Say whatever you like about Sule Lamido, but one thing is beyond dispute: he is one of Nigeria's most consistent politicians alive today. Since 1999, Lamido has stood firmly with the People's Democratic Party (PDP).

He has resisted every temptation and opportunity to defect, even when it seemed politically expedient to do so.

In 2013 and 2014, Lamido was part of a faction of the PDP that became known as the "nPDP." It was at odds with then President Goodluck Jonathan. Yet, when most members of the nPDP defected to the then-emerging All Progressives Congress (APC), he stayed put. 

To him, abandoning PDP simply because it was ailing was akin to abandoning a sick child he himself brought into the world.

Today, even as the PDP seems to be faltering and politicians scramble to jump ship to the APC, Lamido remains reliably loyal. 

Recently, I came across a fascinating graphic illustrating the convoluted, often confusing, trajectories of party defections by Nigeria's prominent political figures. If Lamido's name were placed there, his track would feature just one entry: PDP.

I first met Lamido in Jos in 1999 during the PDP presidential primary convention, where Olusegun Obasanjo emerged as the party’s flagbearer. I was then a young reporter with Weekly Trust, keenly observing Nigeria's unfolding democracy. 

Our paths crossed again in 2010 through my good friend Adagbo Onoja, Lamido’s Special Adviser on Media at the time. Lamido warmly invited me to Dutse to condole with me following my wife’s passing. 

On both occasions, I found him sharp-witted, insightful, and intellectually engaging.

I noticed the news buzzing about Lamido's newly launched autobiography, aptly titled "Being True to Myself." 

The title strikes me as profoundly fitting. Here’s a man whose political life embodies solid consistency and fidelity to his principles. 

Once the book hits Amazon, I plan to promptly order it, savor every page, and share my reflections in a detailed review.

Sule Lamido’s story deserves thoughtful attention, whether or not one shares his political stance or his choices while he was in government.

In Nigeria, budget season is often a grand affair. Governors, flanked by aides, arrive at the Houses of Assembly to present appropriation bills with lofty titles like “Budget of Renewed Hope” or “Budget of Consolidation.”

But behind the grand speeches and glossy documents lies a quieter reality, one that affects the ordinary citizen like 26-year-old Musa Abdul*, a Basic Science teacher in Yobe State who has not received his N70,000 monthly salary since his employment in 2022.

The rising cost of living, worsened by President Bola Tinubu’s removal of petrol subsidies and the floating of the naira in 2023, adds to the woes of Mr Abdul and countless others across Nigeria.

This is despite PREMIUM TIMES’ calculation showing N26.63 trillion in combined budgets across the 36 states for 2025, to say nothing of the federal government’s N54.99 trillion spending plan for the year.

The 36 states’ budgets— meant to serve grassroots needs better— leapt to N26.63 trillion from N16.15 trillion in 2024, according to ICIR, reflecting a 64 per cent surge in planned spending amid a rapidly shifting economic landscape.

PREMIUM TIMES’ analysis of the states’ N26.63 trillion budgets reveals a troubling pattern of soaring allocations, widespread financial dependency, mounting debt burdens, and low investments in education and health.

Over 20 states rely almost entirely on federal allocations to survive. Some are drowning in debt repayments, and others have slashed spending on schools and hospitals to alarming lows. Some have prioritised capital projects, while others spend more on governance than growth.

This investigation dives deep into how the 36 states plan to spend in 2025, what these choices reveal about governance priorities and how these financial choices will impact lives.

Total Budget Ranking: Who’s spending the most? Are bigger budgets delivering results?

Of the 36 states, Lagos leads as the biggest spender with a total budget of N3.37 trillion, boasting a bigger budget than 10 states combined. The state’s budget is 48.5 per cent higher than its N2.27 trillion budget in 2024.

Niger State surprisingly comes second with a total budget of N1.56 trillion. One of Nigeria’s biggest oil-producing states, Rivers, follows with an allocation of N1.19 trillion. Ogun and Delta states come in fourth and fifth places with budgets of N1.05 trillion and N979.2 billion, respectively.

With some states allocating over a trillion naira in their 2025 budgets, the expectation is better services. But do high-budget states actually provide a better quality of life?

A 2024 report by PREMIUM TIMES on the poor state of the Lagos General Hospital, Odan, the oldest government hospital in the state, indicates that Lagos state consistently underfunds healthcare despite being Nigeria’s richest state, as a significant portion of these funds are never released.

For example, in 2021, the Lagos General Hospital received only about N750 million instead of the N900 billion budgeted initially. In 2022, it got just under N800 million from the approved N1.2 billion. In 2023, the hospital received less than N900 million out of the N1.6 billion allocation. By the middle of 2024, the Lagos State Ministry of Health had received only N46 billion, which is less than a third of the N162 billion budgeted for the entire year.

The poor infrastructure observed at the Lagos General Hospital, failure to release full health sector funds, and a shortage of around 30,000 doctors are clear indications that a large budget does not automatically translate to better service for residents.

Niger State’s N1.56 trillion budget for 2025 is concerning, given its low internally generated revenue (IGR).

The budget relies heavily on external funding sources, including capital development funds (N839.72 billion, 53.9 per cent) and FAAC (N397.35 billion, 25.5 per cent). In comparison, IGR accounts for only 14.2 per cent.

This dependence on loans and grants raises concerns about debt sustainability and budget viability.

The state’s budget execution has faced significant challenges in recent years. In 2023, Niger State achieved only 40.8 per cent of its N478 billion budget. In 2024, revenue performance improved slightly to 57.9 per cent of the N365.77 billion target.

Capital project execution was also affected, with only 34 per cent of the N363.48 billion capital budget spent in 2023 and 27.8 per cent of N619.41 billion in 2024, indicating significant delays or abandoned projects.

Meanwhile, Yobe State, with an allocation of N320.8 billion, sits at the bottom of the ranking chart. It is closely followed by Gombe and Ekiti states with budgets of N369.9 billion (N369,902,500,000) and N375.79 billion (N375,790,077,618.15), respectively.

Dependency: Can your state survive without federal allocation?

An analysis of the 36 states’ budgets indicates that the only financially independent state in Nigeria is Lagos, as 73.4 per cent of its revenues are internally generated.

Sadly, most states depend heavily on the federal allocation for more than 69 per cent of their anticipated revenues. This means that they cannot function independently without federal allocations. If the allocation from the federation account takes a drastic cut due to oil price volatility, these states risk financial collapse.

Nigeria operates a revenue sharing system where revenue generated from the previous month is shared among the three tiers of government by the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) using the sharing formula of 52.68 per cent, 26.72 per cent and 20.60 per cent to the federal, state and local governments, respectively.

After Lagos, Ogun and Rivers states are the next most independent, with IGR shares of 41.8 per cent and 32.1 per cent, respectively. Conversely, the top five dependent states with the highest FAAC reliance and lowest IGRs are Ebonyi—95.3 per cent, Niger—94.7 per cent, Bayelsa—93.5 per cent, Yobe—92.8 per cent, and Borno—92.2 per cent.

Interestingly, Bayelsa’s IGR is among the lowest among the oil-rich states. The state remains highly dependent on federation allocations primarily due to its low IGR, weak private sector, limited industrialisation, and heavy reliance on the 13 per cent derivation fund.

So why do some states struggle to generate revenue and rely heavily on federal allocation? A look into the investment climate and ease of doing business ranking of the states with low IGR and very high FAAC dependency offers a clue.

In its 2023 Subnational Ease of Doing Business (EoDB) report, the Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council (PEBEC) found that Ebonyi, the state with the highest FAAC dependency and lowest IGR in its 2025 budget based on our finding, emerged 32nd while Niger ranked 25th. Bayelsa, Borno and Yobe ranked 24th, 22nd, and 9th, respectively.

PEBEC arrived at its conclusion using six indicators: infrastructure, transparency and accessibility of information, skills and labour, secure and stable environment, regulatory environment, and economic opportunity.

This means states that depend heavily on Abuja fall short of these key business metrics. Improving these areas could translate to a better independent revenue ratio for these states.

Capital vs. Recurrent: Spending priorities

The capital to recurrent expenditure ratio of a state’s budget is a key indicator of the state’s spending preference, as some states spend more on salaries and administrative costs than on actual development projects.

Our analysis shows that 34 out of 36 states prioritise capital spending while only two states, Ekiti and Osun, spend more on salaries and administration than development projects. More than half of their budgets are earmarked for salaries, maintaining government offices, and running costs. For these states, high recurrent spending means fewer resources for actual development.

Meanwhile, the top aspiring spenders on capital projects are Niger, Enugu, and Imo, as over 85 per of their budgets is allocated to infrastructural development. Lagos State allocated 61.5 per cent of its total budget to capital expenditure.

So why did Osun and Ekiti states prioritise salaries and operational costs over development?

Osun State is grappling with a substantial backlog of unpaid salaries and pensions, amounting to N76 billion, which was inherited from the previous administrations. This significant debt has placed a strain on the state’s finances.

Ekiti State faced a similar issue, with N57 billion in unpaid salaries, gratuities, and pension arrears accumulated from past administrations. The current governor, Biodun Oyebanji, says he has initiated efforts to gradually pay off the inherited debts to alleviate the state’s financial burden.

Tosin Popoola, a broadcaster with over a decade of experience covering politics and Ekiti State, told PREMIUM TIMES that the state’s decision to allocate more funds for recurrent expenditure is not unusual.

He explained that while infrastructural development is essential, paying salaries to civil and public servants who form the bulk of the state’s workforce is more crucial.

“In Ekiti, when all of these are happening (regular payment of salary), there will be less tension in the society. So, it’s better than focusing on roads and other infrastructure,” he said.

State of Indebtedness: Which states are drowning in debt?

All 36 states owe some money, but a state’s debt service-to-budget ratio tells how much of its total budget is consumed by debt servicing.

An analysis of each state’s total debt service expenditure against their budgets shows that Cross River, Ebonyi and Bayelsa have the highest Debt-to-Budget Ratio or debt burden.

However, this does not tell the whole story. High debt service might mean a state has a considerable debt. Still, it could also mean it is repaying aggressively. Low debt service does not necessarily imply low debt; it could mean the state is postponing repayment, servicing only interest, or restructuring debt.

To know which states are most dangerously indebted, compared to their economic strength and ability to pay, we must analyse each state’s debt-to-IGR ratio.

Using the state domestic debt stock data as officially reported by the Debt Management Office as of 30 September 2024 and state IGR data compiled by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) for the year 2023, we find that states like Taraba (7.49), Imo (7.38), Adamawa (7.19), and Niger (6.69) show dangerously high debt-to-revenue ratios.

These states could take years to pay off their debts, risking economic stability.

In contrast, states such as Jigawa (0.05), Ondo (0.34), Ebonyi (0.62), and Lagos (1.05) maintain much healthier ratios, showing stronger financial positions and better ability to manage debt.

Economic expert Gospel Obele has sounded the alarm on Nigeria’s fiscal situation. He said state governments must implement reforms to tackle these fiscal deficits and systemic issues that have made their states less commercially viable.

“Over 70 per cent of Nigerian states are not viable, to start with. So, when you think of the fact that states have to take care of their debts and their revenue levels are low, it means that it creates room for more vulnerability, and the states will have to keep depending on external factors to keep their viability alive,” he said.

Key Sector Allocations: What do education, health, and infrastructure investments look like?

Most states allocated larger chunks of their capital expenditure to the infrastructure sector rather than to health and education.

States like Adamawa (71.96 per cent) and Borno (60.68 per cent) dedicated significant capital expenditures to roads, housing, and public works. This emphasis on physical development reflects efforts to boost economic growth and, in some cases, rebuild after years of conflict.

Other states with notable infrastructure allocations include Anambra (44.74 per cent), N271.56 billion, Lagos (36.55 per cent), N1.23 trillion, Jigawa (30.18 per cent), N210.78 billion, and Ogun (26.90 per cent), N283.54 billion.

The state with the lowest percentage allocation to infrastructure is Bauchi (0.20 per cent), with only N930 million allocated.

But do states which invest heavily in infrastructure have high education performance and quality healthcare sectors?

While a state’s decision to allocate a large chunk of its capital expenditure for infrastructural development gives hope of rapid growth, it sometimes results in underfunding the health and education sectors.

For instance, Adamawa State allocated over 70 per cent of its capital expenditures for infrastructural development, while its health and education sectors remain among the least developed in Nigeria.

A 2021 report by UNICEF revealed that only 10 per cent of primary school pupils in Adamawa State possessed foundational literacy skills, while 92 per cent could not solve fundamental math problems. The state’s number of out-of-school children is also high. UNESCO pegged the number at 437,000 in 2022.

The state’s health sector is also underfunded and falls short of the Abuja declaration benchmark of 15 per cent. According to the Centre of Social Justice, an analysis of the state’s health sector budget from 2019 to 2021 reveals a significant gap between approved and actual spending.

In 2019, the UNICEF report said, only 29.21 per cent of the approved N21.17 billion health budget was spent, with N6.18 billion utilised. The situation worsened in 2020, when just 21.28 per cent of the allocated N19.39 billion was actually expended. However, in 2021, budget utilisation improved to 53.1 per cent, with N5.85 billion spent out of the approved N11.01 billion.

A closer look at the health sector expenditure patterns shows a consistent prioritisation of recurrent expenses over capital investments.

Meanwhile, education and healthcare remain underfunded in many states despite Nigeria’s high poverty and low literacy rates.

Two states with the lowest allocations for education are Nasarawa (0.44 per cent) and Benue (0.5 per cent). This raises concerns about investments in schools, teachers, and learning facilities.

The state with the highest percentage allocation to education is Oyo State (24.6 per cent), with N168.3 billion allocated. Northern states like Adamawa, Katsina, and Borno have made relatively strong commitments despite their lower IGRs.

Healthcare funding is also low in many states. Anambra (0.51 per cent), Benue (0.57 per cent), and Nasarawa (1.05 per cent) have allocated minimal resources to the health sector, which could impact access to medical services and public health infrastructure.

A government employee in Benue State who did not wish to be named in this interview for fear of retaliation lamented bitterly about the poor state of education and healthcare in the state. He said many schools lack good buildings, classrooms, toilets, and water facilities, and the healthcare sector is in a more dire condition.

“Everything is neglected. I am not sure a pregnant woman in a village would be given good medical attention when she wants to give birth. The medical staff is not enough. The health facilities are not good enough. The health centres are poor,” he said.

He said the state’s low funding for education and healthcare makes him worry about the future of both sectors.

In a state where hospitals are crumbling and schools are under-resourced, the Benue State government allocated less than 1% of its capital budget to health and education. This is an alarming neglect of its most vital social sectors.

Meanwhile, the state with the highest percentage allocation to health is Borno (14.96 per cent), with N92.10 billion allocated.

Thaddeaus Jolayemi, a programmes officer at BudgIT Foundation, warned that inadequate funding for education and healthcare in many Nigerian states could severely hinder development in these critical sectors.

He also highlighted the role of corruption in undermining state budgets, citing the misallocation of funds to non-priority sectors and off-budget diversions that often escape public scrutiny.

“We have observed that many of these funds are redirected to other sectors and may end up off-budget, leading to corruption,” he said.

READ ALSO: Abujas N1.7 trillion 2025 budget passes second reading at Senate

He said civil society organisations must continue to push for transparency, conduct social audits, and provide independent oversight to hold governments accountable.

States’ budgets in Nigeria continue to grow in size annually, but the actual impact on citizens’ lives remains limited. This is mainly because many states rely heavily on external factors, such as allocations from the federation account, loans, and grants, which can be unpredictable and unreliable. The state of underdevelopment and disrepair from long years of varying degrees of neglect in many states also makes today’s investments, no matter how huge they appear, look like a drop in the ocean.

Budget implementation is severely hindered when these expected funds fail to materialise, leaving citizens to wonder about the effectiveness of budgetary planning and execution. As a result, the people often do not feel the potential benefits of increased budget sizes. This leads to frustrations and protests as seen during the #EndBadGovernnance protests that rocked Nigeria in August 2024.

*The interviewee’s name was changed based on request for anonymity to avoid retaliation from the authorities.

[Premium Times]

The Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) may expand its student loan programme to include private universities and colleges in the next two to three years, according to the agency’s Managing Director, Akintunde Sawyerr.

Naija News reports that Sawyerr made this known during a strategic engagement and sensitisation session with heads of institutions and stakeholders in Enugu on Thursday. The campaign also incorporated local dialects to ensure wider understanding and participation in the region.

He stressed the immediate focus remains on supporting students in public institutions due to their urgent needs, with many unable to afford private education or at risk of dropping out entirely.

“We have only been going for one year. We need to really address the public sector first. The students that we see in the public sector don’t even have the option in most cases to go to private sector, and some of them are dropping out. So we want to address that, make sure that we’ve got them covered,” he said.

“And then when we see after a while, I think two, three years maximum, when we see the effect this has had on the generality of youths in Nigeria, we can then do some sort of review to see what it might mean for moving to the private sector segment,” he added.

Addressing some of the challenges NELFUND has faced, Sawyerr pointed out that public perception and technical difficulties have hindered smooth implementation in some areas.

“They just have a normal problem like everybody else has with technology, and then they say, this has been rigged against us. But we’re here. We’re not here to waste our time. We’re here to help the people apply and get institutions to also take part,” he said.

In her remarks, the Special Adviser to the Enugu State Governor on Education Innovation, Dr. Chinyere Onyeisi, highlighted the importance of the loan scheme, urging educational leaders to guide students on how to apply and take advantage of the programme.

“So what the government is doing has an essential role to play in different areas of education. But this NELFUND has to do with the student support system. And it is important for our students in Southeast and Enugu in particular to maximise the opportunity to apply,” she said.

“Because the major takeaway to the teachers, the heads of institutions that are here today is when they go back to their various schools, they are supposed to continue to step down the specialisation programme to make sure that the students understand the procedures, how to apply, and then apply effectively to benefit from this initiative. It’s real. And they are testifying that other states are already benefiting,” Onyeisi added.

[NaijaNews]

The move by the Oyo State House of Assembly to amend the Obaship council law to accommodate additional two royal fathers as permanent chairmen of the state council of traditional rulers to pilot its affairs concurrently with the Alaafin as co-chairmen has been greeted with controversy.

A global network of Nigerians of Oyo extraction, the Oyo Global Forum (OGF) condemned the Council of Obas and Chiefs (Further Amendment) Bill, 2025 before the Oyo Assembly.

A statement by Taiwo Adebayo, its chairman, said the bill sought to strip the Alaafin of Oyo his rightful sole permanent chairmanship of the Council of Obas, and introduce a concurrent arrangement placing the Alaafin, the Olubadan of Ibadan, and the Soun of Ogbomoso as equals.

“This proposal challenges a deeply rooted institution that has, for centuries, symbolised the cultural unity and identity and civilisation of the Yoruba people.

“The Alaafin’s role as Permanent Chairman is not a matter of privilege or politics, but one rooted in historical precedent and traditional seniority.

“This bill, if passed, risks undermining a centuries-long legacy, one that Yoruba people should be proud of and ready to protect and preserve at all times. However, we have witnessed with grave concern a troubling blend of steps to degrade the influence of the Alaafin,” OGF said.

Similarly, the Yoruba Youth Socio-cultural Association (YYSA) through its National chairman of YYSA, Olalekan Hammed on Friday held that the proposed amendment was to degrade the Alaafin of Oyo by the state government.

Hammed explained that both were merely Baale before mid-70s when both of them eventually begun to wear beaded crown through the intervention of the late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi lll who appealed to the then military administrator in the state, David Jemibewon to approve beaded crown for them.

“The effort making by the Oyo State government to ensure that the three Obas are working together in conjunction at the council is an attempt to abase his stool, which is highly a sacrilegious move,” he said.

However, stakeholders from Ibadanland have opposed the legislative move seeking to make the Alaafin of Oyo the permanent chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas and chiefs.

The opposition came from the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), Ibadan Mogajis, the Ibadan Compounds Peace Initiative (ICPI), Baales, monarchs, and other notable sons and daughters of Ibadanland.

They warned that the proposal could disrupt the longstanding harmony among traditional institutions in the state.

In a joint statement, the president of the Ibadan Mogajis, Asimiyu Ariori, and the ICPI Coordinator, Nurudeen Akinade, emphasised that Ibadan had never played second fiddle in the Yoruba traditional structure and had consistently acted as a protector of the Yoruba nation.

They cited Ibadan’s military resistance against external threats such as the Fulani expansion in the 19th century as evidence of the city’s strategic importance and leadership role in Yorubaland.

The stakeholders urged the House of Assembly to maintain the rotational leadership system to preserve unity and respect among traditional rulers across the state.

“Ibadan has always been saving the Yoruba nation, there was never a time Ibadanland has been second in command to Oyo or any other town in Yorubaland. Ibadan should be made the permanent chairman of Oyo Obas. The fact that we keep quiet doesn’t mean that we are fools.”

Meanwhile, the Council of Elders in Oyo town led by Chief Olaoye paid a solidarity visit to the Speaker of the Oyo State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Adebo Ogundoyin over the proposed amendments to the Council of Obas and Chiefs Law.

The delegation commended the Oyo State House of Assembly for the ongoing efforts to amend the Council of Obas and Chiefs Law, which had been moribund for about 14years.

They welcomed the proposed amendments, particularly the retention of the Alaafin’s position as the Presiding Authority and the plan to expunge the rotational clause in the Chairmanship of the Council.

“We came to appreciate the Oyo State House of Assembly for the ongoing amendments process. The decision to remove the rotational chairmanship clause aligns with historical precedence and this is commendable. For us, this will ensure that the Alaafin as the foremost monarch continues to lead the Council. “

Speaker Ogundoyin appreciated the delegation for their support and solidarity and stressed that the proposed amendments were aimed at strengthening the traditional institution in Oyo State and making it more relevant to the needs of the people.

He assured the delegation that the House would continue to work towards promoting the welfare and interests of the traditional institution and the people of the state.

[Leadership]

The last two weeks witnessed a gale of defections by politicians notably from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the governing All Progressives Congress (APC). The high water mark of these defections were the fell swoop defections of the Governor of Delta State, Sheriff Oborevwori, and a former Governor of Delta State and the former Vice Presidential running mate of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 General Elections, Ifeanyi Okowa, and many of their supporters.

Defections in Nigerian politics are not new. Their antecedent can be traced to the First Republic when we operated a British-style parliamentary system. The phenomenon was referred to as “cross carpeting”. In spite of this unsavory history, defections have come to define and characterise the politics of the Fourth Republic which encompasses our return to democracy from 1999 up to the present.

Interestingly, the opposition PDP, which previously held sway until 2015, set this unseemly tone by co-opting bigwigs of the opposition on the watch of former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Yar’Adua. Subsequently, the APC took this predilection to a new low: it enticed members of the opposition and others facing investigation for alleged corruption by dangling them carrots. A former chairperson of the APC enticed allegedly corrupt politicians by famously promising that they would be free of their sins if they joined his party.

The latest gale of defections is alleged to be informed, partly, by subtle blackmail and coercion. This allegation is lent credence when we consider that one of the high-profile defectors, until now, was being brow-beaten and hectored by one of the anti-corruption agencies.

It is correct to argue that these defectors have the right to do so if they choose. After all, our Constitution allows us to associate freely and in an untrammeled fashion. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is a serial defector and whose political standing is supposed to be vitiated by Okowa’s defection, underscored this in his recent remark.

If politicians have the right to defect or to choose which persons to relate with, our defections are informed largely by the need to jump onto a gravy train and a primitive desperation for power. This is best underlined by the languid rationalisation offered by former Governor Okowa. He claimed that in hindsight, he ought to have aligned with the interests of his geo-political South South. What took him so long to receive this revelation? Does he want us to seriously subscribe to the notion that he did not give his aspiration to be Vice President any forethought?

In other jurisdictions where politicians are informed by high-minded ideals and well considered principles, it is an uphill task to defect or make the kind of shameless three hundred and sixty degrees turn that our politicians make. In such serious climes, cogent and reasoned explanations will be offered to the citizens or voters. Or the politicians will resign their positions because the platforms they used to secure power were no longer tenable.

Even in the more redeeming Second Republic when there was a semblance of ideological politics, and the political parties were anchored on some modicum of principles, the parties, at the worst of times, were sundered or splintered into factions. The Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) were cases in point.

Today’s political parties, except a very few, are mere sucked eggs. They are bereft of belief, principles or moral compass. Worse, the returns on investment in politics in Nigeria is the highest of any enterprise, hence the desperation for office. This desperation is aimed, not at adding value to Nigerians but at feathering the nests of these politicians.

The fact that politicians can defect with ease, and without recourse to their supporters or voters, speaks eloquently either to a lack of respect for Nigerians or to an insult to their intelligence. It also betrays the fact that the overriding considerations for the typical Nigerian politician are power and the lavish perks of office.

If, as some of them glibly argue, that they are leaving their parties to the governing APC because they are dysfunctional or that they are riven with crises, is the APC, which refuge they desperately seek, a paragon? This is a party, like other defective ones, which does not lay premium on internal democracy. This is a party which scarcely holds meetings of its executive bodies. This is a party which gives its ticket to the highest bidder. And this is a party which is bereft of any succinct or lofty agenda other than state capture.

The APC is thus as guilty, if not more guilty, than the parties they are abandoning.

This writer’s conjecture is that those scrambling for the grace and embrace of the APC do so for two self-seeking reasons: To have their sins glossed over by a party desperate to remain in office and to seamlessly access its ticket in 2027. This may be informed by the calibration that the APC has some of the most pivotal institutions which will facilitate this possibility in its thrall.

But even this calculation may be preposterous or unattainable.

Besides, as the well-worn saying goes, only fools rush in where angels fear to tread. Those departing the APC may not be without blemish but they had compelling reasons, informed by the APC’s failings and peccadilloes, to leave. The APC, itself, rather than alleviate Nigeria’s woes, has worsened them and remains, at best clueless.

Additionally, a scramble which is not adroitly managed can only lead to an implosion. The spooning or dishing out of the gravy could be messy. This is not to mention the greed and vaulting ambition of those jumping onto the APC train.

These defections also take Nigerians for granted. The defectors, and those cajoling them, assume that Nigerians will forever be docile and that they would forbear the misrule and excesses of the APC in perpetuity. There is a word for it. It is called hubris. Hubris often comes before a catastrophic fall.

Dazang is a former director at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)

Former Aviation Minister, Femi Fani-Kayode has lamented reports indicating that some terrorists in Zamfara State fed their dog with twins born in captivity.

DAILY POST reports that a member of the House of Representatives, Aminu Jaji, had on Wednesday said the security crisis in Zamfara degenerated to a point where babies born in captivity were fed to dogs owned by the insurgents.

The lawmaker narrated that a pregnant woman was abducted by the daredevil terrorists but when she gave birth to a set of twins in captivity, the leader of the terrorists group “took the babies and threw them at their dog.

“The dogs ate them up, one after the other”, the lawmaker said.

Reacting, FFK in a statement on his X handle on Friday said “can there be a more callous crime against humanity than this? Can there be a more explicit display of man’s inhumanity to man?

“Can there be a more bestial act of savagery and barbarity? O Lord behold our tears, arise to our nations defence and rid us of this evil”.

According to him, Nigeria”must eliminate these feral psycopaths and send them back to hell. We must rid our land of this godless horde.

“With strength and courage we SHALL prevail. They will NEVER break our spirit! We shall NEVER bend the knee to them”!

[DailyPost]

If you’re a Nigerian student planning to study abroad, it’s important to prepare for more than just your visa and travel plans.

One major hurdle is passing the required exams, tests that assess your language proficiency, academic readiness, or professional aptitude. These exams vary based on your desired course of study, level (undergraduate or postgraduate), and destination country.

Here’s a list of nine exams you may need to write:

1. IELTS – International English Language Testing System

IELTS is one of the most widely recognised English language tests in the world and is often required for study in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and several European countries. It assesses four key language skills: listening, reading, writing, and speaking. Most academic institutions require the IELTS Academic version, with a band score of 6.5 or higher often considered competitive.

Administered by the British Council and IDP, the IELTS is offered several times a year in major Nigerian cities like Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt. While Nigerian students speak English natively, institutions still demand IELTS to meet immigration or university admission requirements. Preparing with mock tests and speaking practice is essential to achieving a strong result.

2. TOEFL – Test of English as a Foreign Language

The TOEFL is a popular English language test, especially for schools in the United States. Like IELTS, it evaluates listening, reading, writing, and speaking skills—but the format is entirely computer-based. Many American universities require a minimum score of 80–100 on the TOEFL iBT, depending on the course. 

While TOEFL and IELTS serve the same general purpose, some institutions have a clear preference for one over the other. Students are advised to check individual university requirements before registering. TOEFL is also accepted by institutions in Canada and some European countries, making it a flexible option.

3. PTE – Pearson Test of English

The PTE is a newer English language proficiency test that is rapidly gaining recognition, especially among institutions in Australia, New Zealand, and the UK. It is computer-based and uses AI to score all sections, offering faster results—typically within 48 hours. It also tests speaking, listening, reading, and writing.

For Nigerian students applying to countries where PTE is accepted, the test provides a flexible alternative to IELTS and TOEFL. Additionally, PTE is now accepted for visa applications by several immigration authorities, including the UK Home Office, making it useful not just for school, but also for relocation planning.

4. SAT – Scholastic Assessment Test

The SAT is a standard requirement for undergraduate admission in the United States, and it is gaining popularity in some Canadian and European institutions. It tests critical reading, writing, and mathematics skills. A good SAT score, often above 1200 can significantly improve a student’s chances of getting into top-tier schools or qualifying for scholarships.

For Nigerian secondary school students aiming to attend universities abroad straight after WAEC or NECO, the SAT is often the first international exam they encounter. It is held multiple times a year in Nigeria and has become more accessible through online resources and local preparatory centres.

5. ACT – American College Testing

An alternative to the SAT, the ACT is accepted by all US colleges and universities and is often preferred by students who excel in science and time-limited assessments. The ACT includes English, Mathematics, Reading, Science, and an optional Writing section. Scores range up to 36, with competitive applicants often scoring above 28.

While less commonly known than the SAT in Nigeria, the ACT is equally valid and sometimes better suited for students who are more analytical and quick-thinking. It is advisable to take practice tests for both SAT and ACT before choosing one, as some students perform significantly better in one format over the other.

6. LSAT – Law School Admission Test

For Nigerian students aspiring to study law in the United States or Canada, the LSAT is a required exam. It tests logical reasoning, analytical reasoning, and reading comprehension—not legal knowledge. Admissions into competitive law schools usually demand scores in the 160+ range out of 180.

Preparing for the LSAT involves months of practice and familiarity with the unique question types. It is offered only a few times per year, so early planning is essential. Many students pair it with a strong undergraduate academic record and extracurricular experience to enhance their applications.

7. GRE – Graduate Record Examination

The GRE is a standardised test required for many postgraduate programmes, especially in the United States. It assesses verbal reasoning, quantitative reasoning (math), and analytical writing. Some competitive fields, such as economics, engineering, and psychology, may expect scores above 320 out of 340.

Although some universities have recently waived the GRE as part of post-pandemic flexibility, many still require or recommend it—particularly for scholarships and assistantships. Nigerian graduates planning to pursue master’s or doctoral degrees abroad are encouraged to write the GRE well in advance of deadlines.

8. GMAT – Graduate Management Admission Test

The GMAT is essential for applicants to MBA and other business-related graduate programmes. It tests quantitative skills, verbal reasoning, integrated reasoning, and analytical writing. A competitive GMAT score—generally above 650—can increase chances of admission into top global business schools.

Nigerians applying to business schools in the UK, US, or Canada are advised to prepare thoroughly, as the GMAT is challenging and time-intensive. Some institutions now offer a GMAT Focus Edition, which is shorter and more targeted, making it easier to manage for working professionals.

9. MCAT – Medical College Admission Test

The MCAT is required for admission into medical schools in the United States and Canada. It assesses knowledge in biology, chemistry, physics, psychology, and critical reasoning. Scores range from 472 to 528, with top schools expecting 510 or higher.

For Nigerian students interested in becoming doctors abroad, the MCAT is not only tough but also expensive, with limited testing centres available. It requires long-term preparation and strong science foundations. Many students combine their MCAT scores with clinical experience or shadowing programmes to boost their applications.

[TheNation]

The Executive Chairman of Agege Local Government Area of Lagos State, Ganiyu Egunjobi, has thrown his weight behind the emergence of Lagos Assembly Speaker Mudashiru Obasa’s son as the All Progressives Congress chairmanship candidate for the upcoming council polls, declaring that the young man “deserves to succeed me.”

Egunjobi, in an interview with select journalists, addressed the mounting controversy that followed the May 10 APC primaries, dismissing claims of imposition and defending the legitimacy of the process that produced candidates across local government areas.

“I think the reactions in those quarters where they are shouting ‘imposition’ is in the character of politicians in our clime,” Vanguard quoted him as saying on Friday.

“I’m sure if the results had gone their way, they would be lavishing praise on the electoral process. The election committee put up a good show and should be commended, same with the leadership of the party in the state.” 

Tensions had risen after a protest in Agege and Orile-Agege by some APC members who accused Speaker Obasa of planting loyalists and family members, including his son (Abdulganiyu), as flagbearers in the upcoming July 12 council elections.

But Egunjobi dismissed the demonstration as a charade sponsored by political desperadoes.

“I watched the video of the so-called protest and I was amazed to see those who led it. A political neophyte, who is a charge-and-bail lawyer, anchored it.

“For your information, this man until recently was gushing about the Speaker, thinking singing the praise of Obasa would get him the party chairmanship ticket for Orile-Agege,” he said.

He added that some of the aggrieved aspirants, including Sola Osolana and Bukola Sofidiya, only returned to the party shortly before the primaries and lacked the moral and constitutional right to contest.

“We know some of their paymasters in the persons of a certain serving senator from Ogun State and a three-time House of Assembly member in our area, to mention but a few,” he hinted, without naming names.

Addressing the controversy over the candidacy of Obasa’s son, who is reportedly running as a vice-chairmanship candidate in Agege, Egunjobi defended the Speaker’s son as eminently qualified, drawing comparisons to political dynasties in the United States and Nigeria.

“This is someone that is well-read, a PhD student for that matter, who has been touching lives in Agege long before now. In fact, he deserves to succeed me.

“People blabbing ‘imposition’ in respect of the Speaker’s son’s matter are not fair to the young man and Agege,” he declared.

Highlighting his own tenure, which ends in about two months, Egunjobi reeled out achievements including the construction of roads, health centres, public school infrastructure, vocational training, youth empowerment programmes, and local job creation.

“We built a CBT centre for JAMB candidates, upgraded our vocational training institute, and even created a deradicalisation programme for louts post-EndSARS,” he said.

“Over 700 staff, including security personnel under ‘Paramole’, are on our payroll, receiving stipends to maintain peace and order.”

When asked about the perennial Awori versus non-indigene divide in Agege politics, the chairman responded with a rebuke of identity politics.

“We are all born and bred in Agege. Come to think of it, no Awori person in Agege is more Agege than me. The dichotomy doesn’t hold water and is inconsequential,” he concluded.

[Punch]

Ahead of the 2027 general elections, the National Working Committee (NWC) of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) has appointed key leaders to fill vacant positions at the party’s national secretariat.

According to the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Araba Rufus Aiyenigba, the appointments were made in accordance with the SDP Constitution and the mandate given to the NWC by the National Convention. 

Aiyenigba explained that the NWC meeting, chaired by the National Chairman, Alhaji Shehu Musa Gabam, led to the appointment of three prominent members into strategic leadership roles aimed at strengthening the party.

New Appointments: Senator Ugochukwu Uba – Deputy National Chairman (South)

From Anambra State, South-East Zone.

A scholar, public servant, and politician, Uba served as the Director-General and later Honourable Commissioner in Anambra State during the SDP administration of the late Governor Chukwuemeka Ezeife in 1992.

He was also a member of the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS) under Professor Omo Omoruyi during the IBB regime.

Uba represented Anambra South as a Senator from 2003 to 2007, serving as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Marine Transport and contributing to the passage of the Cabotage Act.

He holds a first-class Bachelor’s degree and a Ph.D. in Political Science and was a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja until 2021.

Dr. Sadiq Umar Abubakar – Deputy National Chairman (North)

From Gombe State, North-East Zone.

An acclaimed statistician with a Master’s in International Affairs and Diplomacy and a Ph.D. in Political Economy and Development.

He served as the SDP’s pioneer National Secretary from 2010 to 2015 and was the party’s Governorship Candidate in Gombe State in 2011.

Abubakar also chaired the SDP Convention Planning Committee in 2011 and was the pioneer Director-General of the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC), Nigeria.

Mr. Hussani Ado Bello – National Financial Secretary

From Kano State, North-West Zone.

A chartered accountant and retired civil servant from both the Federal and Kano Civil Service Commissions.

Currently a Finance and Tax Consultant, as well as a Public Relations Strategist.

He previously served as the SDP State Chairman of Kano in 2018, the Organizing Secretary of Kano State IPAC in 2019, and Chairman of the Forum of SDP State Chairmen in 2020.

Aiyenigba announced that the appointments, effective from May 15, 2025, were validly conducted and aimed at fortifying the party’s leadership structure as it prepares for the 2027 elections.

[Vanguard]

The 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), conducted by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), sparked public outcry over widespread failures, leading to a rare press conference by the Registrar, Professor Is-haq Oloyede. His statement is notable for its candour and rhetorical flourish. However, in light of best practices in crisis communication, the address reveals commendable efforts alongside critical shortcomings.

One of the core tenets of crisis communication is the prompt and transparent acknowledgement of the issue. JAMB’s press statement scores highly on this front. The Registrar admits, unequivocally, that technical glitches occurred and that candidates were affected. This stands in contrast to the typical deflection or denial often seen in Nigerian public sector communication. “There are grounds for the complaints about our 2025 UTME results… This press conference is convened to unveil the bitter truth of our findings,” he said.

This openness lends credibility and helps contain reputational damage. However, the initial delay between the release of the results (May 9) and the press conference (May 14) allowed public distrust to fester, which reduced the effectiveness of the eventual admission.

While transparency is commendable, the Registrar’s tone at times veers into the overly rhetorical and self-congratulatory. Phrases like “we burn the midnight oil” or referencing spiritual maxims like “Man proposes, God disposes” dilute the severity of the situation. Rather than focusing on the affected candidates, the statement meanders through lengthy descriptions of quality assurance processes and organisational philosophy.

Best practices suggest using clear, concise, and empathetic language during crises. Overusing metaphors and anecdotes may come across as deflective or insincere. Audiences seek reassurance, not poetry.

ALSO READ: 19-year-old UTME candidate commit suicide after scoring 190 in JAMB

JAMB earns praise for the Registrar’s assumption of responsibility: “As Registrar of JAMB, I hold myself personally responsible… and I unreservedly apologise for it.”

This is a textbook move in crisis communication: own the failure, don’t blame others. It helps maintain public trust. However, the apology is somewhat undermined by attempts to shift focus to the robustness of the system and the incompetence of unnamed service providers. The emphasis on “just one of the two service providers” feels like a hedging tactic rather than full accountability.

Another best practice is to provide a factual and comprehensible explanation of what went wrong. Here, the Registrar offers significant technical detail: issues with shuffling options, patch errors, server misconfigurations, and distinctions between “LAG” and “KAD” operational zones.

However, while thorough, the explanation is not sufficiently user-centred. Many stakeholders, including students, parents, and the general public, may struggle to understand this technical jargon.

The core message could have been simplified: What went wrong? Where did it happen? How many were affected? What are you doing about it?
Excessive focus on internal systems and structure detracts from the human cost of the crisis and obstructs clarity. JAMB took decisive remedial steps: affected candidates will retake the exam; WAEC was contacted to address scheduling conflicts; affected parties will be notified through multiple channels.

This is a strong and practical response, demonstrating both empathy and action, which are key pillars of effective crisis resolution. The Registrar’s statement that JAMB will reschedule exams for 157 affected centres reflects a responsive approach. However, the solution would have resonated more if it had been presented earlier and more clearly in the speech. It appears near the end, following many paragraphs of justification.

Moreover, it’s unclear whether the Board will compensate or support the candidates beyond merely rescheduling. For a proper restorative approach, some gesture of support (e.g., transportation assistance, exam fee waiver, or psychosocial support) would demonstrate deeper care.

Involving respected stakeholders—educators, parents’ associations, tech experts, and former officials—adds legitimacy to the investigation. It shows that JAMB is not acting unilaterally and values transparency. Still, the Registrar misses the opportunity to mention whether any candidates themselves, or their guardians, were part of this review. Their voices, being the most directly affected, should have had a space in the resolution process.

In closing, the Registrar leans into a heartfelt apology and uses phrases like: “I AM SORRY to all Nigerians.” This statement, although made late in the address, strikes a powerful emotional note. The triad of “please,” “thank you,” and “I am sorry” adds a human touch to the message. It indicates that JAMB acknowledges the public’s dissatisfaction.

However, the apology would have carried more weight if placed earlier in the statement, rather than buried after technical justifications. Best crisis responses end with concrete commitments to prevent recurrence. The Registrar fails to outline clear steps for future reform. While the speech highlights existing quality assurance processes, it does not promise new oversight mechanisms, third-party audits, or changes to provider contracts.

A future-facing statement such as “We will implement X, Y, Z to ensure this never happens again” is notably absent. JAMB’s crisis communication during the 2025 UTME controversy was commendable in its openness but flawed in its delivery. By focusing more on public clarity and actionable commitments—and less on internal glorification—it could have strengthened trust during a time of institutional vulnerability. For future incidents, JAMB must prioritise speed, simplicity, and support over storytelling.

Onyima, a former Commissioner for Information in Anambra State, teaches at Paul University, Awka.