It was a triumphant occasion. The venue was the Muhammadu Buhari Cantonment, Giri, Abuja. The joyous occasion was the destruction of over 2,400 illicit arms. The chief celebrant was the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons, NCCSALW. The five-star guests included the Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, members of the National Assembly, representatives of the service chiefs, heads of other security agencies and top military brass.

The man given the honour to set fire on the arms, was the National Security Adviser, NSA, Malam Nuhu Ribadu. He waxed lyrical as he carried out this task. However, his claims that soldiers and policemen were selling arms to terrorists, bandits and criminals, were within days, challenged by the Defence Headquarters.

It is incredible that a security-challenged and financially-strapped country that needs weapons to defend its citizenry and territory, would destroy the arms in its possession. The weapons destroyed on this occasion are enough to arm over two battalions.

Even if the argument were that the destroyed arms are not standard issue in the Nigerian military, they should have been given to other security forces like the Civilian Multination Joint Task Force, JTF, which has been battling Islamic terrorists in the North-East. There are also the militia established by state governments which need arms to combat the bandits rampaging across the country.

As General Musa complained, even when our-debt-crippled country was able to raise the funds to buy weapons, our Western suppliers are sometimes unwilling to sell us arms for various reasons. He had lamented that: “Even with our money, it is difficult getting (military) equipment.” The Defence Chief claimed that the: “The Nigerian Armed Forces can secure Nigeria (and) the entire region”, but that the lack of needed weapons limits its capacity to do so. So how come a General with such knowledge find it comfortable to sit at an occasion thousands of arms are being destroyed?

Denying Nigeria the freedom to purchase arms even after raising the necessary funds, is not new. During the 1967-1970 Nigeria Civil War, the West refused to sell us the arms necessary to keep the country as a single entity.

Even when in our current war against terrorists and other criminals, we were desperately in need of arms, many countries refused to sell us weapons. It became so frustrating that the Jonathan administration tried to bypass countries by procuring cash and, flying around the world trying to buy weapons directly from manufacturers and suppliers.

On September 5, 2014, South African security at the Lanseria International Airport, Johannesburg, seized an invoice for helicopters and armaments intended for Nigeria, along with our $9.3 million cash for the intended purchase. About three weeks later, the South Africans seized another $5.7 million arms money from Nigeria.

So, given our experience and the fact that there are countries unwilling to sell us weapons, does it make sense for our security chiefs to destroy weapons in their custody?

Yes, the Director General of the Centre, retired DIG of Police, Johnson Kokumo, said the destroyed weapons comprised a mix of unserviceable, decommissioned and recovered arms that had been mopped up by security agencies across the country, but he also hinted that the next batch of weapons to be destroyed would be brand new ones.

He told the press that the National Centre has in its custody some seized weapons undergoing tracing, investigations and legal processes. Kokumo said: “These include the illicit weapons handed over to the Centre by the Nigeria Customs Service.” As is common knowledge, the weapons seized by the Customs and Excise are new manufactures imported into the country. He announced that: “These weapons categories would be destroyed upon completion of the proceedings during subsequent routine destruction exercises.”

So, what kind of thought process makes the security chiefs destroy weapons we need, but do not produce and, would need to buy?

Is it the same mentality that guides the propensity to award contracts for arms purchase rather than produce our needs and utilize what we have?

What is even more painful is that we have good pre-colonial and post-colonial skills in arms manufacture which have been conveniently repressed in preference for imported weapons and, dependence on imported arms.

In pre-colonial Nigeria, Awka was a major centre for arms production. The British colonialists set about destroying the home-forges for local gun production. So while the Europeans continued to improve their gun production like modernising those produced by the Danes which were known as the Dane gun, local gun manufacture was criminalised.

Although we became independent 64 years ago, all governments we have had continue to criminalise local gun production except that by the military.

But the local gun production knowledge in Nigeria has not only survived about two centuries of repression, but has also been vastly improved. This is to the extent that today, a wide variety of rifles, pistols, silencers and revolver shotguns recovered from criminals by the police, are locally made.

So, what stops government from organising such arms manufacturers into cooperatives, assisting them to improve their skills and, produce arms for the country?

The clearest evidence that we can manufacture world class weapons if only government would invest in local production rather than be stuck with an import mentality, was during the Civil War.

The Production Organisation of Biafra, RAP, headed by outstanding men like Colonel Ejike Ebenezer Aghanya, Gordian Obumneme Ezekwe, Felix Oragwu, Garrick B. Leton and Seth Nwanagu, produced wide variety weapons, including command detonation mines, rocket-propelled missiles, grenades, IEDs, landmines, surface-to-air and surface-to-surface missiles under a weapons system called Ogbunigwe.

Our attitude to arms production is like that to oil production, our principal means of economic survival; after 67 years we still export it in its crude form. For over 30 years, we have been unable to refine even for our local needs.

Now, what we are doing is to transfer state monopoly on fuel, to private monopoly.

This is why Dangote Refinery would go to court seeking N100bn from our collective wealth because the Nigeria Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, MDPRA, dared to issue licences for the importation of refined petroleum products. As far as Dangote is concerned, it is the only company in a country of over 200 million people that can sell these products. Dangote wants the courts to grant it monopoly. Isn’t it claimed that capitalism is about ‘choices’?

What kind of monkey business is it that the locally refined petroleum products system is afraid of the imported? Since the locally refined producer buys crude oil in Naira, does not incur freight, insurance, off-shore loading and port charges and, has no demurrage, why  is it not cheaper?

Doubtlessly, our thought process is faulty, we need realignment.

On October 26th, the final day of the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Samoa, the leaders approved the appointment of Hon. Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey, currently Minister for Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration of the Republic of Ghana, as the incoming Secretary-General of the Commonwealth. Leaders further reaffirmed their commitment to tackling global economic, environmental and security challenges, while exploring ways to enhance resilience, sustainable trade and inclusive growth and emphasising the empowerment of youth and women.

In a statement to the media, Hon. Shirley Botchwey, Commonwealth Secretary-General elect, who became the 7th Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, noted that the election, indeed, made her the second successive woman to take up the office of Commonwealth Secretary-General, after Baroness Patricia Scotland, the current office-holder. With this decision (reached by concensus), the Heads of Government have continued the tradition of making this organization one that makes history.

Thus, it is fitting, to pay tribute to the late Queen, Elizabeth the Second, the former head of the Commonwealth, whose legendary wisdom, and calm, yet courageous stewardship for 70 years exemplified the potential of women’s leadership. “But this is not to deny the stewardship prospects of King Charles the Third, under whose leadership I look forward to working, alongside that of the Heads of Government and Board, as well as with other Commonwealth affiliate organizations,” she stressed in her statement.

According to her, this occasion marks a new chapter in the shared journey towards deepening democracy, peace, prosperity, and economic progress.

As she takes up the role, she was inspired by the diversity and resilience of the member states. These different states have distinctive difference in political culture, but share a common wealth of values. Hon. Shirley Botchwey expressed her vision is to build on these strengths, promoting trade, education, skills development and innovation for the teeming numbers of young people across Commonwealth.

She, however, promised to provide leadership and work tirelessly with member-states, and in collaboration with other international multilateral institutions, towards addressing climate change which presents a clear existential threat to Commonwealth. Her responsibility also include systematic harnessing of existing opportunities for transformation, and enhance the organization’s global voice.

Hon. Shirley Botchwey further pledged to prioritize inclusive and effective decision-making, leveraging technology to bridge gaps and amplify marginalized voices, capitalizing on her extensive experience in diplomacy, trade, defense, security, and communications.

She recognizes the fact that she has to effectively mobilize resources and efficiently manage them for the benefit of the Commonwealth. “Together, we can achieve climate resilience, promote economic transformation, and leverage technology to create opportunities for our young people. We can deepen democracy, good governance, intra-Commonwealth trade, build resilient and thriving societies, and resource our organization better,” underlined Hon. Shirley Botchwey.

Hon. Shirley Botchwey finally expressed gratitude to all and sundry, particularly to the President of the Republic of Ghana, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, her immediate boss as Foreign Minister and who later appointed her Foreign Minister. It was also announced that Antigua and Barbuda will host the next Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. The Commonwealth will gather there in 2026.

The Commonwealth is a voluntary association of 56 independent and sovereign states which include both advanced economies and developing countries. It supports member countries to build democratic and inclusive institutions, strengthen governance and promote justice and human rights. The secretariat helps to grow economies and boost trade, deliver national resilience, empower young people, and address threats such as climate change, debt and inequality.

The International Day for Rural Women, celebrated globally on October 15, brings into focus the invaluable contributions of rural women to food production, community health, and sustainable development. Yet, in Nigeria, this day passed with little mention of a figure who championed rural women’s empowerment in her lifetime: Mariam Babangida. Her remarkable legacy has profoundly shaped the lives of rural women in Nigeria and set a foundation for social and economic growth that remains relevant today. With the theme of this year’s celebration being “Rural Women Cultivating Good Food for All,” it is a glaring oversight that Mariam Babangida’s efforts were not acknowledged. Her devotion to rural women deserves a place of honor in the country’s history, and here is why her legacy must continue to be remembered and celebrated.

Mariam Babangida, Nigeria’s former First Lady and wife of military president General Ibrahim Babangida, pioneered the “Better Life for Rural Women” (BLP) program in 1987. This initiative was unprecedented in its scale, vision, and impact, representing the first time a Nigerian First Lady took on a large-scale program dedicated to improving the quality of life for women in rural communities. Recognizing the unique challenges that rural women face, limited access to education, healthcare, and economic resources, Mariam set out to transform these realities. She saw that empowering rural women was not only a social responsibility but a pathway to achieving national development goals.

The Better Life Program addressed multiple aspects of rural life, from healthcare and sanitation to education, skill acquisition, and micro-entrepreneurship. Through the establishment of cooperatives, cottage industries, and community centers, it opened doors for rural women to gain financial independence, access to health services, and opportunities for self-empowerment. Mariam Babangida’s program elevated the status of rural women from largely unrecognized contributors to active participants in the nation’s economy.

Mariam Babangida’s contributions went beyond charity; her work set the stage for future programs aimed at women’s development and poverty alleviation. The Better Life Program created an environment that encouraged rural women to take control of their economic circumstances. It was one of the first initiatives that addressed rural women’s issues holistically, looking at the interconnected needs of healthcare, education, and economic opportunities. As rural women gained skills and resources, they became more active in their communities, contributing to economic growth and fostering local development.

Through this program, Mariam Babangida also made a lasting impact on agriculture, as rural women were encouraged to form cooperatives and embrace modern agricultural practices. This not only increased productivity but also improved food security within local communities, a goal still relevant in the context of this year’s theme. By placing emphasis on rural women’s role in food production, the Better Life Program directly addressed the idea of “cultivating good food for all.” The program laid a foundation that rural women, with their increased productivity and economic empowerment, could carry forward, thus enhancing national food security.

A key aspect of the Better Life Program was its focus on skill acquisition and educational opportunities for women who had often been marginalized in traditional educational settings. Mariam Babangida realized that education was the primary avenue for rural women to gain agency and independence. She worked with government bodies and NGOs to create literacy programs tailored to rural women, enabling them to participate in the economic and social lives of their communities with confidence.

Skill acquisition centers became a vital part of the Better Life Program, teaching women skills such as weaving, tailoring, soap-making, and other crafts that could be turned into income-generating activities. These skills allowed women to start their own small businesses, which had a ripple effect on local economies, as women were now contributing to household incomes and raising standards of living.

One of Mariam Babangida’s notable contributions was her work in healthcare and sanitation for rural communities. Recognizing that poor health limited the potential of rural women, she incorporated healthcare initiatives into the Better Life Program. Through vaccination campaigns, maternity care, and family planning services, the program helped reduce mortality rates and improve general health among rural women and their families. The provision of clean water facilities and sanitation education promoted healthier living conditions, which directly impacted productivity and overall quality of life in these communities.

The Better Life Program’s efforts in healthcare also underscored the relationship between women’s health and national development. By ensuring that women in rural areas had access to basic healthcare, Mariam Babangida underscored the importance of physical well-being as a fundamental right and a cornerstone for economic and social participation.

Mariam Babangida’s work did not end with her tenure as Nigeria’s First Lady. The legacy she left through her tireless work for rural women’s empowerment has inspired generations of Nigerian women leaders and advocates who have continued to advance her vision. Programs initiated by successive First Ladies and other women leaders have drawn inspiration from her blueprint. In a country where political transitions often lead to abrupt changes in policies and programs, the fact that the Better Life Program’s principles have been incorporated into various modern initiatives is a testament to Mariam Babangida’s enduring influence.

As the nation reflects on the achievements and challenges faced by rural women, it is essential to remember the foundations laid by Mariam Babangida. Her legacy is not just about the Better Life Program; it is a story of resilience, vision, and the conviction that women, no matter their background, deserve equal opportunities to thrive. Mariam Babangida’s work demonstrated that empowering women is an investment in a country’s future, a lesson that remains crucial for Nigeria’s growth today.

Mariam Babangida’s contributions should be celebrated annually, especially on International Rural Women’s Day, to remind Nigeria of her pioneering role in championing rural women’s empowerment. Celebrating her legacy also provides a platform to educate future generations about her transformative work and inspire them to continue the pursuit of gender equality and rural development.

In a country where rural communities remain underserved and where gender disparity continues to hinder national development, Mariam Babangida’s legacy is more relevant than ever. The International Day for Rural Women, with this year’s theme of “Rural Women Cultivating Good Food for All,” highlights the critical roles that women play in food production and community well-being. Recognizing Mariam Babangida’s contributions on this day would remind Nigerians of the power of women-led development programs and underscore the importance of empowering rural women to achieve sustainable development goals.

Honoring Mariam Babangida is not just about recognizing her achievements; it is about acknowledging the potential of rural women and the transformative impact that can come when they are empowered. It is about reminding Nigeria that the well-being of rural women is tied to the well-being of the nation. Mariam Babangida’s vision for rural women should inspire Nigeria’s future, encouraging policy-makers, community leaders, and individuals to continue supporting the empowerment of women in every corner of the country.

On Monday, (today) the winner of the 2024 Ballon d’Or award, will finally be announced.

For the first time in its history, neither Lionel Messi or Cristiano Ronaldo were included in the 30-man shortlist.

Messi (eight) and Ronaldo (five) both won the award 13 times in 16 years.

Instead, this time around, there will be new contenders. Vinicius Junior (Real Madrid), Rodri (Manchester City), Kylian Mbappe (PSG/Real Madrid) and Erling Halaand (Manchester City) fight for the prize.

Ahead of the ceremony at the Théâtre du Châtelet in Paris tonight, DAILY POST takes a look at the players that are likely to make the top three.

Vinicius Junior: The 24-year-old, who inherited Ronaldo’s no.7 shirt at Real Madrid, is the hot favourite to succeed Messi. This follows an impressive season where he won the LaLiga and Champions League titles with Los Blancos. Vinicius scored 24 goals and provided 11 assists and will become the next Brazilian to win the prize since Kaka.

Rodri: There have been a lot of calls for the Manchester City midfielder to win the Ballon d’Or this year. But the Spaniard, who won the Premier League title and Euro 2024, is likely to finish second behind Vinicius Jr. It would be a tough one for Rodri, who is considered the best in his position and has become an influential member of Pep Guardiola’s squad.

Bellingham: The England midfielder looks like the player that will make up the top three, ahead of Real team-mates Dani Carvajal and Kylian Mbappe. Bellingham enjoyed a fruitful debut season with the LaLiga champions and played in the Euro 2024 final with the Three Lions. Although he is yet to score a single goal this season, the 21-year-old has done enough to be a finalist for this award.

‘ARCON Act Section 54: A new threat to business growth in Nigeria’ in The Nation of Wednesday 23, October by one Saheed Akinola caught my attention and I immediately developed an urge to respond to some of the issues raised by the author.

To start with, I think it will be necessary to state that I’m not an advertising practitioner but a lawyer and a sociologist. Strangely, it wasn’t the legal interpretation of the referenced section of the ARCON Act that provoked my curiosity but my knowledge and experience as sociology lecturer for many years before veering into law. And as a Nigerian consumer, I’m equally affected by issues related to advertising and marketing. Many times, I or members of my family have fallen victims to deceitful campaigns.

One of the questions Sociology scholars battle to answer is question appurtenant to social order, and in this context is the regulation of advertisement and the protection of the consuming public from the vicious consequences of the Macdonaldization of our society through a microcosm beaming of searchlight on the nexus between advertising and individual well-being as it affects the collective conscience of the society. Can advertisers be blamed for the negative perception of consumers? What is the place of regulation in promoting sanity in the marketing communication? Who bears the burden of deceitful campaign; the advertiser, the regulator or the consumer. The questions are endless but the last question gives a straight forward answer; the advertiser sells and smiles to the bank, the regulator faces criticism while the consumer looses money or suffers serious health challenges due to consumption of substandard products.

To this end, I see the need for stakeholders to lay to bear the issues around Section 54 of the ARCON Act once and for all, because it speaks to the core of advertising regulation. Unfortunately, like Akinola’s article in The Nation on Saturday, many of such articles have been sponsored by some individuals within the corporate Nigeria because they feel the section is hampering their unbridled use as advertisers to lure in consumers.

As rightly pointed out by the writer of the misleading article, Section 54 of the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON) mandates that no person, corporate entity, or agency can advertise products or services without obtaining prior approval from the Standards Panel.

Though Akinola admitted that the law intends to regulate advertising practices and ensure standards, he yielded to emotion when he concluded that the far-reaching scope and the heavy penalties attached raise several concerns about its impact on business operations, especially for small and medium enterprises (SMEs).

Perhaps a second look at the section may be necessarily recommended to the gentleman for him to properly deeply decipher the message therein; “Any person including sponsor or beneficiary of an advertisement, body corporate, organization or agency which creates or places for publication or exposure of an advertisement in any medium directed at or targeting the Nigerian market without the prior approval of Standards Panel commits an offence and is liable to such fine as stated in the Nigerian Code of Advertising Practice.”

Looking at the argument of Mr. Akinola, perhaps a legal practitioner, and his concern about the penalties attached to breaking advertising law makes me sick because an elementary student of Jurisprudence is knowledgeable enough to know that there will be no enforcement without sanction.

The legal term “sanction” had come into existence after Austin’s ‘theory of sovereignty’ where he described “sanction” as one of the important elements of the law. According to this theory, any force that is applied by the State in order to administer justice could be termed as a sanction. They are blunt diplomatic tools that have been measured into the guidelines we know of today. The term “sanctions” in the field of law and legal theory, are deemed to be penalties or any other means of law enforcement tool that is used to provide an incentive to the obedience of the law, or any regulation or any other set of management or rules as provided by the State. A sanction may be defined as an element that is associated with accountability that corresponds to the consequences which result from the justification of the realization of such accountability.

In the current scenario, it’s obvious that the writer of the article under review knows but little about advertising and its regulation. Rather than dismissing ARCON Act section 54 as nothing but a distraction to businesses, he should have availed himself with literature about advertising ethics as well as report on campaign vetting and approval in different markets of the world.

In Nigeria and all over the world, communication materials are daily being subjected to legal scrutiny to be sure they don’t run against the principle of natural justice and public interest. In other words, the principle of nemo judex incausa sua & Audi alterem pattem must not be overlooked.

It is on this note that the issue of false or misleading representations and deceptive marketing practices under the Competition Act becomes necessary for healthy advertising practice. The Competition Act contains provisions addressing false or misleading representations and deceptive marketing practices in promoting the supply or use of a product or any business interest. All representations, in any form whatsoever, that are false or misleading in a material respect are subject to the Act. If a representation could influence a consumer to buy or use the product or service advertised, it is material. To determine whether a representation is false or misleading, the courts consider the “general impression” it conveys, as well as its literal meaning.
The Act provides two adjudicative regimes to address false or misleading representations and deceptive marketing practices. Under the criminal regime, thea,,, general provision prohibits all materially false or misleading representations made knowingly or recklessly. Other provisions specifically forbid deceptive telemarketing, deceptive notices of winning a prize, double ticketing, and schemes of pyramid selling. The multi level marketing provisions prohibit certain types of representations relating to compensation.

The classic case of Kim Kardashian scenario in the United States in 2022 is a good example of how sanctions are used to put advertisers on their toes. After all said and done and Kim Kardashian was found guilty of unhealthy practice, she agreed to pay a US$1.26 million (NZ$2.2m) fine for advertising EthereumMax on her Instagram page.

The US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) said the reality TV star had received US$250,000 for advertising the cryptocurrency, without disclosing she had been paid to do so. She also agreed not to promote crypto asset securities for three years.

A similar case in Nigeria was the MMM and other Ponzi schemes which Nigeria’s Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), also overruled in 2022. The SEC DG, Lamido Yuguda had stated that the Commission would continuously collaborate and engage relevant agencies to eliminate completely all Ponzi schemes operations in the capital market. He said the SEC has been fighting a serious war against Ponzi schemes, and has been engaging and alerting Nigerians on the need to only deal with operators that are registered with the Commission.

Then last year, Nollywood Actress, Olutoyin Abraham, had no choice but to terminate her contract with RevolutionPlus Property Development Company Limited as a brand ambassador when she started receiving a lot of allegations and complaints from investors who claimed that the company had not allocated lands nor refunded them their monies.

Coming to ARCON, many controversial campaigns would have resulted in anarchy and unrest in the society if the regulatory body had not acted fast and nipped the crisis in the bud.

Last year, FrieslandCampina Wamco, owners of the Peak Milk brand, was marked out for sanction by the apex advertising regulatory body for releasing to the public a creative material that was not vetted by it. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) had condemned the makers of Peak Milk, over an offensive Easter advert that was said to have sparked outrage among Christians in the country

Closely related was the furore generated by the Easter day advert of Sterling Bank which also brought to the fore the banana peel that often confronts the business of creatives anywhere in the world. In the said copy, which was published in major dailies on Sunday April 17, 2022, the bank had likened the resurrection of the Lord Jesus Christ to ‘Agege Bread’, a popular brand of bread that is very common in Agege, a suburb of Lagos.

As expected, many adherents of the Christian faith saw the copy as not just being offensive and insensitive; they also felt it was a denigration of the status of Jesus Christ, the symbol of the Christian faith all over the world. Again, ARCON rose to the occasion and saved the country from unnecessary religious unrest.

Going back to the Section 54 of the ARCON act which Akinola views as placing undue burdens on smaller enterprises that may lack the resources to navigate complex regulatory processes is an illogical conclusion. In a sane environment, the government regulates advertising materials, not only to promote healthy living but to protect businesses. By allowing advertisers to operate unrestrained, caution is most times thrown into the air as business owners would churn out deceptive materials to deceive the public. Under such circumstances, responsible businesses that play by the rule may be at a disadvantage while those with deceiving campaigns will be smiling to the bank at the expense of innocent consumers.

On the argument that subjecting businesses that rely on frequent advertising updates, such as those in the tech and retail sectors into missing marketing opportunities and hinder their ability to compete effectively, this is a baseless argument considering the framework of the current advertising regulatory system, which has put in place a measure that would fast track vetting and approval. Besides, APCON has decentralized its operations to address issues related to vetting as quickly as possible.

Finally, rather than criminalising ARCON on regulation and presenting the regulatory body as the enemy of businesses, stakeholders should rather come together and abide by global best practice. To me the ongoing campaign of calumny is nothing but emotional blackmail to set the body against the government and those who know but little about its operations. To build Nigeria, we need to promote the Rule of Law.

Atata, a lawyer, lives in Lagos.

Let us begin from the most obvious: no minister wants to be dropped from the President’s cabinet, if he or she can help it. Reports in some newspapers said as the ministers sat in the Council Chambers last Wednesday waiting for a meeting of the Federal Executive Council [FEC] to begin, five of them were told that the President wanted to see them. You can imagine how their stomachs churned, their heads were spinning, their heart beats increased, their vision became blurred, their hearing was impaired and their legs wobbled as they walked across to the President’s office. They must have looked like cows being led to the slaughter house.

The remaining 40 plus ministers who were not among the five called to the President’s office were not at ease either. How would they know if those called in were only the first batch, and that a second, possible even a third or fourth batch would later be called in for a routine “thank you for your service, I wish you success in your future endeavours” meeting? Being called to the President’s office is often unpleasant for a minister. A minister in President Obasanjo’s government told me a story of how, after a nasty exchange with a cabinet colleague at a FEC meeting that required the president’s intervention to calm matters down, the President asked him to follow him to his office. He fully expected to be sacked and regretted that he had not resigned after the hot exchange at the FEC meeting. But when he got into the President’s office, old man Obasanjo brought up something else!

Presidents, too, do not like to sack ministers. A loyal and friendly minister, once sacked, could go straight into the ranks of the president’s political enemies. Still, the clamour had been on for months, in political circles and in the news media, for President Tinubu to rejig the Federal cabinet. For different reasons. While the mass media, which claims to reflect the public mood, was demanding for changes because citizens are highly dissatisfied with the Federal Government’s current trajectory, politicians want a change so that some of the people standing outside and looking inside will get a chance to come in and be looking outside from the inside. The clamour soon graduated into a rumour that a reshuffle was impending, which the President’s spokesman later confirmed was afoot. To boot, when the President took off on a two-week break, it was said it was to afford him an opportunity to reflect on his government. Nigerians interpreted that to mean to mull on the changes he was about to make. Besides, the Presidency had sensationally said last year that Hadiza Bala Usman, the President’s Adviser on Policy Coordination, will keep a score card of ministerial performance and Tinubu himself publicly pledged to sack any minister who did not perform to expectation.

Was it wise for the Presidency to confirm late last month that a reshuffle was imminent? One can imagine that from that point, there was unease in ministerial tummies and many of them will be unable to concentrate on their duties. There will be a scramble to the houses of godfathers, party bigwigs, presidential family members, traditional rulers, clerics and even babalawos to put in a word or to throw in some incantations in order to save a job.

And why not? It was not easy to get into the cabinet in the first place. Thousands, if not tens of thousands of people all over the country were angling for the slots when the cabinet was being constituted last year. Politicians who worked hard in successful election campaigns believe they should be rewarded with ministerial posts. Some people wanted to be ministers because they were ministers before and they believe they should be ministers again. Some other people thought they should be ministers because they had never been ministers before. Still other people thought they had attained high positions in other areas of the public service or in the professions and they therefore deserve to be appointed as ministers. This last group of aspirants remind me of what Professor Godwin Soglo said at a NIPPS seminar in 1980, that acquiring education in a society where millions of others were denied the chance, or even attaining high positions in areas of public life, is a privilege and one privilege does not entitle anyone to another privilege!

The cabinet reshuffle cat was finally let out of the bag last Wednesday when five ministers were discharged, ten ministers were reassigned and seven new ones were appointed. That phrase “discharged,” which the Presidency said was the appropriate one to use instead of the “sacked” that the media was fond of, was it at all appropriate? It is given to misunderstanding. In one episode of the 1970s British sitcom Mind Your Language, the Indian Sikh student Ranjit did not come to class one day and he explained to the teacher that he had to stay at home with his brother who had just been discharged. The teacher Mr. Brown said, “Oh, from hospital.” And Ranjit said, “No, from prison.” The ministers who were discharged from the cabinet, was it from a hospital or a prison?

Was the reshuffle well worth it? Almost no one stood up in Nigeria and granted it a standing ovation. One intellectual said “it was underwhelming.” Even though the Presidency statement said it was designed to improve efficiency and performance, historically, cabinet reshuffles are used in Nigeria mostly to satisfy the public lust for blood, especially when things are not going on well. In the long years when this country was ruled by a string of Army Generals, newspapers had a habit to spreading rumours of an impending reshuffle ahead of each anniversary of the regime. This is often accompanied by suggestions of which ministers would get the sack, attributed to anonymous “informed sources close to the government” when in truth it is the wish of the reporters.

Different rulers of Nigeria handled their cabinets differently. General Babangida had some of the most accomplished technocrats as ministers but he routinely changed his cabinet, courageously so because he often changed military Service Chiefs and on one occasion, he even dissolved the Armed Forces Ruling Council. It was a complete departure from General Yakubu Gowon, who retained the same military governors [with only one change] for nine years and only changed some ministers in 1974, after seven years. General Sani Abacha, whose cabinet met once in a blue moon, sacked the first one after 15 months and made sweeping changes. President Obasanjo also made regular changes to his cabinet. The most sweeping change I remember was however made by the taciturn President Yar’adua who, after 15 months in office, sacked 20 ministers in one fell swoop. Both Presidents Jonathan and Buhari made only few and far between cabinet changes while they were at the helm.

The reasons why Presidents sack ministers are often not the ones that the public or the mass media imagine. It could be due to failure to get on well with the First Lady, or annoying a party godfather, or a protocol snafu, or rumours of going out with the wrong person. Ok, President Tinubu pledged that who stays or who goes in his cabinet was going to be based on Madam Hadiza Bala Usman’s assessment report. How did she do this assessment? As a former teacher myself, I would like to see the Marking Scheme that she used. How can you mark an exam answer sheet without a marking scheme?

When we were freshly recruited as Graduate Assistants, our wise old Head of Department Professor S.H.Z. Naqvi told us that, “A student who attends his lectures regularly, listens attentively, takes lecture notes, reads them carefully and is able to reproduce them in the exam, deserves only a C.” B, he said, is the student who goes beyond the lecture notes and reads textbooks, whereas “an A is the outstanding student,” apparently one who marshals his points in the exam better than even the lecturer could do!

Can we kindly see the score sheet of Mrs. Usman’s recorded marks? Please let is not be like the recent Local Government election in some states, where election materials arrived at the polling stations without the Result Sheets. If at all those scores were the basis for the cabinet changes, Nigerians want to see the scores of the persons in charge of fuel prices, fuel supply, food prices, transport fares, naira value, power supply, Band A power rates, ASUU and medical workers’ strikes, protracted minimum wage negotiations and its delayed implementation, as well as physical defence of communities from kidnappers and terrorists.

Pray, what was the JAMB-style Cut-Off Point for admission into the federal cabinet? Was it an A, a B, a tolerable C, or even some D scorers squeaked through? Considering that the former Minister of Education disallowed anyone under 18 from entering a higher institution, is there an age below which one cannot enter the Federal Executive Council?

What is the value of scandal in the ministerial assessment? Does it, for example, earn a minister a  Libya-style CAF punishment, a fine and deduction of points and goals scored? Ok, one minister who threatened to sue the United Nations and one minister who caused a national uproar by prioritizing entry age into higher institutions were discharged, but what was the score of the minister who completed many city infrastructure road projects but bogged down a state government and caused chaos in a Local Government election, including the burning of LGA offices? Was the assessment something like how they mark objective tests in a medical school, where for every wrong answer a student ticks, one correct answer that he ticked is subtracted?  That way, a 50% score could translate into a 0% score!

Cabinet reshuffle is a tricky art. It often buys precious political time for the Presidency, but only for a short while. The next clamour for cabinet changes will start early in May next year, because it is the Administration’s half-way mark.

The challenges in Nigeria’s educational sector are complex and pressing, encompassing poor quality, inadequate funding, limited access, and an outdated curriculum. The World Bank reports that Nigeria’s education sector is severely underfunded, with only about 7% of the federal budget allocated to education in 2024, well below the UNESCO-recommended 15-20% needed to make a meaningful impact. These systemic issues significantly impact Nigeria’s economy and social fabric, contributing to unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The need for reform is clear and urgent: transforming education is critical to Nigeria’s global growth and competitiveness.

The recent appointment of Dr. Tunji Alausa as the Minister of Education in Nigeria is a crucial and hopeful step in the nation’s urgent mission to revitalise its educational system. This change in the leadership of the education ministry underscores the president’s commitment to prioritising education reform as a cornerstone of Nigeria’s socio-economic development. Dr Alausa’s posting to the Ministry reflects a desire for credible leadership prioritising competence, experience, and integrity over political motivations. Having worked in the university system on three continents, Dr Alausa brings new hope for reform in the education sector. His appointment signals a commitment to impactful policies focusing on transparency and accountability. With a robust background in education and administration, he is expected to bring experience and knowledge to the Ministry, helping to break from the ineffective policies and practices of the past. 

For decades, Nigeria’s education sector has grappled with systemic failures that affect all levels of schooling. In primary education, over 10.5 million Nigerian children are out of school, representing the highest rate globally for out-of-school children. The majority are in the northern regions affected by poverty and conflict. Many primary schools lack basic amenities such as clean water, functional classrooms, and teaching materials, resulting in an environment that discourages learning and growth.

At the secondary level, transition rates are low, with many children who complete primary school not enrolling in secondary education. This gap is influenced by factors such as poverty, child labour, and insufficient infrastructure, leading to significant dropout rates and educational gaps. Additionally, with few secondary schools in Nigeria providing science laboratories, students are often unprepared for careers in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), fields that are critical to Nigeria’s future competitiveness.

The challenges extend to the tertiary level, where Nigerian universities struggle with overcrowded classrooms, limited research funding, and chronic staff strikes. We have suboptimal teaching staff capacity and little research output. With approximately 2 million applicants vying for less than 600,000 spots each year, Nigeria’s tertiary education sector falls drastically short of meeting the demand for higher education. Moreover, Nigeria’s graduate unemployment rate is 33%, highlighting a mismatch between university training and the skills needed in the job market. Some argue that some of our graduates are unemployable. This situation demonstrates the urgent need for curriculum reform, stronger links between academia and industry, and a comprehensive strategy to address the skills gap.

The brand-new minister should call for immediate reforms in six critical areas that could lay the groundwork for long-term success and transformation in Nigeria’s education sector.

First, extensive policy changes and secure funding for primary education are essential. However, it’s crucial to ensure that local government autonomy does not endanger consistent support for primary schools. Whereas LGAs are responsible for funding primary education, we know this is not feasible in practice. The Federal Ministry of Education should propose a policy that sees all three tiers of government funding primary education. Again, federal and state governments need to revive school inspectorate.

Second, addressing the out-of-school children crisis requires targeted solutions, especially in marginalised and rural communities where the need is most acute. For example, programmes like the Better Education Service Delivery for All (BESDA), which focuses on re-enrolling children in schools, have shown promise in states like Kano and Katsina. However, more significant investment and expansion of such programmes will be needed to make a substantial dent in the out-of-school population. Specific initiatives targeting girls, who make up over 60% of the out-of-school children in Nigeria, will be essential to ensure gender parity in education and reduce the barriers that prevent young girls from completing their schooling.

Improving quality standards across all educational levels is also critical. Setting rigorous benchmarks for institutions and implementing accountability systems will help drive consistency and excellence. For example, programmes like the Quality Assurance Initiative introduced by the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) aim to monitor and evaluate primary school performance, but similar initiatives must be scaled and extended to secondary and tertiary levels. The evaluation method of individual students needs to be reviewed. 

Furthermore, enhancing teacher training and certification processes is fundamental to improving quality. Over 50% of Nigerian teachers lack the qualifications to teach effectively. Nigeria can ensure educators have the skills and knowledge to deliver high-quality education by focusing on recruitment, certification, and ongoing professional development.

Ensuring access and equity is another vital focus area. Gaps in urban and rural access to quality education remain a significant challenge, with rural children being disproportionately impacted. Infrastructure and policy support for underserved areas can help bridge these divides. Initiatives such as the school-Based Management Committees (SBMCs), which involve community members in managing schools, have successfully improved local accountability and increased school enrolment in rural regions. Expanding these community-driven approaches will be instrumental in achieving equitable education for all Nigerian children.

The curriculum itself requires a comprehensive overhaul. In a world driven by technology and innovation, Nigerian students need an education emphasising critical thinking, creativity, and adaptability, aligning them with global standards and preparing them for competitive careers. Programmes like the National Policy on Science and Technology Education aim to revamp the curriculum to foster critical skills, but implementation has been inconsistent. We must make a nationwide effort to introduce STEM subjects early.

In terms of infrastructure, investment in physical and technological resources will enhance the learning environment. Data from the Federal Ministry of Education shows that only 30% of secondary schools have access to functional libraries, and even fewer have the necessary digital resources to support modern education. Upgrading facilities, establishing sustainable maintenance plans, and introducing digital learning resources in schools will be essential for creating a conducive learning environment.

To address these challenges, Dr. Alausa could consider implementing several innovative strategies. First, a National Education Technology (EdTech) Programme could be introduced to leverage digital solutions and bridge access gaps. Providing affordable tablets preloaded with interactive curricula to students in rural areas could improve access to learning resources and enhance the overall learning experience. This programme could be developed in partnership with EdTech companies, enabling students to access digital resources, interactive lessons, and adaptive learning tools tailored to their progress.

Establishing a National STEM Initiative would address Nigeria’s science and technology skills shortage. Creating specialised STEM-focused schools equipped with advanced laboratories and trained teachers would help students develop competencies in critical areas. The initiative could also promote a “STEM for Girls” programme, providing mentorship and scholarship opportunities to encourage young girls’ participation in STEM fields.

To tackle the high unemployment rates and skills mismatch among graduates, Dr Alausa could introduce vocational pathways within secondary education. A “dual education model,” similar to Germany’s, would combine academic learning with hands-on industry training. Offering vocational tracks in carpentry, digital literacy, and agriculture could provide students with practical skills, increasing their employability upon graduation. To support this model, public-private partnerships could help create a seamless connection between schools and industries.

Dr. Alausa could also launch a Teacher Training and Empowerment Academy to improve the quality of teaching nationwide. This academy would focus on modern pedagogy, digital literacy, and STEM teaching methods, ensuring teachers are well-equipped to meet the demands of today’s educational landscape. Accessible as both an online resource and through in-person sessions, the academy would provide ongoing professional development for teachers, leading to certifications and career advancement opportunities.

Regional Curriculum Innovation Centres could be established to ensure Nigeria’s curriculum remains relevant. These centres would work with industry experts, universities, and educators to continuously update the curriculum, integrating critical thinking, creativity, and industry-aligned skills. Such centres could help keep the curriculum adaptable to changing job market demands and regional educational needs, ensuring students are prepared for future challenges.

Finally, establishing Education Savings Accounts (ESAs) could provide financial assistance to low-income families, enabling them to save specifically for their children’s education. Such accounts, supported by government contributions or matching savings, could be used for education-related expenses, making education more affordable and accessible to low-income families. The current funds from the Education tax must be utilised appropriately to optimise the system. By allowing companies to “Adopt a School” and invest in facilities, technology, or libraries, PPPs would alleviate some of the financial pressures on the government and improve the learning experience across Nigeria.

Nigeria’s education sector requires a cohesive, long-term strategy to ensure sustained improvement. A comprehensive plan should involve collaboration among policymakers, educators, “industry”, “stakeholders”, and communities, creating a unified vision for the future of education. This grand strategy must include mechanisms for accountability, transparency, and sustained investment. While the road to meaningful reform is challenging, transformative change in Nigeria’s educational system is possible. Dr Tunji Alausa’s appointment signals a renewed focus on making Nigeria’s education system a powerful driver of progress, pivoting the transition from a resource-based to a knowledge-based economy, and providing young Nigerians with the skills and knowledge necessary to contribute to the nation’s growth and prosperity. With commitment, innovation, and perseverance, Nigeria’s education sector can be revitalised to meet the needs of future generations.

Elections are losing their values in Nigeria. They are becoming moribund and anachronistic. The question is why do we still pretend that elections are of any use in this country? Those who organise the exercise know too well that nothing serious is happening. Politicians also know there are no elections in the real sense of the word.

All over the world, election is a serious business and politicians do everything to outwit their opponents. As Americans prepares for their Presidential election in a few days’ time, main candidates are employing all propaganda to psyche down one another. But elections will hold and credible results will be declared to the satisfaction of majority of voters.

But Nigerian elections have ceased to excite the citizens. Results are hardly credible and the impunity of those who perpetrate the heist is irritatingly annoying. These have combined to push many people away from showing up at the polling booths on election day.

Like many other things in Nigeria, elections may have lost their value. Citizens are becoming increasingly weary of going to the polls, simply because they believe their votes would not and do not count.

Those who have adopted this position are being justified by the shambolic elections that are being organised by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Statistics, since 2007. It was better in 1999 when the country returned to civil rule, but subsequent elections have witnessed lower voter turnout than the ones preceding them.

Let me conduct you through the awful trajectory since 1999. It was 52.3percent in 1999; 69percent in 2003; 57.5percent in 2007; 53.7 percent in 2011; 43.7 percent in 2015; 34.8percent in 2019, and 28.63percent in 2023.

The consistent decline was in spite of the touted adoption of technology in the electoral process.

Increasing voter registration has failed to translate into more voters turning out to exercise their franchise.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was declared winner with fewer than 9 million votes. With 36.61percent of the total votes cast, the President is presiding over a country of over 220 million people!

The situation is not better in sub-national elections as the high level of electoral malfeasance has discouraged many Nigerians from showing interest in the electoral process.

In the last off-cycle gubernatorial election in Edo, the turnout was pathetic. Voter turnout has been on the downward trend.

For instance, the turnout in the 2016 poll in Edo that brought Godwin Obaseki to power was 32.7percent, as 622,029 votes were cast out of 1,900,223 registered voters. In 2020, 24.9percent, or approximately 25percent, was recorded, in which 550, 242 people voted out of 2,210534 total registered voters. In the last election, only 22percent was recorded.

It does not seem that things will improve in the near future despite the gale of condemnation that trails the activities of election handlers and the rhetoric emanating from political practitioners.

The desperation of politicians is making elections in the country look laughable. Ahead of the Ondo State gubernatorial election, some chieftains of the ruling party are already claiming victory when the exercise has not been conducted.

They have also given the Governor of Anambra State, Chukwuma Soludo a notice that he should not waste his time and resources to seek re-election.

The way things seem at the moment, the ruling party may have perfected plans to win wherever and whenever elections are held going forward. For the party’s apparatchiks, it does not matter whether elections are free, fair or credible, what appears to matter is the end justifying the means.

Many Nigerians are saying that there is no need for the government at all levels to waste time and resources organising shambolic elections, but that they should just anoint their choices and crown them without disturbing the citizens.

The Sokoto State Ministry of Health has cautioned residents that cases of Acute Hemorrhagic Conjunctivitis, commonly known as Apollo is on the rise in recent weeks in the state.

Commissioner for Health in the state, Hajiya Asabe Balarabe, who announced this said the symptoms of the disease include sudden onset of red eyes, swelling pain and watery discharge which spread rapidly through contact with infected individuals and contaminated surfaces.

Hajiya Balarabe said as part of effort to contain the spread of the disease, the ministry has been sensitizing the people on the need to strictly adhere to preventive measures.

She noted that such measures include ensuring good hygiene, avoiding sharing personal items, disinfecting common surfaces, keeping social distancing and avoiding touching the eyes.

The Commissioner added that the ministry was actively monitoring the situation and enjoined people to always report to outbreak of any disease to the ministry for prompt action.