By 7.30pm tonight, it will be exactly the 37^th posthumous anniversary of the killing of Jamaican reggae music lord, Winston Hubert MclnTosh, popularly known as Peter Tosh. Born October 11, 1944, if he were alive, Peter would be 80 years old next month. Thirty seven years ago, reggae music and indeed the world, lost Tosh, the iconic maestro, poet, philosopher and a staunch defender of African rights. Three gunmen, led by Dennis “Leppo” Lobban, one of Tosh’s ‘boys’ who he sustained as part of the communal Rastafarian injunction of brotherly co-existence, had stormed his house at Barbican Road residence, St Andrew, Jamaica. Within a twinkle of an eye, the gunmen had put a full stop to the 42 years of existence of a man who, with two others, Robert Nesta Marley and Neville O’Riley (Bunny Livingston), pioneered what is today a genre of music called reggae. The three had ensured reggae’s mutation from the traditional Jamaican music called ska.

Tosh had, on the morning of his death, just returned to Jamaica from a US business trip and was relaxing by watching a TV satellite show at home. He was with his common law live-in-lover, Marlene Brown when the gunmen struck. The Jamaican court which tried Leppo was to later rule that the attackers were on an armed robbery expedition. Two others were killed in that encounter, namely famous Rastafarian broadcaster and disc jockey with the defunct Jamaican Broadcasting Service (JBS), Jeff Dixon, also known as Free I, and one other guest to the house named Wilton Brown. Free I’s wife, co-guests Michael Robinson and Santa Davis survived but Marlene, Tosh’s wife, had a bullet lodged in her skull.

At first, talks were rife that Marley’s wife, Rita, who controlled his estate, had a hand in Tosh’s murder. The original Wailing Wailers friends of Marley had made legal claim to his multi-million dollar Tuff Gong studio on Hope Street in Kingston. The suspicion about Rita was exacerbated by interviews granted by the then lone survivor of the triumvirate, Bunny, who accused Rita of being a “Jezebel,” alleging also that Tosh was actually sleeping with her while she was married to Bob.

According to Marlene, Leppo had, with a pistol held menacingly in his hands, ordered Tosh and others in the living room “to belly it!” (lie on their bellies) and told Peter specifically, “you’re gonna be dead tonite so you better say nothing!” He asked Peter for US dollars and when he told him he didn’t have any, Leppo again told him he would behead him. At that point, recounted one of Tosh‘s ‘brethren,’ Tosh became uncoordinated and waffled, “I… I could… could make arrangement… for for it a-a-n-other t-t-i-i-m-e.” For what looked like an eternity, it seemed Tosh and his accomplice who stormed the house had agreed with Tosh’s request. All of a sudden, Leppo and his gang opened fire on Tosh. Others were also shot. According to the survivors, the gang emptied its bullets on their victims. Tosh received two bullets on his head. He died that night at a local hospital and was buried on September 26, 1987.

The story of Leppo’s strike was shrouded in mystery. He was one of Tosh’s “brethren” who he fed and who knew the geography of the house. According to another of Tosh’s brethren who was on ground on the day Leppo stormed Tosh’s Barbican Road residence, he owned up that he was the one who opened the house door for Leppo because the Tosh eventual killer was a regular visitor to the house. According to him, Leppo had even come to collect handout from Tosh two weeks before then. Leppo not only visited Tosh’s Barbican Road residence regularly but had become familiar with the trained dogs which provided security therein. So it was not difficult for the gang to disarm the dogs on the day of its strike.

While he held the gun, turning his anger on Marlene, Leppo had angrily accused Tosh, in the Jamaican patois, of “giving his woman authority over we,” stating that Marlene was responsible for Tosh’s inability “to maintain we.” He also ordered the two other assailants to immediately disarm Tosh, warning them that the reggae maestro was “a black belt.” He later shot Tosh himself on the forehead. The talk in Jamaica at the time was that Leppo, who had recently been released from prison, had earlier bitten the bullet for Tosh in a criminal case by going to prison in Tosh’s stead. Leppo, it was said, could thus not stomach why Tosh shouldn’t take good care of him.

A few days after, Jamaican Police Commissioner, Herman Ricketts, told the world that Leppo had surrendered, as well as two other men linked to the murder. He also said that the police had interrogated them though the two men were not publicly named. During the trial, which was held in closed circuit, due to the involvement of firearms evidence, Lobban pleaded his innocence and told the court that he had been involved in a drinking binge with friends before he stormed Tosh’s Barbican Road residence. The jury of eight women and four men however found Leppo guilty and sentenced him to death by hanging, while another accused was acquitted as the jury claimed there was insufficient link to the death to warrant a conviction. In 1995, eight years after he pulled the trigger that killed Tosh, this sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. The identities of two other identified gunmen in the trial were never disclosed.

Tosh faced challenges in the early part of his musical career. In 1973, he was involved in a car accident while driving home with his girlfriend named Evonne. As he drove, he was hit by an oncoming car which was driving on the wrong side of the highway. Evonne was killed in the crash while Tosh’s skull was severely fractured.

For years, many people did not identify the raw talent and artistic bravura combined in the works of the 6.4 feet dreadlocked singer. This was due to his perceived arrogance and self assertiveness. For instance, immediately Bob died, Tosh had shocked the world in an interview where he claimed Bob peaked in his musical career while he (Peter) was decorating the stage. The truth is, Tosh was too assertive, too hot to handle and never hid his disdain for what he called “Babylonian” lifestyle of hedonism. Tosh believed in marrying words with action. Towards the latter part of his life, he cut a queer image of a revolutionary ready to carry arms. With his imposing height as he adorned a black beret, with a guitar that had the shape of an M16 assault rifle, Tosh didn’t mince words in projecting the narrative that he was a musical militant. He told those who underrated him that he was “like you are steppin’ razor” and asked, “don’t you watch my size” as “I am dangerous!” In comparison to others, Tosh said “I’m the Toughest,” an apparent reference to the trained karate belt holder that he was. He was once asked by an interviewer why he never smiled and he said that since he sang revolutionary song which was not love song, nor a tea party, he saw no reason to smile.

The M16 rifle-looking guitar Tosh paraded was a gift to him in 1983. While he was at a stop in Los Angeles during his Mama Africa tour, Bruno Coon, an LA local musician, had visited him in his hotel room and offered him a gift. It turned out to be a custom-built guitar that was creatively shaped in the form of an M16 rifle. Tosh was gladdened by the gift but on his flights while touring Europe, he lost the guitar in transit. He subsequently retrieved the guitar when his publicists put out an article in the famous Der Spiegel magazine announcing its loss. Upon its retrieval, on one of his performances, Tosh went on stage to perform with the guitar clutched in his hand and a ganja billowing smoke stuck in his mouth. However, in 2006, 19 years after his death, the promoters of the Flashpoint Film Festival announced to the world that Tosh’s common law wife, Marlene, was set to auction the guitar on eBay. This prompted strong resistance from Tosh’s children, Andrew and Jawara who promptly stopped the sale. The children claimed that, rather than Marlene, they had greater claims to the guitar.

The militant disposition and themes of repelling those who mocked the Rastafari religion were dominantly addressed by Tosh in the track, Recruiting Soldiers. Therein, he sang that he was recruiting soldiers “for Jah army” because “Jah time is now” and “Satan’s forces all rise up to fight… Jah and the saints… fighting against Jah children… slaughter(ing) them like slaves… and say(ing) Jah is dead, But they didn’t show me his grave.”

Tosh was a strict Rastafarian who obeyed its injunctions religiously. He never mixed up with menstruating women, observing its strict dietary prescriptions and believed in doing good to his fellow man. In the early 90s when he visited Nigeria and stayed at late Sonny Okosun’s country home at Irrua, defunct Bendel State, Tosh was always dashing down to Lagos to purchase his Rasta food at defunct Leventis shop and claimed that the Nigerian hemp was more powerful than his native Jamaica’s. That Nigerian visit produced Mama Africa album and track where he lauded Africa that he was visiting for the very first time. It was also a lost opportunity for Tosh to meet Fela Anikulapo Kuti. He had reportedly gone to Fela’s Shrine to pay him a visit but was told that Abami Eda was observing his siesta. “Tell him it’s Peter Tosh!” he had told the person he met. Apparently not knowing who Tosh was, the man gave the message little push and Tosh left.

Tosh was a great campaigner against apartheid and was unrepentantly African in his advocacy. In African, another very rebellious song, he sang, “Don’t care where you come from, as long as you’re a black man, you’re an African.”  To show how he abhorred the apartheid system, Tosh rejected offers to play in South Africa but accepted same offer to sing in neighbouring Swaziland. In appreciation of this, in April last year, Tosh was posthumously bestowed with a national honour  of the Order of the Companion of Oliver Reginald Tambo by the South African government “for his contribution to the fight against the apartheid regime.” The award was received by Tosh’s youngest daughter, Niambe, at a grand ceremony in Pretoria presided over by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. According to the Jamaican Observer newspaper, the award was South Africa’s equivalent to Jamaica’s Order of Merit.

Tosh also had an anti-Semitic disposition and was a staunch supporter of the call for a Palestinian homeland. If he was alive today, he would have sung to denounce Prime Minister Netanyahu Israel’s destruction of Palestine. Way back in 1979, Tosh started turning down offers to perform in Israel. At the later part of his life, Tosh walked up the stage with his usual insignia of a ganja (marijuana) spliff clutched in his left fingers and adorning Palestinian dress.

He was highly spiritual. Apart from pursuing a path of goodness to his fellow man, Tosh’s lyrics are laced with biblical quotations. Of the three original Wailers, though he didn’t have much education, he was the most cerebral. He was a poet and in his songs, you could see not only lyricism but abidance with rhyming schemes. He could chant endlessly, quoting biblical verses with baffling mastery. The Mystic Man was perhaps the avenue Tosh used to showcase his spirituality the most. In the track, he proclaimed his mysticism in that he doesn’t “drink no champagne…I don’t sniff dem cocaine (as it) choke(s) brain… I don’t take morphine (dangerous)…I don’t take no heroin… I man don’t eat up your fried chicken…I man don’t eat up them frankfurters…I man don’t eat down the hamburger…I man don’t drink pink, blue, yellow, green soda” and the reason, he said, was because he was “a man of the past, living in the present and walking in the future.”

Like a devoted Rastaman that he was, Tosh never joked with meditations and reading of the scriptures. In Blessed be the man, he quoted copiously from the bible, calling Jah, “Kings of kings, lords of lords Conquering lion of the tribe of Judah, Elect of God, mighty God, Ever living God, earth’s rightful ruler.” In the same vinyl, he lauded as blessed the man “that walk’eth not in the counsel of the ungodly, nor stand’eth in the ways of sinners, nor sitt’eth in the seat of the scornful, for I delight is in the law of the lord God, Selassie I, In his laws do I meditate day and night, therefore I must be like a tree planted by the rivers of water and bring’eth forth fruit in due season I locks also shall not wither and whatsoever I do’eth shall prosper.”

Born in Westmoreland, Jamaica, Tosh’s parents, too young to raise him, gave him up to his aunt in Grange Hill. He manifested precocious talent of singing at childhood and in the early 1960s, Tosh migrated from the country to the slum of Kingston called Trench Town where he hawked sugarcane juice in a cart. He spiced it up with twanging at a guitar he stole from his mother’s church. His mastery of the twanging of the stolen guitar caught the attention of the duo of Robert and Bunny. With the help of music teacher, Joe Higgs, the boys honed their musical skills and decided, in 1962, to form a band which they named The Wailers. Tosh also wrote many of the Wailers’ hit songs, some of them being Get Up, Stand Up; 400 Years and No Sympathy. Indeed, Peter taught the duo of Bob and Bunny how to play the guitar and when they all went their ways in 1974, partly due to Island Records’ Chris Blackwell’s preference for mulatto Bob ahead of others, Peter had lamented that he “taught him how to play guitar and now they say he’s king of reggae.” In interviews, he called Chris many derogatory names, including inflecting his name of Blackwell to “Whiteworst.”

In their a-little-more-than-a-decade of being together musically, The Wailers became a huge commercial success. The New York Times referred to them as “the most popular and admired of all reggae groups” and the band sold more than 250 million albums worldwide.

Upon their separation in 1973, each went solo. Tosh’s first major hit thereafter was an atavistic album he called Legalize It released in 1976 with CBS Records. In it, Tosh uncompromisingly sang the praises of the banned narcotic called Indian hemp, lauding its health benefits. The album sleeve of the vinyl had him smoking the marijuana chalice pipe in a countryside hemp plantation. Today, that atavistic album has celebrated its 48^th anniversary. Immediately it was released, it immediately became the anthem of reggae lovers all over the world. Tosh’s advocacy in the album has remained unquestionably relevant throughout the world today. Many countries of the world have heeded Tosh’s plea in the track to “legalize it” and have taken steps to decriminalize and even legalize the herb. Countries that have done this are Canada, Colombia, Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Uruguay, Romania, France, and Portugal, while almost half of the states in the U.S. have decriminalized and/or legalized marijuana. A few years ago, Tosh’s home island of Jamaica where he was beaten by “downpressor” policemen to the point of cracking his skull for smoking marijuana, became the first Caribbean nation to decriminalize what it called “small amounts of ganja.” By this, Jamaica heeded Tosh’s almost five decades advocacy to “free up the weed.” In another song he titled Bush Doctor, Tosh prayed for a Jamaica where ‘the herb’ “can build up your failing economy” and a day that would come when “there’ll be no more illegal humiliation and no more police interrogation.”

In 1974, Tosh released Equal Rights. In the album, he deplored racism against blacks, sounding uncompromising about his liberation philosophy. He was extremely controversial and did not care whose ox was gored. This probably dictated his highly burnished speech at the 1978 One Love Concert which had him, Bob and other Jamaican musicians on stage. Prime Minister Michael Manley and Edward Seaga, Leader of the Opposition, two politicians on whose behalf politicians inflicted one of the hottest political battles ever witnessed on Jamaica, tearing apart the tiny island with horrendous political fissures, were also there. There, Tosh had told the 40-000-strong audience that he was not a man of peace as “peace” was “the diploma you get in the cemetery” because on the tombstone, it is written, “Rest in Peace!” To Manley and Seaga, he thundered in his bassy voice, apparently encrusted by heavy ganja he smoked anywhere, unabashedly: “Hungry people are angry people.” His memorable words landed with a thud because earlier at the concert, he had ordered camera journalists whom he labelled “lickle pirates from America… wid dem camera and dem TV business” to cease filming. Unlike him, his erstwhile friend and later sworn enemy, Bob stole the show. Bob had asked Manley and Seaga out on the stage, ordering them to clasp their hands in “one love” and squeezed a promise from the politicians to retrieve Jamaica from the political war zone image they had inflicted on it.

Barely five months after the Peace Concert, Tosh was arrested by the police. He was mercilessly beaten and in the process, his skull was cracked. He only stayed alive by feigning that he had been murdered. This probably explains the recurrence of “brutality of Babylon” (the police) in his songs. In his Na go a jail, Tosh banalized the criminalization of hemp smoking and made a mockery of the system which relentlessly hounded the weed smoker. “This here smoke that you see me with sir, I just got it from an officer; And this here little bit of green Sensimilla, I just got it from an Inspector, He’s my friend… I hear one leader say, If it wasn’t for the little Sensi, Him no know what happen to the economy; I see another leader, Go in a Half Way Tree, And he set them ganja prisoners free…” he sang, stating that even the priest smoked marijuana.

In Arise black man, Tosh conjured the Socratic credo of “Man, know thyself.” It was one of the strongest messages from any musician, aside Marley’s adaptation of Emperor Haile Selassie’s speech at the OAU in 1978 into a song he entitled War. Bob’s song too had attempted to rouse blacks from their mental slavery and dependency on the west. In Arise black man, as usual, Tosh spelled the need for the black race to unite and fight for equal rights. Deploying violent imageries, Tosh predicted that the end of mental slavery was near and attacked those who didn’t see this, stating that “heaven becomes your grave.”

Tosh was what could be regarded as a linguistic gymnast and a poet. In his songs, you would encounter raw poetry, with alliterations and virtually all the figures of speech. The word “oppressor” Tosh called “downpressor,” imputing that those who committed such a heinous crime of oppression against blacks should not be dignified with any uplifting. The manager, to him, was the ‘damager’; the judge, a ‘grudge’, the system was ‘shit-stem’ and the Prime Minister, the ‘Crime Minister’ who ‘shits’ (sits) in the ‘House of Represent-a-t’iefs’.” Christopher Columbus, the Italian explorer and navigator from the Republic of Genoa, known for trading in slaves, was Christopher ‘Combulus’ and Alexander the Great was, “Alexander So Called The Great.” In one of his vinyl which he entitled Here comes the judge, just like in Downpressor man, Tosh demonstrated how, on the last day, in the presence of “The Most High Jah,” oppressors of blacks on earth would face the wrath of Jah Rastafari. The will run to the rocks, he sang, “but the rocks will be melting.”

In Get up, stand up, a song written by Tosh but which the trio of erstwhile Wailers sang individually, they made mockery of Christian and Islamic religions, in their transference of succour for man to an unseen creator. The song asked man to seek redemption here on earth and proclaimed that man was tired of the ism and schism of “dying and going to heaven in Jesus name” because “the mighty God is a living man,” a reference to Selassie, worshipped by Rastas as God. Tosh’s own version of the song, which though wasn’t as high-tempoed and popular as Bob’s, is however unique for its slow tempo. Same theme was also in Coming in Hot where Tosh demonstrated the fieriness of his song. Like the gun guitar image of a tough militant that he created, the lyrics of this song compared the ferociousness of the Tosh brand to a gunshot or explosives.

But at some point, it would appear that Tosh himself was getting wary of the feeble impact of his preachments and the repeated attacks and assaults without let that he got from Jamaican authority. In Jah seh so, he launched into existential rhetorical questions by asking if a Rastaman “must bear this cross alone and all the heathens go free? Must Rasta live in misery and heathens in luxury? Must righteous live in pain and always put to shame? Must they be found guilty and always get the blame?” He however consoled himself that Jah seh no.

Tosh wasn’t all militancy, stern face and liberation struggles. He also talked about love and social reality. In Shame and Scandal, he mirrored the marital crossroads that infidelity brings to the home.  Asking repeatedly, “who is real?” he told the story that he said happened in Trinidad  where a boy who was grown “wanted to merry (marry) and (have) a wife of his own” and when he found a young girl, took her to his father who said “son, I have to say no, that girl is your sister but your mama don’t know” and how he thereafter found “the best cook in the island” and took her to his father who again said to him, “You can’t merry that girl…That girl is your sister but your mama don’t know” and when he cried to his mother, “his mama she laughs, she said go man, go, your daddy ain’t your daddy but your daddy don’t know.” In Maga dog, Tosh deployed the well-known Jamaica patois, to wit, ‘Sorry fi mawgah dawg, mawgah dawg tun ‘roun bite yuh” and sang about milk-hearted people who allowed an enemy in the guise of a friend to hit them twice. He even voiced in the vinyl the bark of a dog and the man who owned the house saying “dog no bite, man.”

Tosh’s funeral, unlike that of his archrival, Bob, was a fiasco. Two men turned up claiming they were his father and Peter’s mother had to disown them. The funeral service held at a Jamaican Ethiopian orthodox church was interrupted by youth protesters and a man who claimed to be a necromancer. The man, who claimed he held conversations with the dead, stood by Peter’s coffin to conjure his soul out, hectoring on the body, “Arise and open the casket!” It was to no avail. He was survived by ten children, among whom were, Andrew, born 1967; Jawara, given birth to by a mother named Melody Cunningham; Aldrina and the youngest being Niambe

It was a fitting epithet to his grave that in 1987, months before he was gruesomely murdered, Tosh released an album which reflected his views on world peace which he called, No Nuclear War. The song later won him a posthumous Grammy award. He also started learning unicycles and became a perfect rider, with an ability to ride forwards and backwards and also hop. He most times regaled his audiences with riding his unicycle onto the stage.

Six years after his death, Canadian filmmaker, Nicholas Campbell, made a bioscope of his life which he entitled Stepping Razor:Red X. It was a documentary film which chronicled his life, music and circumstances leading to his untimely and gruesome murder. In Negril, a monument was raised for Tosh and which the family maintains. The monument is a Mecca of sorts to all Tosh’s music lovers where his birthday is celebrated yearly. Twenty five years after his passage, Jamaica awarded him its fourth highest honour, the Order of Merit while in Kingston, a square on Trafalgar Road got renamed  the Peter Tosh Square. It is also where a museum in his name was configured and opened to the public, with priceless Tosh artifacts, especially his beloved M16 guitar, on parade.

In death, Peter Tosh remains a great lover of the black race and a musician whose advocacies are still penetratingly resonant, 37 years after his passage.

Adedayo is author of the book, Ayinla Omowura: Life and Times of An Apala Legend (2022)

In what must be an act of desperation, the Governor of Katsina State, Dikko Radda, last week promised to support communities that are ready to stand up against attacks by bandits, kidnappers and other criminals. “We have come up with an initiative that for any community ready to depend on itself, we will give them necessary support and training to engage criminals before the arrival of the security agents” Radda said, while explaining what motivated his decision. “I went to a village, Tsamiyar-jino, where it took me two hours inside a Jeep before I reached the village from the main road. So, if bandits attack such areas, from the time you inform the security, it will take them over two hours before they can respond to the distress call. By then, whatever is going to happen would have happened – they would have killed people and kidnapped others.”

It is difficult to fault Radda on this initiative. Katsina State has been under the vice grip of criminals for several years and the picture the governor paints is scary. “I am surprised at the way we are dying in such a humiliating manner. You see five criminals attacking a community of 2,000 to 3,000 people, rape daughters, women and abducting others without any confrontation from the people of that community,” Radda said while lamenting the lawlessness that now pervades the state. “If there are 100 youths in the community who confront them, they will not shoot for more than three times without being captured with bare hands. Paying ransom doesn’t even prevent a hostage from being killed by abductors, sometimes they collect the money and kill the victim.”

Before I come to why the governor’s proposed solution may be counter productive, let me state that I understand how Radda feels. In June 2020, I visited Katsina State, following reports that from Batagarawa to Kurfi to Malunfashi to Funtua and Daura (where then President Muhammadu Buhari hails from), bandits had overpowered communities. Perhaps in a bid to underscore the saying that once you take the shepherd, the sheep will scatter, these criminals had also targeted traditional rulers. Within one week, the Village Head of Mazoji who doubled as the Sarkin Fulanin Fafu, Alhaji Dikko Usman was killed by bandits while the Hakimin Garin Yantumaki, Alhaji Atiku Maidabino was assassinated right in his palace in Danmusa local government.

In the column I wrote following the visit, I recalled asking the Emir of Katsina, Dr Abdulmumini Kabir Usman, his feelings about the situation in his domain. “You are asking me how I feel when my people are being killed every day? We can spend a whole day discussing that. We are dealing with murderers, people for whom lives mean nothing, but they seem to have overwhelmed the capacity of the state”, the emir responded while also recounting his encounter with former Agriculture Minister, Audu Ogbeh and then CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele who visited his palace and gave him some cotton seedlings. “I asked what they wanted me to do with them. I told them what I needed from the federal government is protection for my people, most of who in any case have been forced to abandon their farms.”

What we are experiencing across the country today is a reign of impunity – with criminals doing whatever they like because they know, or at least believe, that the Nigerian state no longer possesses the required capacity to confront them. Not only have hundreds of innocent villagers lost their lives to the activities of these gunmen, but there is also a feeling of helplessness by the majority of people in rural areas. From cattle rustling to kidnappings and armed robbery, these gangsters roam the streets freely, carrying out deadly raids and forcing dwellers to flee for their lives. In most communities, the local economy has crashed while the poverty and deprivation this has bred are in themselves a serious threat to national security.

The vast land in the North, which should be an asset as we seek to boost food security and get our young population gainfully employed in agriculture, is now ‘bandit territory’ to borrow a famous phrase of Dr Hakeem Baba-Ahmed. Meanwhile, we have overstretched the military with a task of internal security while police personnel are saddled with performing guard duties and running errands for our very-important-persons (VIPs) and their spouses.

Radda is not the first to propose “self-defence” for communities under attack. The last Defence Minister under President Buhari, Bashir Magashi, once said Nigerians should stop being ‘cowards’ at the sight of criminals. “At times, the bandits will only come with about three rounds of ammunition, when they fire shots, everybody runs. In our younger days, we stand to fight any aggression coming for us,” Magashi said at the National Assembly on 17 February 2021 shortly after bandits abducted 27 students and 13 others from Government Secondary School, Kagara, Niger State. “I don’t know why people are running from minor things like that. They should stand and let these people know that even the villagers have the competency and capabilities to defend themselves.”

It should worry authorities that a majority of our people, especially in rural communities, are left at the mercy of non-state actors amid compelling socio-economic difficulties. And asking that they defend themselves is not the way to go because of the reprisal attacks that usually follow. I understand that the recent Boko Haram invasion of Mafa in Tarmuwa Local Government of Yobe State that led to the killing of dozens of innocent villagers was a revenge mission against communities that offered resistance. “Around 150 suspected Boko Haram terrorists armed with rifles and RPGs [rocket-propelled grenades] attacked Mafa ward on more than 50 motorcycles around 1600 hours on Sunday,” said Abdulkarim Dungus, Yobe state police spokesperson who confirmed to AFP that it was a revenge attack “for the killing of two Boko Haram terrorists by vigilantes from the village.”

That has been the pattern either with bandits or insurgents. Meanwhile, the security challenge in Katsina, and indeed the entire North-west, is not different from that of other areas of our country. And it is compounded by the factor of geography (vast forests and a treacherous border) as well as an absence of deterrence for bad behaviour. The enduring solution lies in reforming/repositioning our armed forces and the police in such a manner that would give them the capacity to deal with the challenge. The growing charge by authorities that people should defend themselves therefore offers no enduring solution. If anything, it would only compound the problem in a nation where there are already too many guns in the hands of criminal gangs.

The worrying aspect is that those tasked to protect us seem to be abdicating their responsibility, while promoting this warped idea that civilians can, and should, defend themselves against armed criminals. Following the armed robbery attack at my residence in December 2020, I went to the police station to file the usual routine report. “How many were they?” the all-powerful DPO asked after I had narrated what transpired. “I don’t know how many were outside but only one operated inside our room with a gun.” Before I could explain further that my wife and I had no idea what was happening to our children in the other rooms, she retorted sharply: “And you could not wrestle him to the ground?” She asked the question with so much contempt that I couldn’t tell my wife when I got back home lest she deemed me to be one of those Magashi ‘cowards’.

What those who man the security sector in the country fail to appreciate is that the connecting thread for the variants of violence we are witnessing across Nigeria, as I have consistently argued, is the loss of what Max Weber described as “the legitimate use of physical force” to criminal cartels. And until they muster the requisite capacity and political will to effectively confront those who trouble the peace of our country, there may be no solution to the problem. They should also not deride rural dwellers who would prefer a functioning security from the state than resort to self-help. “It is praiseworthy to be brave and fearless, but sometimes it is better to be a coward”, a fictional character in the late Professor Chinua Achebe’ novel, ‘Arrow of God’ reminded us. “We often stand in the compound of a coward to point at the ruins where a brave man used to live.”

The United Bank for Africa (UBA) Chairman, Tony Elumelu hit the nail on the head regarding the nexus between security and the socio-economic wellbeing of the people on Tuesday. “To protect our people, feed them, attract investment, and foster trade, we must prioritise security,” Elumelu said at the annual conference of the Chartered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria (CIBN). “Insecurity has become a national crisis, which must be dealt with decisively and urgently. Our people deserve to go to their farms unhindered, live peacefully and conduct their lives and businesses without fear; it is the fundamental right of every citizen.”

The fundamental obligation of the state to its citizens is the protection of life and property. When state officials therefore promote the gangster ethos of asking the people to defend themselves as a policy, anarchy is not too far away.

The Maiduguri Disaster

With corpses being exhumed from cemeteries while farmlands, schools and hospitals are submerged, it is troubling that more and more Nigerians are joining the growing population of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in communities across the country. But there can be no bigger tragedy than that of Maiduguri where snakes, crocodiles and other reptiles have escaped from zoos as hundreds of thousands of people count their losses following the flooding that hit the Borno State capital on Tuesday morning. For the already traumatised people to suffer this kind of devastation on top of the socio-economic challenges in the country and their own peculiar security situation is just too much. But was it an unavoidable tragedy?

I understand that there have been signals in recent years that the Alau Dam which was completed in 1986 could give way anytime as it has now happened. But nobody paid attention. That the resulting human tragedies leave both the rich and poor counting the costs is why I marvel about why we seem to move on without finding long-term solution to serious problems. But with more than 200,000, including women and children, already displaced, according to the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), there is an urgent need for mass intervention from the federal government as well as the private sector.

We need a serious conversation about our country and how we waste enormous resources. Nigeria, former Nigeria Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA) Director General, Clement Nze told me last year, has one of the best natural drainage systems in the world due to our topography, land and location within the Niger Basin that traverses nine countries in West and Central Africa. On annual basis, according to Nze, a total volume of over 200 billion cubic metres of fresh water drains into the Atlantic Ocean. This is a huge resource from nature that could be a catalyst for the much-touted diversification into agriculture, help resolve some of our security challenges and aid power generation. But, as we have seen over the years, it could also be a disaster if not properly harnessed.   

We will come back to this issue another day. For now, it is important that all stakeholders help the people of Maiduguri to recover from this devastation.  

My adorable daughter just drew my attention to something she witnessed on the presently running "Big Brother Naija" reality show, involving one of the participants called Kassia.

In the clip, the said Kassia is putting on leggings or tights (that's if I'm correct, since I don't really know much about women's apparel) with her legs wide open in the presence of housemates, including at least one of whom is male.

I found it quite saddening that a married woman should conduct herself in such a decidedly inappropriate manner.

The said Kassia, I am made to understand is from Delta State and it is considered an abomination in our our neck of the woods for a married woman to behave in such a manner.

Her husband, also a participant in the show, a certain Kelly Rae (these children just give themselves all kinds of weird names these days), who is also apparently from Delta State, is the one I blame for shaming his dear wife, treasure, princess and queen in such a most ungodly manner.

Law can often seem pretty surprising to nonlawyers.

So for instance, if a wife instigates, procures or, howsoever induces her husband to commit a crime, we hold both the husband and wife culpable.

Nevertheless, while we hold a husband and wife to be equal partners in holy matrimony, with respect to certain categories of crimes wherein which it is a husband that turned his wife rogue, we leave the wife alone and pounce on the husband as the real culprit.

This is because while men and women are most certainly created equal by God ("male and female, He created them", Genesis 5:2) and a husband and wife are equal partners in a marriage (a marriage is, in law, deemed a contract between the couple), the husband is still the head of their household and leader of their union.

I recall the American senator, Lindsey Graham, once admonishing the rapper, Jay Z, against "pimping" his wife, the diva, Beyonce Knowles, and while I don't often agree with Senator Graham, I was in total accord with him on that score.

The rate at which we keep losing our values in the modern world is something that ought to bother every well brought up person, who, in turn, wishes to bring up their children well.

I would not be surprised if tomorrow I heard that the said Kelly Rae had pressured his wife, Kassia, to go and sleep with another man if he calculated that such person would bring them opportunities to make money.

Of course, Kassia, being a woman, would be naturally reluctant to do that.

Unbeknownst to many of us men who like to think of women as prone to be loose, they are actually configured to tend to be faithful - if you belong to the gender that evolved a womb, you are by default extremely reluctant not to be able to identify who has fathered your children.

A young man like Kelly Rae, who is obviously and unfortunately obsessed with "making it", might keep mounting pressure on her till she breaks and goes with the programme for peace to reign.

Except that she would find no peace because one day, the same money-hungry Kelly Rae, who pimped her, in the first place, would end up reminding her how she had once "prostituted" herself, skipping the part that it was at his relentless urging and godless request.

So once again I blame the young man, Kelly Rae, who has only proved himself to be a worthless article for a husband.

In standard jurisprudence, a pregnancy is evidence only of itself, and cannot, without more be evidence of the commission of adultery or fornication.

In order to prove sexual immorality, for instance, you just have to provide direct evidence separate from pointing to the mere fact of an unmarried woman being pregnant.

As such, you would just have to also provide the man she committed the adultery or similar act of immorality with.

I guess that's why Our Sovereign Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ forgave the woman caught in adultery and asked her to go and sin no more, John 8:4.

While I expected much better from Kassia, as a married woman, it is still Kelly Rae, a man without shame, I must blame for taking his hustle to the extreme extent of abomination.

I don't know if this world is coming to an end but I wouldn't mind if Jesus comes this very afternoon.

God protect our children and set them aright for they are the one and only future we have.

Onokpasa, a lawyer, writes from Abuja.

In a rogue video gone viral, an Igbo Canadian-Nigerian, whose name shall not be mentioned here, went into what looked like a crazed frenzy, calling on other possibly crazed fellows to take the earliest opportunity to poison Nigerians of Yoruba and Edo extraction in Canada.

On a virtual meeting with more than 100 attendees on a TikTok platform, the ethnic bigot, who lives in Ontario, Canada, goaded on by a conspiratorial male voice, declared a horrific fatwa in pidgin English against the Yoruba and Edo, living in Canada.

Her words: “I go dey put am for all una food. If I go work tomorrow now, I go put am for Yoruba people food. Go tell government. O ya. I dey Canada. I dey Ontario. Oya hurry. Fast. Fast. I go put otapiapia, I go put Ogbomosho, everything for una food.

”Una go dey hear small, small. Yoruba don die o. Bini don kpeme o. Una go dey hear am. Na me talk am. I wan make Nidgbo get that heart of wickedness. Una too dey quiet. Una too dey cool. Enough is enough.

“If you have a means of kpaing them, kpai them. Record me very well. It is time to start poisoning the Yoruba and Bini. Put poison for all una food for work. Put poison for una water, make una dey kpai one by one.”

This, roughly translated into everyday English, means, “I will put (poison) in all your food. When I go to the office tomorrow, I will put poison in the food of Yoruba people. Go tell the government. I am in Canada. I am in Ontario. Be quick. I will put rat poison. I will put Ogbomosho poison in your food.

 “You will hear about it gradually, that the Yoruba have died, and the Bini have died. You will hear about it. I am the one that spoke it. I want Ndigbo to have a heart of wickedness. You (Igbo) are too quiet. You are too cool. Enough is enough.

“If you (Igbo) have a means of killing the Yoruba and the Bini, kill them. Put me on record (for saying so). It is time to start killing the Yoruba and the Bini. Put poison in all their foods at work. Put poison in their water, let them die one after the other.”

This, in her weird and convoluted logic, is an appropriate response for what she probably perceives as hatred of the Igbo by the kindred of those she wants to be poisoned. Understandably, many Igbo and other Nigerians have called for her arrest and prosecution by Canadian authorities.

Peter Obi, presidential candidate of the Labour Party, weighed in against ethnic profiling that justifies insults and such deranged incitement against Nigerian compatriots. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Chairman of Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, reportedly got the Canadian police to arrest the woman, who is reported to have been sent home from her job.

These interventions may have checked her and others inclined to surreptitiously execute the fatwa, in the cause of an irrational, demented, deranged and genocidal agenda obviously fed by hate, though an equally unstable “Kingsley,” based in Austria, responded by asking the Bini to poison Igbo children.

Her action trumps the gaffe of Eze Ndigbo Ajao Estate who called on the militia arm of separatist Indigenous People of Biafra pressure group to visit violence in cosmopolitan Lagos State, where many of his Igbo kinsmen reside and earn their livelihood.

Her call also reminds one of IPOB’s Nnamdi Kanu and Simon Ekpa, who employ vitriolic incendiaries against the Yoruba and the entire country of Nigeria that Kanu derisively described as a zoo. There’s also an unstable Yoruba apologist, with the name, Grand something, who called for the annihilation of Igbo residents in Lagos.

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Imagine how the words, “We Germans fear God, but nothing else on this earth,” uttered by a servant in Asyl fur Obdachose, or Asylum for the Homeless, an Austrian shelter for the destitute, affected the young and impressionable Adolf Hitler, who grew up to become the scourge that annihilated roughly six million Jews during the Second World War.

Hitler, who adopted the title of Fuhrer, which ordinarily means leader, but became synonymous with totalitarianism, coldly ordered the death of Jews in gas chambers in concentration camps at Auschwitz, Treblinka, Belzec and other death chambers, in a most horrendous holocaust.

By the way, holocaust is derived from two Greek words, “holos,” or whole, and “Kaustos,” or burned! So that such proportion of hate is never replicated in the history of mankind, Every man must be careful about the “truth” and history they pass to succeeding generations.

In the books of most reasonable people, the outbursts of this lady, especially in a society with a well-structured legal and security system, are nothing short of lunacy; only a possibly deranged individual can issue such fatwa.

If this development is not nipped swiftly, it could lead to the level of Rwandan-proportion tragedies that set nomadic Tutsis against farmer Hutus in a genocidal war that resulted in the death of more than 800,000 Rwandans in just 100 days of sheer horror.

This woman, who offered no particular reasons for her hate speech, reminds one of Iago, the evil character in William Shakespeare’s tragedy, “Othello.” Literary critics described Iago as a villain with “motiveless malignity.” He needlessly schemed for the downfall and death of his boss, Othello, and his harmless wife, Desdemona.

Her action may have resulted from “institutional knowledge,” handed down, over the decades, by ethnically bigoted elders, who wanted to achieve parochial political objectives, by framing Nigeria’s history, so that younger generations of Igbo and Yoruba, resent, if not hate, each other.

The Igbo must stop profiling the Yoruba as their traducers, and embrace them as partners in the Nigerian project. And the Yoruba must be more accommodating of the Igbo. Leaders of both groups must engage in soul-searching dialogues to achieve lasting solutions. If not, both sides will forever remain apprehensive of each other.

There is no doubt that Nigeria’s recent history is shaped by opinions formed from events that occurred after the first military coup, the countercoup, the unnecessary Civil War and the half-hearted reconciliation that led to the phenomenon of “Abandoned Property” and dislocation of the Igbo in the Nigerian economy.

Though the Igbo found a way around the economic disadvantages, they are yet to achieve full reintegration into Nigerian society and its politics. As long as a “glass wall” shuts the Igbo out, and they too play the victim card, it may take some time for One-Nigeria to manifest.

Maybe Nigeria needs to assemble its historians, anthropologists, sociologists, psychologists, economists, political scientists, philosophers and culture experts to interrogate the Nigerian society, identify causes of the fissures and social tensions and recommend a harmonious political, social and economic template to achieve social justice for all.

In addition, pressure groups, like the National Peace Committee, led by former military Head of State, General Abubakar Abusalami (retd.); The Patriots, led by Emeka Anyaoku, former Secretary General of Commonwealth of Nations; Yoruba Afenifere and Ohaneze Ndigbo, should join the conversation.

Maybe calls for a review of Nigeria’s political structure are the place to start. The crooked firewood from faraway Canada must not be allowed to upset the fire of harmony in Nigeria.

The recent  inauguration of some INNOSON-assembled, compressed natural gas (CNG)-powered buses by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu right inside the premises of Aso Rock Presidential Villa was obviously an opportunity to counter (via photo-op) the widespread criticism that he neither gave much thought to nor adequately prepared for the cost of living and welfare consequences of his decision to abruptly announce the withdrawal of government subsidy on petrol at his swearing-in last year.

Even the President’s most ardent supporters would agree that at the point of his famous ‘subsidy is gone’ pronouncement, or indeed soon after, it did not appear that any containment measures had been put in place to meet the entirely predictable and seismic fallouts of such a major policy move.  The best such supporters have been heard to come up with is that had the president allowed for another round of public debate, the political moment for tackling the subsidy monster would have passed him by.  The obvious response to this lame argument, of course, is that the subsidy that is said to have gone, now appears to have returned, afterall.

Regardless of the wisdom in the manner we had attempted to see off petrol subsidy, or whether, in fact, the stubborn thing has refused to go away, the Tinubu government is clearly putting a lot of faith in the ability of CNG as an automotive fuel, to help reduce the pain being felt by the generality of Nigerians from the sharp rise in transportation costs and associated difficulties occasioned by its signature policy decisions, namely, petrol subsidy removal and naira exchange rates equalization.The President therefore had to personally take delivery of 30 mammoth buses to underscore the point that CNG will be the salvation fuel.

While it was not openly stated that the presidential inauguration of the CNG-powered buses represented some kind of milestone, the Aso Rock ceremony has served to remind us that it was also in August, a year ago, that the Presidential CNG Initiative (PCNGi) was announced, as “a component of the palliative intervention” directed at “providing succour to the masses” in view of the “transitive” hardships of the fuel subsidy removal policy.

In particular, the PCNGi was meant to lower transportation cost for Nigerians by enabling the powering of motor vehicles(and industries) with cheaper, cleaner, safer and more reliable domestically produced natural gas.  As an alternative to petrol and diesel automotive fuels, CNG ticks all the positive boxes—environmentally cleaner and therefore safer, cheaper (by at least 40% or up to 60% in some applications), abundantly available given that Nigeria is said to have more gas reserve than oil, plus the added advantage that gas can perhaps be more easily sourced locally with no need for imports. It can also be subsidised (if need be) without the drawbacks of subsidised petrol.  Certainly, the scale on which Nigerian subsidised CNG can be smuggled to the rest of West Africa and further to Central Africa appears much less than for petrol or diesel.  The PCNGi was intended to incentivise and accelerate CNG adoption.

On its website, PCNGi has stated its programme and objectives in clear, quantitative terms—with timelines.  It was to start by making available 21,000 conversion kits at 10 participant workshops to get Nigerians to retrofit their petrol and diesel-powered vehicles to run on CNG.  By the end of 2024, it hoped to reach 150,000 units with 250 participant workshops.  By 2027, it would have achieved 1 million units through 500 participant workshops.  For buses and tricycles, the Initiative was to take off with 5,500 vehicles with the expectation to finance 200,000 new ones across Nigeria.

PCNGi also had a plan to establish conversion centres all over Nigeria. It has projected 10 such centres at the start, and would drive to 100 at the end of 2024, with 1000 in view by end of 2027.  With such a technically-orientd exercise, a corps of technicians and engineers would be needed.  So, the start-up figure of 1000 trained technicians was planned, to be followed with 2500 by 2024 and 10,000 by 2027.  The Initiative budgeted $25 million to be raised for the first phase with the figure set to rise to $75 million by the end of 2024 and $250 million by 2027—to support the development of CNG infrastructure for the country.

There can be no quarrel with the vision behind pressing CNG into service to rescue the country from the unending crisis of automotive fuel supply and prising. But will it be sufficient to substantially ameliorate the harsh conditions Nigerians currently face with regard to unbearable transportation costs and the hardship arising therefrom?  On this question, the jury must remain out for a while.  Perhaps, we should await the 2024 report of the Steering Committee.  What is obvious in the aftermath of the recent #EndBadGovernance is that nearly a year into the implementation of the CNG initiative, not much of a noticeable dent has been made in the challenge of crippling transportation costs.  Nigerians are obviously no longer amused by the situation.

If we assume that PCNGi will be the exception in a Nigeria that is used to trashing the noblest of ideas through incompetent execution, and the goal of a million vehicles running on CNG by 2027 is actually met, that number would amount to less than 10% of the total vehicle population in Nigeria (Estimated Vehicle Population in 2018 was 11,826,033) based on the figure available to this reporter at the time of writing.  Likely, the total vehicle population must have gone up substantially with over 500,000 new vehicles registered every year since then.  Can reducing the price of fuel for that tiny a proportion substantially lower transportation costs for the entire nation? Put another way, with over 90 percent of motor vehicles likely to retain propulsion by petrol and diesel, will anything other than a substantial fall in the price of those fuels have a dampening effect on transportation costs? As it pursues the CNG option, the Tinubu administration would do well to bear this question in mind. In fact, it should actively consider the distinct possibility that its efforts to push the adoption of CNG as automotive fuel will not have that significant an impact.

In pursuing the CNG transport fuel option, government must have been encouraged by, and has approvingly cited, the examples of China, India, Iran, Pakistan and other countries that have substantially shifted to that fuel type.  There are two key differences between those countries and the situation in Nigeria.  The first is that it took a while for those countries to rollout their CNG infrastructure.  Besides having a proven track record of excellent programme execution, those countries did not do it as an emergency (not to say panic) response to a dire national crisis such as the one in which Nigeria currently grapples with.  Second, most of the countries cited in all likelihood, manufactured their conversion kits and fuelling infrastructure, having built for themselves, reasonable domestic manufacturing capacity. Nigeria on the other hand, has to rely on importation either of fully built kits and associated equipment or components for local assembly.   The lack of domestic manufacturing capacity continues to hobble us  wherever we turn. And while this cannot be developed overnight, the earlier we start treating that national weakness, the better for us. Thus far, there’s no indication that we are paying anything other than the usual lip service to this urgent national need.

Above and beyond the foregoing, getting Nigeria moving with or without CNG and with or without petrol subsidy, will not be efficiently and effectively achieved until and unless we have a properly organised public transportation system.  If any sector of our national socioeconomic life is disorganised, inefficient and dysfunctional to a disgraceful degree, that sector is public transportation. 

As we speak, no Nigerian city of a million or more in population, has a mass transit system that can properly be so-called.  What exists in Lagos and recently started in Abuja, is embarrassingly rudimentary.  How can a country of more than 200 million people with cities boasting populations of two, three, four and even 20 million, not have rail-based transit systems? How can such a country hope to be part of the 21st century? It is a testament to the remarkable short-sightedness of Nigeria’s governing elites that mass public transport has been handled with such irresponsible levity. It is as if our leaders are not aware of what other nations have been doing in this regard. Or that an efficient and effective transportation system is indispensable to anything at all resembling modern development.

Right here in Africa, Ethiopians, Moroccans and Egyptians are scaling up with transit systems; metro systems, subways, trams and RBT (not the joke in Lagos, please) that function almost like trains. Here in Nigeria, we continue to deploy an assortment of dangerous contraptions as means of public transportation.

Hard data on the scale of the use of motorcycles (Okada) as a mode of transport in Nigeria remain unavailable, but if we assume that that widely deployed mode of vehicular transport serves even up to 10 percent of Nigerians, then the scale of inefficiency involved is enough to keep us perpetually backward. A commercial motorcycle is operated by one person and generally can transport only one person at a time. An average subway train on the other hand, involves one or two operators carrying anything up to 1600 people at a time. A city bus has one driver transporting 80 people (or more if, as Fela sang, 99 are standing). We can judge for ourselves, which of the modes are more efficient and conducive to society’s well-being.

Merely having CNG-powered vehicles outside the context of a comprehensively planned public transportation system will not come close to solving the problem of high, inflation – stoking transport costs. It will certainly do little to reduce the chaos and inefficiency of Nigeria’s transportation sector.

In addition to his CNG Initiative, President Tinubu should cause to be convoked immediately, a national policy dialogue with stakeholders, principally state governors, on how to quickly start the roll out of a well-designed, modern intermodal public transportation system for the country.  Down the line, state governors should do the same with local government chieftains.  As a starting point, let each local and state establish transit systems based on CNG-powered buses, as the lowest hanging fruit.  Even as that is being implemented, planning for rail-based transit systems should commence, to be followed with immediate implementation.

Of course, if any feasible national railway plan exists, it should be dusted up, reviewed and implemented with more seriousness than the desultory efforts of the Jonathan-Buhari years.

The implementation of a national railway plan that would connect all state capitals in the country should have been a priority project of the Tinubu government in place of the ambitious and controversial highways it has embarked upon. In addition to bringing its innately superior efficiency to such an important economic sector, rail is less carbon-intensive than road transportation. This is one reason forward-looking countries like China are pursuing rail-based transportation systems like their very existence depends on them. And in a way it does, since it generates lower emissions and less greenhouse gases.

For Nigeria, a massive railroad build-out would be one easy way to urgently and easily develop the much-needed domestic capacity in basic industries and heavy engineering. Without such a capacity, real sustainable development will continue to elude us. So, the implementation of a comprehensive national transportation system, centred on  less carbon intensive rail-based platforms, would enable the country to kill two or more birds with one stone — give Nigerians access to affordable transportation options and engender industrial development. Such organised transportation systems make it easy to efficiently and effectively direct transport subsidies to those who need it the most.  Subsidy, when applied to automotive fuels rather than directly on mass transportation systems, benefits the less deserving more.

Apart from rail systems, Nigeria has great potential for marine transportation. Endowed with numerous navigable inland waterways and an extensive sea coast, the country could easily cut cost for end users through a well – organised marine transport system using boats, ships, ferries and barges that can deliver up not just efficiency but also comfort to commuters. The recent attempts to step up on water transportation in Lagos State with LAGferry and Omi-Bus services  while welcome is but a pale shadow of the possibilities that that mode of transportation holds for Lagos State, a place totally surrounded by navigable bodies of water. The use of boats and ferries as  reliable means of urban transportation in places like Hong Kong, Bangkok and Istanbul show that Lagos State can and should push harder in that direction, bringing into service, bigger and safer vessels than the outboard – engined equipment it is currently using. Even a hundred of the 40-seater boats LAGferry and Omi-Bus are using, do not come close to matching the 100,000 plus commuters that the ferries in Hong Kong deliver daily.

The domestic manufacture of vessels and the construction of accompanying infrastructure are also fertile grounds for industrial expansion and employment generation.

Whatever appropriate conveyance systems are brought into service in an organised manner will help us to become part of the 21st century world with a transportation mix that is efficient, effective, intermodal and dignifying. No modern economy can even begin to function properly if it continues to fool around with a disorganised and chaotic system for the essential task of moving people and goods from one place to another.

Elsewhere in the world, after education, health, public safety, effective public transportation is an indispensable responsibility of governments at all levels. 

As pointed out earlier, organised transit systems make it easier for government to directly subsidise public transport without the sort of issues that have bedevilled the management of fuel subsidy in the country and led to the present pinching pass. Afterall, we don’t drink the subsidised fuels; we use them mostly to power vehicular movement. The very desirable direct subsidisation of transportation can only be possible if it is organised to minimize chaos, render touting (agberos) irrelevant and significantly reduce the use of tricycles and motorcycles in the transportation mix.

Fuel subsidy was first introduced in 1973. We have spent the last 50 years—half a century—tryingto manage it effectively without success. We are entering a second half century without hope of a solution to the economically disruptive and politically charged challenge of fuel supply and pricing. It is about time we tackled the problem from the point of the end use to which automotive fuels are put. Since that end use is mostly transportation, that is the sector to which the Tinubu government must pay attention if our hope of national economic salvation is to be renewed rather than dashed.

Let us have CNG by all means, but let us also organise and modernise transportation in Nigeria. We will not go far until we do so.

•Mr Anyang is a former federal commissioner at the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, a former banker and a journalist

In recent times, there has been an alarming trend of individuals, public figures, and even some organizations attempting to confront, intimidate, or downrightly attack journalists. The question that arises is, “You wan fight journalist, you nor dey fear?”

To those who are unaware of the significance of journalism, the value of a journalist extends beyond the mere reporting of events. Journalists stand as watchdogs of society, guardians of truth, and voices for the voiceless. The power of the press in shaping public opinion, holding leaders accountable, and bringing transparency to governance and businesses cannot be overstated.

However, we are increasingly witnessing situations where people who should know better are taking actions against journalists, attempting to silence them, suppress information, or smear their reputation. Whether through physical intimidation, cyberbullying, or legal threats, these moves are not only undemocratic but dangerous. When journalists are targeted, it is not just an attack on an individual but on the very essence of free speech and transparency.

In Nigeria, the phrase “journalism is not a crime” echoes loudly as many journalists, both at the national and community levels, have faced harassment for simply doing their jobs. The moment you decide to fight a journalist, you are indirectly taking on the freedom that guarantees every citizen the right to be informed. Are you ready for that battle? Can you face the consequences of stifling free expression?

One could argue that there is a misunderstanding about the role of journalists. Perhaps some people see them as adversaries instead of partners in building a just and transparent society. Others may think that journalists are merely sensationalists, looking for the next big headline. But let us be clear: the journalist’s mission is not to antagonize but to inform and educate.

When a politician, a businessman, or even a celebrity decides to take on a journalist, it is usually because there is something they wish to hide. Journalists dig into the stories many would rather keep under wraps. Corruption, abuse of power, embezzlement, and human rights violations are some of the topics that often lead to friction between those who hold power and those tasked with exposing it.

But in a democracy like ours, truth must prevail. And journalists, being on the frontlines of truth, deserve protection, not persecution. So before you decide to fight a journalist, ask yourself this: what am I afraid of being uncovered? If you have nothing to hide, why fear?

The work of a journalist is not for the faint of heart. Day in and day out, journalists expose themselves to danger and risk while trying to serve the public. From covering war zones to investigating corrupt practices in local communities, the job demands immense courage. Yet, despite these risks, many individuals seem to underestimate the journalist’s resolve.

Perhaps it’s the public nature of journalism that makes some feel they can target members of the profession without fear of reprisal. After all, who is watching the watchers? But it is worth remembering that when a journalist speaks truth to power, they often do so with the backing of the people. The more you fight them, the more the public rallies behind them.

Attempting to silence a journalist rarely ends well. When you stifle the press, it does not just hurt the journalist, it sends ripples across society. Communities become less informed, citizens are less empowered, and corruption thrives unchecked.

There have been numerous instances where journalists have suffered attacks in Nigeria. Names like Dele Giwa, who was assassinated in 1986, remain etched in the collective memory of Nigerian journalism. His crime? Investigative reporting that sought to hold the powerful accountable. This is a grim reminder that while you can try to suppress the truth, it always finds a way to come to light.

Given the foregoing viewpoints, before you decide to take on a journalist, ask yourself: is it worth it? Fighting a journalist is akin to fighting the truth, and history has shown that the truth always wins. The next time you find yourself at odds with a journalist, remember, they are doing their job, and their job is to ensure you and every other citizen have access to the truth.

So, if you are thinking of fighting a journalist, think again. Journalism is not for the fainthearted, and neither is attempting to silence it. You wan fight journalist? You nor dey fear?

Given the foregoing, beware of the journalist, for he is not just a writer but a warrior of truth. Armed with a pen, paper, and an unwavering commitment to uncovering facts, the journalist stands at the frontlines of society’s battles. His weapon is knowledge, his armor is integrity, and his battlefield is the turbulent world of information. In the face of pressure, intimidation, or censorship, the journalist fights relentlessly, defending the right to know, exposing corruption, and giving a voice to the voiceless.

The journalist is not just a passive observer but an active participant in the shaping of societies. His role transcends mere reporting; he challenges power, questions authority, and holds those in charge accountable. With each story, he navigates complex narratives, often risking personal safety to bring the truth to light. When governments falter, when corporations deceive, or when injustices go unnoticed, it is the journalist who rises to confront these issues head-on. His greatest battle is to keep the public informed, ensuring that no wrongdoing goes unchecked.

In this sense, the journalist is a great fighter, but his victory is not always celebrated. Sometimes, he is misunderstood or vilified, as his revelations may shake the foundations of established systems. Yet, his fight is not for applause or recognition but for the preservation of democracy, fairness, and justice. The journalist knows that in the war against misinformation and corruption, silence is not an option. So, beware of the journalist, for in every word he writes, there is a fight for truth that cannot be easily defeated.

At a time in Nigeria’s political history, the country stood at the cusp of an economic renaissance, having successfully negotiated its way out of the crushing weight of external debt. Under the skilled leadership of Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who served as Minister of Finance and Economy, Nigeria achieved what many thought was impossible, a significant debt forgiveness from its creditors. This milestone freed Nigeria from a heavy burden, leaving the country virtually debt-free. It was a period of hope and optimism as the nation was poised for economic growth without the shackles of external borrowing.

Fast forward to the present day, and Nigeria finds itself back in a precarious situation. Under the administrations of former President Muhammadu Buhari and current President Bola Tinubu, the country has slipped into an alarming debt spiral once again. The debt situation has ballooned to levels that threaten to cripple the nation’s financial future. With billions borrowed from international bodies like the World Bank and China, the country is now faced with a debt service burden that consumes a significant portion of its revenue.

According to the Debt Management Office (DMO), Nigeria’s debt as at June 2024 went up by ₦24.33trn in three months, making the debt profile to stand at ₦121.67 trillion. The DMO noted that the increase was from new borrowing to part-finance the 2024 Budget deficit.

The DMO explained that Nigeria’s total public debt as at June 2024 was ₦121.67 trillion, and added that as of March 31, 2024, the country’s domestic and external debts stood at ₦121.67 trillion.

The DMO also added that Nigeria’s debt rose by ₦24.33 trillion within three months from ₦97.34 trillion in December 2023 to ₦121.67 trillion, and that the debt represents external and domestic borrowings by the Federal Government and the 36 state governments and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

In fact, this disturbing return to indebtedness raises a myriad of concerns. How did we go from being debt-free to being heavily indebted once more? What happened to the prudent fiscal management that once shielded us from the need for constant borrowing? These are questions Nigerians must ask, as the consequences of our current debt situation weigh heavily on the country’s economy and future generations.

More troubling is the fact that, despite the growing debt, Nigerians are not seeing the tangible benefits in terms of improved infrastructure, social services, or job creation. Instead, we see a government bloated with high expenditure, where the cost of governance remains staggeringly high. Lavish spending on government officials, duplication of roles, and the ever-growing number of political appointees are just a few examples of the financial leakages that continue to plague the system.

It is deeply worrisome that as the country borrows more, the cost of governance remains unchecked. The Nigerian government must face the hard reality: the current path of borrowing is unsustainable. There is a pressing need for the government to cut the cost of governance. This includes reducing the salaries and allowances of public officials, trimming down the number of political appointees, and eliminating wasteful expenditures across all levels of government.

A leaner, more efficient government structure is not only desirable but necessary if Nigeria is to manage its debt and put the borrowed funds to productive use. Public investment must prioritize sectors that can stimulate economic growth, such as infrastructure, agriculture, and education, rather than being consumed by recurrent expenses that have little to no long-term benefit.

Nigeria’s return to a debt-ridden economy is indeed a cause for concern. We must remember the days of fiscal prudence that led to our debt relief and strive to restore those principles. The government must act swiftly to cut unnecessary costs and ensure that borrowed funds are used transparently and efficiently for the benefit of the people, not just the political elite.

The stakes are too high for us to continue down this path. We owe it to future generations to break free from the cycle of borrowing and build an economy that can sustain itself without the crutch of external debt. The time for action is now, before the debt trap tightens its hold on Nigeria’s future.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to urge President Bola Tinubu to make it a priority to intensify efforts towards freeing Nigeria from the crippling weight of both domestic and external debts. The country is at a financial crossroads, and the mounting debt burden is becoming unsustainable.

Without decisive action, Nigeria risks plunging deeper into a debt crisis, which could severely hamper economic development and social progress. It is essential that the administration adopts a robust debt management strategy that focuses on reducing excessive borrowing, increasing revenue generation, and enhancing fiscal discipline. The foregoing view is as the future of Nigeria’s economy depends on the steps taken now to avoid further debt accumulation.

One critical avenue that President Tinubu should explore is the possibility of negotiating for debt forgiveness, much like what was achieved under the leadership of Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala when she was Minister of Finance and Economy. At the time, Okonjo-Iweala successfully negotiated with Nigeria’s creditors to secure significant debt relief, which allowed the country to regain financial stability and focus on long-term growth. By pursuing similar negotiations, Tinubu could alleviate the crushing debt service burden that currently consumes a large portion of the nation’s revenue. International creditors may be open to renegotiating terms if Nigeria presents a credible and transparent economic reform plan, signaling its commitment to fiscal responsibility.

In addition to seeking debt forgiveness, President Tinubu must also take bold steps to reduce the cost of governance and improve the efficiency of public spending. Every naira saved from cutting unnecessary expenses and plugging financial leakages can be redirected towards paying off Nigeria’s debts and investing in sectors that will stimulate economic growth. By combining debt forgiveness negotiations with internal fiscal reforms, President Tinubu can pave the way for a more sustainable and prosperous economic future for Nigeria. The time to act is now before the nation’s debt burden spirals further out of control.

Super Eagles interim coach, Augustine Eguavoen says he is still in in charge of the three-time African champions.

According to OwnGoalNigeria, a sports website, Eguavoen said his assignment was limited to two matches.

The Nigerian tactician was quoted to have said he was given a mandate to oversee the Eagles’ matches against Benin Republic and Rwanda in the ongoing 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers.

“I have been given a mandate to handle two games. I will want to say I am very pleased with the boys and again, thanks to the NFF leadership and all the boys who supported me in terms of discipline and working hard.”

“It ends today, which is the two games mandate. I can’t talk about Libya, because I haven’t been told but I can talk about it a little bit in case we have another coach, we can talk about it.” he reportedly said.

But speaking on arrival at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja in the early hours Wednesday, Cerezo as he is fondly called, denied quitting his role.

According to him, he only said he was going to discuss with the leadership of the Nigeria Football Federation )NFF) on how to prosecute the remaining qualifying series.

“It’s quite unfortunate that people trigger something that is not correct and the situation we are in now, we don’t need negative stories.

“I only talked about how I will sit down with the hierarchy of the Federation after these two games and see how we will prosecute the next games. When I saw the story, I was kind of worried and concerned. Whatever people are reading out there is not correct. I’m still very much in charge as the technical director of the federation and saddled with the responsibility of taking charge of the Super Eagles at this moment,” he clarified

Recall that Eguavoen was named the interim coach after German coach, Bruno Labbadia declined the role after being unable to reach an agreement on tax payment.

Eguavoen led the team to 3-0 win over Cheetahs of Benin before being held to a 0-0 draw by Wasps of Rwanda in the ongoing 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifying series.

[DailyTrust]

For some time, Nigerians have been in denial about the actual state of the nation once hailed as the giant of Africa. Nigeria has deteriorated over the years to the extent that it is often referred to as ” a failed nation”. Previous administrations failed to stem the decline in Nigeria’s economic fortunes. Therefore, the current administration inherited a nation in a state of comatose, characterised by high levels of insecurity, poverty, unemployment, inadequate access to education, non-payment of salaries and pensions by some state governments, high unsettled foreign exchange obligations, a debt service-to-revenue ratio of 97%, poor infrastructure, and other symptoms of a failing nation.

The task of putting Nigeria on the path to economic prosperity is enormous, but not insurmountable. It requires transformational and drastic changes, not incremental ones, as the nation has drifted too far from the path of economic sustainability. The current administration, understanding this, introduced major policy shifts—what some may call shock therapy.

It has also moved away from the Keynesian economic model, which promotes government intervention in the economy for stability, towards the classical economic model, which supports a limited government role in the economy. It is important to note that the classical model usually comes with some economic fluctuations in the short term, which Nigeria is currently experiencing.

The economic reforms of the current government have already started yielding results. The country’s debt service-to-revenue ratio has dropped from 97% to under 70%, freeing resources for investment in security, infrastructure, and other critical sectors of the economy. Allocations to the three tiers of government have increased.

Additionally, Nigeria’s gross domestic product grew by 3.19% in the second quarter of 2024 (year-on-year), which is higher than the 2.51% recorded in the second quarter of 2023 and the 2.98% recorded in the first quarter of 2024. Students have already started benefiting from the student loan scheme, and affordable houses are being built across the nation under the Renewed Hope Housing Scheme. The forthcoming Consumer Credit Scheme is another initiative set to commence, to name just a few.

Nigerians have experienced failed leadership in the past, so many are not fully convinced of the sincerity of purpose and the efficacy of the economic reforms of the current administration. However, the role the government played in securing local government financial autonomy and the unification of foreign exchange rates are examples of its genuine commitment to transforming the nation for good.

Local governments in the country are now expected to operate more effectively and contribute more to national development. It would have been convenient for President Bola Tinubu to leave the arbitrage in the forex markets intact and benefit from it at the expense of pursuing economic recovery. Another sign of the current government’s patriotism is its refusal to chase after popularity, instead sticking to its economic policies despite their unpopularity. In a democracy, many leaders avoid making such decisions to avert the risk of losing future elections.

There is no doubt that in addition to the current economic reforms, Nigeria like many other African countries—needs to seek some form of debt relief to free up more resources for national development. This was reiterated by the chairman of the African Union Commission during the recently concluded Africa Food Systems Summit in Kigali, who said that debt relief is an urgent imperative for many African states to give them vital economic breathing space. Without the current economic reforms Nigeria is undertaking, which show a genuine desire to turn things around, her creditors may be reluctant to consider her plea for debt relief.

Nigerians need to be patient, as there is no quick fix or easy solution to the economic challenges the country is facing. The government should ensure the timely implementation of policies. For example, the CNG initiative and the implementation of the national minimum wage need to be fast-tracked.

It will be beneficial for the government to continuously educate Nigerians about its various intervention programs and provide updates on the implementation of its economic policies. Communication is key, especially in times like this

Kenechukwu Aguolu can be contacted via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Without a doubt, Emmanuel Chukwuemeka Iwuanyanwu was a model and premier Igbo-Nigerian leader, patriot, and Igboist. Being an Igboist and a Nigerian defender at the same time is an extremely difficult combination to maintain. He had affection for both of them, but Ndigbo was his priority for obvious reasons.

It is more than thirty years since I first met Iwuanyanwu. The two-party system for Nigeria was being experimented with by General Ibrahim Babangida who established the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP). Iwuanyanwu was a presidential aspirant under the banner of the NRC. At the time, I was a student at the University of Jos.

At the University of Jos, I ran for the position of students’ union president and therefore was a leader in the students’ union in my own right. Therefore, when IBB announced the two parties and political gladiators like Iwuanyanwu fought to carry the flag of their respective parties as their presidential candidates, politically astute students like me showed interest and looked for ways to get involved. Student activists, or perhaps better described as aspiring politicians on campus, naturally found a constituency in the student body.

Thus, my clique and I prepared a plan and laid ambush when we learnt that the Iwuanyanwu campaign train, headed by Dr. Josiah Odunna, was coming to Jos. He was happy to meet with us with the full complement of his campaign team. I was really in my element that day, speaking for the group like a self-assured prophet. Iwuanyanwu was definitely impressed, but when I was done, he looked both amused and perplexed. My presentation was overly ambitious in its audacity. I had made an effort to persuade Iwuanyanwu and his elite campaign team that we could mobilise Nigeria’s whole student body.

His scepticism was reasonable given that, at the time, there was no social media as we know it today to link all the campuses, despite the fact that Barristers Gabriel Egbule and Mike Nnalue (may the good Lord rest his soul) and I were publishing the Campus Flash newspaper and could be considered campus journalists. It implied that manual campus visits were required throughout Nigeria. Iwuanyanwu concurred with us that all Nigerian universities needed to be mobilised, but he begged me and my colleagues to focus only on the University of Jos and maybe one or two others nearby.

Iwuanyanwu gave fatherly advice, saying: “You still have your books to read and exams to pass and pass excellently.” He was against our education suffering in favour of politics. Surely, everything has its time.

Iwuanyanwu gave the order to take care of us while details would be worked out. My group and I made the same visit to Iwuanyanwu’s base at Owerri, and the rest, as they say, is history.

I continued to have friendly encounters with Iwuanyanwu, but nothing really noteworthy until the Igbo Leadership Development Foundation (ILDF), an organisation I served as spokesperson, started planning the campaign for the election of an Igbo (south-east) as president for Nigeria. Around the same time also was when I buried my dear mother and Iwuanyanwu and some other elders banded together to help me and lessen the burden of my mother’s funeral.

Iwuanyanwu gave his significant support and blessing to the campaign of the ILDF for the Igbo Nigerian president project. The group paid him visits to convey the guiding ideas and philosophy behind the main program we had in the works as well as the self-imposed effort to rescue Ndigbo from Nigeria’s political obscurity.

Pursuant to this, the Igbo Leadership Development Foundation (ILDF) organised a national dialogue in Abuja with Gregory University Uturu in 2021. Iwuanyanwu gave us his whole support and participated in the event. Leaders from all over Nigeria as well as representatives of the country’s major cultural blocks attended the national discourse, which took place at the Sheraton Hotel Abuja. Chief Nnia Nwodo, the then president-general of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was present, as was Iwuanyanwu.

I provided this history to demonstrate that, even as a student, I had a close acquaintance with the great leader and therefore had the chance to form an opinion about his life and times. The fact that Iwuanyanwu was an activist is one of his qualities that is most frequently downplayed. It matters so much to me, probably for the reason that I belong to the human rights community. It’s not easy being an activist in a ruthless country like Nigeria.

Furthermore, Iwuanyanwu—a University of Nigeria-trained civil engineer and a private practitioner—would have undoubtedly had his business ventures, some of which depended on government patronage, suffer as a result of his firm stance against the marginalisation of his Igbo people in Nigeria.

He was a true leader, as they rarely come! He put the needs of his people before his own, even if doing so meant sacrificing his happiness, safety, and growth of his wide business concerns. Even as an activist myself, I was afraid for his life every time he fiercely talked about the condition of the Ndigbo in Nigeria. He took no prisoners.

Iwuanyanwu, like his compatriots and great Igbo leaders, Comrade Uche Chukwumerije and Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife, did not give much thought to his own safety or business when he championed the rights of Ndigbo, a practice that began with his participation in the Biafra war as an army captain.

The life of the Ikeduru Imo state-born Iwuanyanwu resembled an octopus. It spread and had an impact on nearly everything important, including politics, sociocultural issues, business, construction, sports, the media, and even banking. You dare call him a jack of all trades and master of all! For the younger ones’ sake, it is important to emphasise a few of his impacts.

The areas where Iwuanyanwu made profound contributions include the following: sports (Iwuanyanwu Nationale), aviation (Oriental Airlines), media (Champion Newspapers), road construction (Hardel & Enic), health (Iwuanyanwu Ambulance), banking (ABC Merchant Bank), education (Iwuanyanwu Foundation), philanthropy, food security (Magil Bread, etc.), and housing (he owned several estates across the country).

In politics and the nation’s quest for democracy, democratic rule, and purposeful national leadership, Iwuanyanwu was a leading member of the NNC, NRC, UNCP, APP, ANPP, PDP, etc. He was a statesman par excellence. He left his footprints on each and every one of these great endeavours. His legacy will live on for future generations, providing a clear pathway for those who genuinely want to succeed and make their life meaningful through perseverance, hard work, and self-belief, so they too can leave their mark on the sands of time.

Serving as the 11th president-general of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, preceded by George Obiozor, was Chief Iwuanyanwu’s final act of service to Ndigbo, Nigeria, and mankind, where he inspired and repositioned the Igbo people in Nigeria and global context.

By the grace of God, he crossed both biblical rubicon for humans—three scores and ten and eighty for those who are still strong. He passed away a happy man at 82.

At eighty-two, Iwuanyanwu walked off this route to meet his maker—the final destination for all mortals. As renowned poet John Donne once said…
“Each man’s death diminishes me,
For I am involved in mankind.
Therefore, send not to know
For whom the bell tolls,
It tolls for thee.”

Chief Dr. Eng. Emmanuel Chukwuemeka Iwuanyanwu has finished his earthly race and left his mark on history. How about you? The bell tolls for you too!

Good night, great Igboist, nationalist, and leader. In both the Igbo nation and Nigeria, you were undoubtedly the zenith and emblem of Igbo possibilities and Nigerian nationalism. You have left a void that will be difficult to fill, but there’s God, and in Him we trust.

Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. You can contact him via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and on Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.