalism. If everyone thought as much as I did about justice and fairness, life would be better. I am a critic, but I am also the critics’ critic, the unrepentant believer that the best way to keep the government on its toes is to keep harping on their flaws so they can improve.

Often, I say I believe the things I write on, are important for our nation as they are for other nations, but when it appears to me, Nigerians especially those in authority do not react to these issues as people in other lands do, I repeat them in new essays to remind old readers and recruit new ones to participate in the continuing dialogue.

Sadly, this is Nigeria where nothing works and no one cares, when it works, it is because someone’s interest is about to be served or being served not the people’s interest. We talk about our institutions despairingly. Our leaders do not watch network news except when their faces would be there on occasion of their sons/daughters’ wedding or such. They do not need the newspapers anymore because it is full of their lies, or paid adverts exchanging banters together.

Government bashing remains a national past time and every drinking joint, and suya spot has a sitting parliament with an expert on every and any issue but we forget that no matter the input, if the politicians and actors in our national scene have questionable lives both on personal and domestic level, nothing will change, the best government policy cannot change the individual. It is because the policies are formulated on a bad foundation and by people with warped thinking.

When a witch proclaims her presence, and an invalid does not make away; he must have money for sacrifices at home.

So, for some several weeks, it has been a back and forth between the regulator of our education, in this case the Ministry of Education and parents, on exactly the right age for a child to write the regulatory transitional exams, and let me say whether it is 18years , 0r 5 years, a dullard or an intelligent kid, it is garbage in, garbage out.

That may sound cold, especially in the light of the exploits of Nigerian graduates in other climes, remember I said other climes, and the few who do well here in Nigeria. Like my friend Ndo puts it, the quality is scarily dropping.

Have you noticed the ever increasing cases of graduates and interview candidates having shallow knowledge of the subject matter, poor command of the use of English language, poor knowledge of the examination techniques, as well disregard for correct interpretation of questions before attempting them.

Or that many candidates lack requisite mathematical and manipulative skills for subjects involving calculations, while handwriting of some are illegible and their answers scripts are full of spelling errors. (Not that my maths is so good either)

Many candidates try to cut corners by engaging in various forms of examination malpractice in order to obtain marks.

A good many of us spat on the education we had yesterday, and of course what passes for education today. And there is, certainly, a stratum of our society that looks back, nostalgically, at the quality of yesterday’s education”. How many of us today can argue that this is not the truth, even the generation that had its education in 2000 now looks back with nostalgia.

By and large, however, most of us believed that there was very much missing in the content of our yesterday’s education. What we have today, in spite of innovations and the bold attempts to re-orientate it, remains, as it was yesterday, orthodox, slow foot, myopic.

Our educational system today only sharpens the head to near pin end quality and this is even rare but it also makes the possessors limb atrophied by long disuse. Our education is money centered. It is an education which goads the possessor asking “what can my country do for me?”

In 2024, we are left to define the quality of education we want for tomorrow when our peers have gone far in Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, neighbouring Ghana has even refused to wait for us. To chart out how to tread to win through, we now send our kids anywhere so far it is outside the country the education is better be it Iraq or Zimbabwe.

Do we have an education in which a possessor wants to elevate the less privileged that surge him round, the answer is no. Today what is the value of the education given to a young man who lives or is doing his mandatory service year in a guinea worm infested area and yet is incapable of causing a revolution in the lives of the villagers by transforming their drinking water into healthy supply?

Please, what is the use of education given in physics to a young girl when the lights go out, she does not know what to do to get light again. In Nigerian education, how many graduates can carry aloft an oasis of light, very few because the education is short on quality and is therefore poor.

While there is despair, there is hope and despair, a case of “we can” or “we can’t”. While we battle the scourge of local terrorism, bad leadership, kidnap, health, and countless issues, there is need to come up with some measures that could help both the students and schools to improve on their output, by extension resuscitate a nation’s dying if not dead educational sector.

Our students need to develop a good understanding of questions and also learn the basic rudiments of the English language for better and clearer presentation of their answers. The sex for grade, bribe for certificate syndrome needs to be checked.

There is a need to ensure the appropriate textbooks in all subjects are procured and studied side by side with the examination syllabus, and should be completed before the commencement of examination. Libraries need to go info-tech, not littered with books of 1914. While practical on-hands learning away from just examination should be incorporated.

There is a need to provide basic infrastructure, and a conducive atmosphere in schools, only qualified and committed teachers who will teach their subjects effectively and guide students to become exemplary in their studies should be employed. Not like the teacher in Bauchi State (SUEB) that inherited his grandfather’s grade II certificate and was teaching with it or University dons that have become experts in plagiarism, selling handouts pirated from other works.

The question of whatever happened to the old school inspectorate system should be addressed.

We must move away from the examcentric, conversation curriculum that takes away critical thinking and qualitative reasoning and educate with intention for a future world. If these and even more rigorous steps are taken, we may be saved the irony of the clowns we are churning out these days—May Nigeria win

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

Team Lead

Obi, in a statement via his account on the X platform, said he is pained by the loss of lives caused by the accident.

Recall Naija News had reported that no fewer than thirty (30) people died in a tragic explosion involving a fuel tanker on the Agaie-Bida Road in Niger State on Sunday morning.

The tanker collided with a trailer transporting cattle en route to Lagos State from Wudil, Kano State.

Reacting to the incident, Peter Obi described it as disheartening and unfortunate. He also sent condolences to the families of those involved in the accident as well as a similar one which occurred in Oyo State.

The former Anambra State Governor also appreciated the intervention of the emergency agencies that responded to the accident.

“I have just read the disheartening reports of the deadly tanker explosion which occurred today at Agaie Local Government Area of Niger State where no fewer than 30 human lives were lost and about 50 cattle burnt.

“This unfortunate incident is occurring less than 24 hours after a similar tanker explosion caused serious damages in Ibadan, Oyo state capital on Saturday. I am pained by the loss of human lives, and other means of livelihood in the two tragic events.

“I thank the safety and emergency agencies that arrived the scene for search and rescue operations.

“I sincerely condole with all the affected families who lost their loved ones to this tragedy. I equally commiserate with the government and people of Niger and Oyo States over this tragic occurrence. May God comfort them, and all of us, who share in the pains of this sad incidents in our nation.

“I pray God Almighty to forgive the sins of the dead and grant them eternal rest, and grant quick and full recovery to the injured. -PO”

[NaijaNews]

Nigeria’s caretaker coach, Augustine Eguavoen has explained his reason for delaying the substitution of midfielder, Wilfred Ndidi during the second half of their 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, AFCON, qualifier against the Republic of Benin on Saturday.

Ndidi paired fellow Premier League player, Alex Iwobi in the midfield against Benin.

The Leicester City star put up his best performance in a while for Nigeria but it came at a cost as he became fatigued.

In the second half, Ndidi was caught on camera signaling to the bench to be substituted, but Eguavoen opted to leave him on the pitch until the 80th minute when he was replaced by Raphael Onyedika.

Explaining why Ndidi’s substitution was delayed, Eguavoen said at his post-match press conference that he wanted to allow his replacement enough time to get fully warmed up before stepping onto the pitch.

“But we have to buy time, you don’t have to rush into changes because Republic of Benin today surprised me, a very good team.

“I watched them against us in Abidjan, they were not as good as this, so they came with a good game plan, today’s performance for them was very okay.

“I knew at some point we are going to sub Ndidi but somebody who is coming in has to be properly warmed and prepared.”

Nigeria won the match 3-0, thanks to Ademola Lookman’s brace and Osimhen’s goal.

[nigerianeye]

Nigerian para-powerlifter Folashade Oluwafemiayo clinched a gold medal at the 2024 Paralympic Games in Paris, shattering two world records in the process.

Her remarkable lift of 167kg not only broke her previous world record in the women’s 86kg Para-Powerlifting category but also made her the first Para-athlete in history to achieve such a feat.

Her performance secured Nigeria’s second gold medal at the Paralympic Games.
The 39-year-old, who had previously won a silver medal at the London 2012 Paralympic Games, has now become a two-time Paralympic champion.

Oluwafemiayo’s accomplishment follows a series of strong performances by Nigerian athletes at the Paralympics. Flora Ugwunwa secured a silver medal in the women’s javelin F54 event, while Onyinyechi Mark won gold in para-powerlifting with a record-breaking lift of 147kg. Esther Nworgu also claimed silver in the women’s 41kg Para-Powerlifting event, setting two new Paralympic records.

Eniola Bolaji made history as the first African to win a medal in badminton at the Olympic or Paralympic Games, achieving a bronze after defeating her Ukrainian opponent in straight sets.

Overall, Nigeria’s medal tally at the 2024 Paralympics stands at seven: two gold, three silver, and two bronze. These accomplishments are a testament to the hard work and dedication of Nigerian para-athletes, who continue to excel on the global stage.

Nigeria’s first gold at the Games came from Onyinyechi Mark in the powerlifting finals on Friday.

Esther Nworgu added a silver medal in the women’s 41kg Para-Powerlifting event on Wednesday, and Bose Omolayo also secured a silver medal in the 79kg Para-Powerlifting category.

[BusinessDay]