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[OPINION] Appraisal of two years of ‘Tinubunomics’ - Jide Ojo
President Bola Tinubu has eight-point priority areas as enunciated in his 80-page Renewed Hope Agenda. They are reforming the economy for sustained inclusive growth; strengthening national security for peace and prosperity; boosting agriculture to achieve food security; unlocking energy and natural resources for sustainable development; and enhancing infrastructure and transportation as enablers of growth. Others include a focus on education, health, and social investment as essential pillars of development; accelerate diversification through industrialisation, digitisation, creative arts, manufacturing & innovation and improve governance for effective service delivery. From the aforementioned, it is obvious that the President has a bias for the economy. Little wonder he prioritised what he called economic restructuring in the last two years. I call that ‘Tinubunomics’.
From the day of his inauguration on May 29, 2023, Tinubu left no one in doubt about the direction his government would go when he said, “Petrol subsidy is gone!”. He later followed that up with the floating of the naira, our national currency. To the best of my knowledge, Nigeria never had a cabinet that is as large as that of the incumbent President with about 50 ministers and the establishment of new ministries, departments and agencies some of which include the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, Ministry of Livestock Development, Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy and Ministry of Steel Development.
President Tinubu has recorded a lot of achievements in the area of the economy in the last two years. In terms of brick and mortar, there have been several completed roads and bridges, especially in the Federal Capital Territory and Lagos. Nairametrics, in its March 31, 2025, edition, reported that Tinubu’s administration had prioritised road infrastructure, accelerating existing projects and initiating new ones to enhance connectivity, trade, and regional development. Summary of 13 key road projects: Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano Road: Originally awarded in 2017, now revitalised with N740.79bn in funding. Completion set for 2026; Ninth Mile-Oturkpo-Makurdi Road; Sokoto-Badagry Highway: A 1,068km north-south link with a rail line in the median; construction began in October 2024; Abuja-Lokoja-Benin Road: Undergoing dualisation with concrete technology, re-awarded in 2024 with N305bn funding and Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway (Phase 1): A 47.7km section started in March 2024, integrating rail transport; the full highway spans 700km.
Others include Enugu-Onitsha Expressway being reconstructed under MTN’s Tax Credit Scheme; 50-70 per cent complete, with a May 2026 deadline; Benin-Asaba Superhighway: A PPP-funded 125km highway with solar lighting, launched in March 2025, with a 30-month timeline; Oyo-Ogbomoso Road: Re-awarded in February 2025 to JRB Construction for N147.89bn to boost regional connectivity; Bode Saadu-Kaima-Kosubosu Road: A 130km project in Kwara, funded by BUA Group, designed for long-term durability; Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway: Ongoing work on the 56.1km Umuahia-Aba section, with completion targeted for June 2025; Second Niger Bridge Access Road: A 17.55km road linking the bridge to key transport corridors, started in March 2025; Lagos-Ibadan Expressway nearing completion, with tolling planned after Phase 1 to ensure maintenance funding and Bodo-Bonny Road: Includes 13 bridges; cost revised to N280bn, now scheduled for completion.
Under this administration, all six geopolitical zones now have development commissions that are aimed at making development initiatives percolate to the grassroots through pro-people and pro-poor projects and programmes. Tinubu’s game changer is the four tax reform bills sent to the National Assembly in October 2024. They are the Nigeria Tax Bill, the Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill and the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill. The Senate passed the bill last week, and a conference committee to harmonise the versions passed by the Senate and the House of Representatives has been set up. I am sure a clean copy may be sent to the President for assent before May 29. There are said to be a lot of benefits inherent in the new tax laws.
It is reported that the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Investment, has established three funds totalling N200bn to support businesses across Nigeria: The Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme, The FGN MSME Intervention Fund, and the FGN Manufacturing Sector Fund. The Bank of Industry has been appointed as the executing agency of the funds, vested with responsibility for its day-to-day administration. An online source said BoI has disbursed N22bn of the N200bn support fund to MSMEs. The restreaming of Port Harcourt and Warri refineries in December 2024, as well as the Presidential Initiative on Compressed Natural Gas, are some of Tinubu’s economic achievements in the last two years. It is noteworthy that the national minimum wage has increased from N30,000 to N70,000 since July 2024.
On the flip side, much as the economic handlers of the country will want the citizens to laud them for the purported economic growth, it is noteworthy that the lives of average Nigerians have worsened under this government. Nigerians are experiencing a higher cost of living rather than a higher standard of living.
Inflation, unemployment and poverty are on the increase. Headline inflation in March 2025 is 24.23 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.
This newspaper, in its May 4, 2025 (online edition), reported that the World Bank had disclosed that the poverty rate among Nigeria’s rural population had reached an alarming 75.5 per cent, highlighting deepening inequality and widespread economic hardship across the country. According to the World Bank’s latest April 2025 Poverty and Equity Brief for Nigeria, rural dwellers are overwhelmingly bearing the brunt of economic stagnation, inflation, and structural challenges that have characterised the country’s growth trajectory in recent years. The data, derived from Nigeria’s most recent nationally representative surveys, shows that while 41.3 per cent of the urban population lives below the poverty line, the figure for rural Nigeria is almost double.
According to a development economist, Prof. Dudley Seers, in any country where poverty, unemployment and inflation are on the increase, there is no development. Imagine the cost of living crisis many Nigerians now face. Many of us are heavily indebted and find it extremely difficult to pay our bills. Energy costs have hit the roof with petrol and electricity price hikes, as well as the recent increase in the telecommunications tariff. These price increases, coupled with over 40 per cent devaluation of the value of the naira, have made life unbearable for most Nigerians. This spike in the cost of living has made the new minimum wage of N70,00 worthless. It, therefore, behoves President Tinubu to find creative ways of ameliorating the suffering of the Nigerian masses.
[OPINION] Urgent economic measures for Nigeria - Lekan Sote
The President of the African Development Bank, Dr Akinwunmi Adesina, recently compared Nigeria’s promising $1,857 gross domestic product per capita of 1960 to the dismal $824 in 2024! He contrasts the index with South Korea’s GDP, which rose from $158 in 1960 to an astronomical $36,157 in 2024.
Even though the little-known Independent Media and Policy Initiative, which is probably an apologist for President Bola Tinubu’s government, countered that Nigeria’s per capita GDP in 1960 was $93, not $1,857, as Adesina had claimed. Well, neither Akinwumi nor IMPIC have revealed the sources of their claims.
As President Tinubu rounds up his Presidency’s mid-term, the economic indices show little positives for the poor messes’ cost of living, suggesting that the liberal economic options of the Bretton Woods institutions are sorely needed for the Nigerian economy that was almost collapsing under the weight of subsidies to petrol, electricity and the naira.
Indeed, the rates of inflation, lending and conversion of the naira to the American dollar, the major currency for international trade, were adversely affecting the cost of essential items, like foodstuffs, medication, road and air transport and house rent. And many Nigerians went to the poorhouse with this horrible dispensation.
By the way, the Janus-faced World Bank and International Monetary Fund that prescribed the harrowing economic reform policies now criticise it. There is an inexplicable gap between the deft disclaimers of the economic policies by the Bretton Woods institutions and Nigerian liberal economic evangelists, who argued that the subsidies will burst the economy.
The wonder of it all is that the government that justified the reformist economic policies does not seem to have introduced appropriate policies to mitigate their effects—apart from short-term cash transfers and food palliatives that do not even reach enough numbers of the poor.
Indeed, the government seems to be experiencing some fatigue in implementing the more foundational remedial policies, like raising crude petroleum production, selling petroleum for naira and promoting the Compressed Natural Gas alternative to petrol.
It seems the 2027 general election has become a major distraction. And this calls for more urgent actions to implement some kind of grand Marshall Plan to put Nigeria on the road to economic redemption.
The following are some actions that the government should be taking to assist Nigerians in coping with the effects of its policies, which, by the way, other major presidential candidates of the 2023 general elections insisted they would implement if they were elected.
As the government invests in solar energy for the Presidential Villa, the gesture should be extended to its secretariats, tertiary institutions, medical schools, and other major facilities. State governments should do the same.
The current template that places electricity generation companies, the national grid and electricity distribution companies in silos should be replaced with integrated electricity companies in designated markets. Eko Electric should have its own transmission line and generation units added to its distribution facilities.
State government-owned enterprises, like Odua Investments, should take advantage of the transfer of electricity to the concurrent legislative list and invest in the electricity sector. Any excess production can be exported to East and West African countries.
Because water is necessary for domestic and industrial purposes, state governments must upgrade old waterworks and invest in new facilities to provide potable and clean water for the good health of citizens and use in manufacturing companies.
To complement the efforts of the Federal Government, state governments or a consortium of contiguous states must invest in railway lines to connect their urban centres to their industries and farm gates. Of course, these connections should be linked to other states and regions.
State governments should revive the old farm settlements established by the government of the likes of Obafemi Awolowo, to grow food for consumption and cash crops for export. Private investors should be encouraged to invest in agro-allied industries within or close to the farm settlements.
The Nigerian economy cannot survive with the import-substitution economic strategy, a booby trap that ties Nigeria’s so-called manufacturing capability to the continued importation of industrial manufacturing machinery, their spare parts and raw materials.
Therefore, the Federal and State Governments should use the auspices of the National Economic Council to form a harmonised industrial plan that will initiate privately-owned or publicly-owned manufacturing plants that can manufacture industrial manufacturing machines, spare parts and raw materials.
Also, the government should encourage investors to establish heavy industries, like automobile manufacturing plants, and provide realistic plans to revive the practically moribund textile industry, even though the garment industry seems to be thriving.
These heavy manufacturing industries will generate employment for youths who are looking for jobs that have not been created. Only deliberate government encouragement and interventions can help these industries grow. It is not enough to throw soft loans at the industries; the government should appoint competent hands to do the necessary follow-ups.
The Federal Government should be more serious in implementing its naira-for-petroleum policy. As this makes petroleum products more readily available and reduces the need to source foreign exchange to import the same, it reduces the pressure on the naira.
The Federal Government and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, which have repeatedly stated that they wanted to ramp up production of crude petroleum, should please make good their promise. This should provide more funds for the government’s development programmes.
And, yes, the terrorists and their enablers, within Nigeria, or from across the Sahel, must be taken head-on, either with kinetic or non-kinetic strategies. And enough of the sabotaging efforts of enemies within, the fifth columnists, who “fall the hands”, or compromise the efforts, of the patriotic military men who stake their lives for the safety of fellow Nigerians.
If indeed, terrorists or bandits, as some people in the government prefer to call them, are from the Sahel, the government must initiate a review of the Economic Community for West African States protocols on inter-border movements, though the long-unmanned borders and the cultural affinity of Nigerians with neighbouring countries cannot be easily ignored.
But there is a need to ask why Nigeria’s military, which provided most of the men, firepower and logistics for the ECOWAS Monitoring Group that maintained peace in the West African sub-region, woefully fails to contain the so-called terrorists from the Sahel.
Maybe, if all governments cooperate to implement these economic policies, it will be easy to drive the seven per cent annual GDP growth rate that the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, is proposing, to achieve President Tinubu’s projected $1tn economy by 2030.
And for the sake of social justice, the government must allocate the resources of the country so that the extremely wide disparity between the rich, who flaunt their (usually ill-gotten) wealth, and the poor, is significantly narrowed.
State governors, who now receive higher remittances from the Federation Account as a result of the removal of subsidies, should significantly contribute to bringing this social injustice home. Apart from paying the new minimum workers’ salaries regularly, they must implement appropriate economic policies.
In short, Nigerian governments must consistently initiate policies to significantly improve the performance of the economy and equitably distribute the gains. And if all these seem didactic or pedagogical, there are no apologies for the audacity.
X:lekansote1, lekansote.com
Tennis No 1 Sinner meets Pope Leo XIV
Tennis fan Pope Leo XIV received men’s world number one Jannik Sinner, who is currently competing in the Italian Open in Rome, the Vatican said Wednesday.
“The Pope’s passion for tennis is well known,” the head of the Vatican’s press office said in a short statement.
Sinner was accompanied by members of his family and the president of the Italian Tennis Federation, Angelo Binaghi, during the visit, he said.
The 69-year-old Chicago-born pope likes not just to watch but also to play, according to reports.
In an interview after being made cardinal in 2023, the former missionary in Peru said, “I consider myself an amateur tennis player.
“Since I left Peru, I haven’t had many opportunities to play, but I can’t wait to get back on the court.”
Italian sports daily La Gazzetta dello Sport said that according to his friends, the Augustinian “has an excellent backhand and is a formidable competitor”.
On Monday during an audience with the international press, the pope was asked by a journalist to take part in a charity tennis tournament.
“Certainly,” replied the pope. “I’ll come with (Andre) Agassi,” he said.
“As long as it’s not Sinner,” he joked.
At a tournament press conference Monday following Sinner’s third round victory over Dutchman Jesper de Jong, journalists asked Sinner what he thought about having a tennis-loving pope.
“It’s great for tennis players to have a pope who follows us and who has played.” said Sinner.
Among one of the Vatican’s many amenities is an outdoor clay tennis court.
AFP
10 ‘cheap’ Android phones in Nigeria
Considering the economic challenges and realities, purchasing a smartphone could be quite tasking for an average Nigerian. However, the price of your desired device is as important as other specifications, such as the brand, screen size, battery life, Random Access Memory (RAM), internal memory, image quality and camera megapixels.
Despite the harsh economic challenges, it is not impossible to get a phone as your needs can also match your budget. Here are 10 affordable Android phones readily available in Nigeria and accessible to a wide range of budget-conscious Nigerian consumers.
1. Itel A18
The New Itel A18 series with a 32GB internal storage capacity, 3GB/2GB RAM, is affordable for ₦65,900 to ₦70,000. This entry-level phone offers basic features such as browsing the internet and capturing life-exciting moments. It also provides a smooth and accessible mobile experience.
The Itel A18 is a budget-friendly smartphone designed for users seeking simplicity, reliability and efficiency. The device has a sleek design and a user-friendly interface, offering a seamless experience for everyday communication and entertainment.
Price range: ₦65,900 – ₦70,000
2. RealMe C61
The Realme C61 (6 GB+128 GB) is a sleek and powerful smartphone that offers good value for its price, especially with its larger display and RAM (6GB).
This device is designed for those who want a seamless mobile experience. It offers everything from stunning visuals to long-lasting reliability. Whether you’re a multitasker, a gamer, or a photography enthusiast, the Realme C61 is a convenient device for you as it is the perfect companion for work, play and everything in between.
Price: NGN 141,400.00
3. Tecno Spark 30C
The Tecno Spark 30C (4 GB + 128 GB) is affordable as it also offers a great deal and a good balance of interesting features, such as a large 6.6-inch display, advanced LTE connectivity, and is powered by the efficient Mediatek Helio G81 chipset.
The Tecno Spark 30C uses Android 14 as its operating system and a 50 MP camera for high-quality photography.
Price: Available for around NGN 135,600.00
4. Samsung Galaxy A05
The Samsung Galaxy A05 is equipped with a powerful octa-core processor, up to 6GB of memory (RAM), and up to 128GB of internal storage.
This device offers efficient performance for the task at hand and it is a popular option for Samsung lovers who consider affordability.
Price: ₦139,400 | $120.
5. Infinix Smart 8
The Infinix Smart 8 is designed for users who value performance, style and exceptional functionality. It offers a good combination of features and price, with a long-lasting battery capacity of 5000mAh.
Internal Storage: 64GB, 128GB
Price range: NGN 120,000.00- NGN 125,000.00
6. OPPO A3X
The OPPO A3X device (4 GB+64 GB) is a good option for those willing to purchase a phone with a good camera and decent performance at a reasonable price.
It is a reliable smartphone equipped with a large 6.67-inch display, a Snapdragon 6s Gen 1 chipset and the latest Android 14 OS.
It also has LTE connectivity, an 8 MP camera and a powerful 5100 mAh battery, delivering smooth performance and long-lasting usage for everyday needs.
Price: NGN 147,900.00
7. Tecno Pop 9
The Tecno Pop 9 (3 GB+128 GB) combines essential features such as a long-lasting battery, Dual SIM, and a robust performance. It is an ideal choice for users seeking reliability and affordability.
This sleek device offers a seamless user experience with its fast LTE connectivity, durable water-resistant design and long-lasting battery life. The Tecno Pop 9 is water-resistant, specifically with an IP54 rating, meaning it can withstand some water splashes and dust.
Price Range: ₦110,000.00- ₦134,800.00
8. Xiaomi Redmi A3X
The Xiaomi Redmi A3X device (4 GB+128 GB) is a reliable option with decent specs for its price point.
It is designed to provide a comprehensive smartphone experience that meets the demands of modern use. It offers a blend of performance, efficiency and user-friendly features such as robust connectivity, expansive display, enduring battery life and the latest Android OS.
Price range: NGN 88, 000.00- 96,900.00
9. HMD Aura
The HMD Aura (4 GB+64 GB) is a compact device designed to provide a balanced mobile experience, combining an efficient chipset, vibrant display and a robust battery. It is also a student-friendly device, especially for online classes.
The HMD Aura device is affordable and reliable, ensuring that students can stay connected, learn efficiently and participate in virtual education.
Price: NGN 120,900.00
10. Xiaomi Redmi A5
Finally, the Xiaomi Redmi A5 is a budget-friendly option from Xiaomi as it offers smooth performance and enhanced features at a low price.
The captivating features of the device include a vibrant 6.88-inch display with 720 x 1640 resolution for an immersive experience. You can capture stunning shots with the 50mp camera and enjoy all-day use with the long-lasting 5200mAh battery.
Price: NGN 115,200.00
[OPINION] Tinubu’s visit and Soludo’s prayers to end south-east marginalisation - Law Mefor
The goal of Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is always to win with his solutions. Soludo wisely took advantage of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s state visit to Anambra State on May 8 to address the pressing issues of the south-east geopolitical zone’s marginalisation.
President Tinubu, who referred to Governor Soludo as a friend, made a solid commitment to resolve all of the marginalisation issues brought up by the governor.
Governor Soludo praised President Tinubu for his Pan-Nigerian disposition, which was demonstrated when he appointed Ben Akabueze, an Anambra son, as Commissioner for Budget and Planning while serving as Governor of Lagos. He also thanked Tinubu for appointing numerous Ndị Anambra to his administration, particularly the appointment of Ambassador Bianca Ojukwu as minister of state for foreign affairs and Mark Okoye, as MD, South-East Development Commission. In line with what Tinubu did in Lagos, Soludo said: “Similarly, here in Anambra, one of my new permanent secretaries is from Osun State – Bayo Ojeyinka.”
Mr Governor lauded Mr President thusly: “We are deeply grateful for several road projects currently being executed by your administration that benefit Anambra State, running into hundreds of billions of naira, especially the Enugu-Onitsha Road, rehabilitation of Onitsha-Owerri Road, Phase 2b access road to Second Niger Bridge, rehabilitation of Oba-Nnewi Road Section II in Anambra, etc. When completed, they will be important game-changers for our people.”
Governor Soludo put forward the following ask-list on the table of President Tinubu: “Anambra remains, possibly, the gully erosion capital of the world, with one-third of our land mass under persistent threat, and the resource requirements to deal with this are far beyond the capacity of a state government. We are already spending tens of billions of naira on this, but much more is urgently needed. The Southeast and Anambra in particular are bypassed by the national gas masterplan despite abundant reserves of natural gas. We are not part of the national rail system. The Onitsha River Port, commissioned by President Shehu Shagari in 1982, remains a proposal, ostensibly because the federal government has been unable to undertake the required dredging. Only Asiwaju, the man who tamed the Atlantic, can break this 43-year-old jinx so that badges from Onne and other seaports can easily discharge at Onitsha. There is an abandoned strategic federal road project that links Anambra with Kogi State. Upon completion, the journey between Anambra/Southeast and Abuja might be shortened to about three hours — down from the current nine hours! The list is long, and we are convinced that systematically, these issues will be addressed.”
President Tinubu, who was bestowed with the chieftaincy title of Dikesimba of Anambra by Ndi Igwe of 179 communities in the state after having commissioned two landmark projects – the Solution Fun City and the Government House Mini-City as part of the initial steps on the path towards your audacious vision of Anambra as African-Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley (ADTS) – made the firm promise to include Anambra State and the South-East in the National Railway Masterplan, a bold step that promises to open new corridors of mobility, trade, and interconnectivity for the South-East, the South-South, and the rest of the federation.
To promote the budding manufacturing and technological sectors, the president also promised to include Anambra State and the South-East in the country’s Gas Pipeline Masterplan, which is a vital tool for industrialisation and energy access.
In order to promote trade, mobility, and national unity, President Tinubu approved the completion of the federal highway that connects Anambra and Kogi State. This groundbreaking project would cut the trip time from Anambra to Abuja by roughly four hours.
Under President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Governor Soludo also received assurances that reconstruction work will soon begin on the damaged sections of the Enugu–Onitsha Expressway, a long-standing infrastructure issue that is now at last to receive decisive federal attention.
President Tinubu added a fitting crown to his newly placed hat by promising federal support for ecological investments to address erosion in Anambra State. This is a very appropriate intervention, given that environmental issues of this kind continue to be the state’s top existential threat and are beyond any state’s means.
It is anticipated that Mr. President’s commitment to a sustained strategic cooperation with Anambra State and the South-East for complete security restoration will include Governor Soludo’s other crucial request, which is for the federal government to start operating the Onitsha River Port.
For Ndi Anambra and all Ndigbo, President Tinubu’s State Visit is a huge victory for justice, inclusivity, and visionary leadership. It also serves as a testament to the strength of the strategic partnership between Anambra and the federal government, constructive engagement, the Soludo administration’s purposeful governance, and the governor’s dedication to progressivism and welfarism.
A worthy display of friendship, one that goes beyond politics and is based on the common goal of a more united, progressive Nigeria and the unmistakable proof of progressives working together, is President Tinubu’s affirmative response to Governor Soludo’s ask-list to end the marginalisation of the South-East.
What is more noteworthy than President Tinubu jocularly requesting a piece of land in Anambra State to construct a retirement home after his term as Nigeria’s president?
With Asiwaju, a brand-new, prosperous, and united Nigeria is undoubtedly approaching, one in which justice and peace will rule.
Law Mefor, PhD, is the information commissioner, Anambra state. He can be contacted via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and on X:@DrLaw_Mefor.
Climate Facts: About 12 million tonnes of plastic enter ocean annually, says UN
The complexities of climate change and its associated jargon can prove difficult to digest.
TheCable’s quick climate facts will help demystify these concepts through easy-to-understand and straight-to-the-point explanations.
Here are some to keep at the tip of your fingers:
- A recent study by Nature Climate Change says the world’s wealthiest 10 percent are responsible for two-thirds of global warming since 1990.
- The report said extreme climate impacts are directly linked to lifestyle and investment choices and not just the result of abstract global emissions.
- The United Nations (UN) says an estimated 5 to 12 million metric tonnes of plastic enter the ocean annually.
- The organisation noted that about 89 percent of plastic litter found on the ocean floor are single-use items like plastic bags.
- UN says up to 733 million people do not have access to electricity — about one in ten people globally.
- The European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S) says April 2025 was the second-hottest April on record globally.
- C3S said April 2025 was 0.07°C cooler than the warmest April in 2024, and 0.07°C hotter than the third warmest in 2016.
[TheCable]
[OPINION] Making Constitution in Hurry and Error - Eric Teniola
In promulgating decree 24 on May 5, 1999 as the 1999 Constitution, the then Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Abdusalam Alhaji Abubakar, GCFR, made an addendum to the decree. The addendum was not part of the decree it was just an explanation on the constitution. General Abdusalam declared in the addendum “WHEREAS the Federal Military Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in compliance with the Transition to Civil Rule (Political Programme) Decree 1998 has, through the Independent National Electoral Commission, conducted elections to the office of President and Vice-President, Governors and Deputy-Governors, Chairmen and Vice-Chairmen, the National Assembly, the Houses of Assembly and the local government councils;
AND WHEREAS the Federal Military Government In furtherance of its commitment to hand over to a democratically elected civilian administration on 29th May 1999. inaugurated on 11th November 1998, the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee charged with responsibility to, among other things, pilot the debate on the new Constitution for Nigeria, co-ordinate and collate views and recommendations canvassed by individuals and groups for a new Constitution for Nigeria;
AND WHEREAS the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee benefitted from the receipt of large volumes of memoranda from Nigerians at home and abroad and oral presentations at the public hearings at the debate centres throughout the country and the conclusions arrived thereat and also at various seminars, workshops and conferences organised and was convinced that the general consensus of opinion of Nigerians is the desire to retain the provisions of the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria with some amendments;
AND WHEREAS the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee has presented the report of its deliberations to the Provisional Ruling Council;
AND WHEREAS the Provisional Ruling Council has approved the report subject to such amendments as are deemed necessary in the public interest and for the purpose of promoting the security, welfare and good governance and fostering the unity and progress of the people of Nigeria with a view to achieving its objective of handing over an enduring Constitution to the people of Nigeria;
AND WHEREAS, it is necessary in accordance with the programme on transition to civil rule for the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979 after necessary amendments and approval by the Provisional Ruling Council to be promulgated into a new Constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria in order to give the same force of law with effect” from 29th May 1999: NOW THEREFORE, THE FEDERAL MILITARY GOVERNMENT hereby decrees as follows:- (1) There shall be for Nigeria a Constitution which shall be as set out in the Schedule to this Decree. (2) The Constitution set out in the Schedule to this Decree shall come into force on 29th May 1999. (3) Whenever it may hereafter be necessary for the Constitution to be printed it shall be lawful for the Federal Government Printer to omit all parts of this Decree apart from the Schedule and the Constitution as so printed shall have the force of law notwithstanding the omission, 2. This Decree may be cited as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Promulgation) Decree 1999”.
You are free to form an opinion on the addendum. One thing is however clear, by the time we held the gubernatorial elections in the country on February 20, 1999 and the Presidential election on February 29, 1999, the new Constitution was not ready. By 1999, the 1979 Constitution suspended by Brigadier General Sani Abacha’s announcement on December 31, 1983, was still suspended. Likewise, the 1988 Constitution prepared by the Constituent Assembly headed by Justice Anthony Aniagolu(1922-2011) was not available. Also, the 1995 Constitution prepared by the Constituent Assembly headed by Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte (1932-2020) was also not ready. At the time the elections were held in February 1999, the 1999 Constitution being prepared by Justice Niki Tobi (July 14, 1940 – June 19, 2016) was also not ready. In his wisdom, General Abdusalam Abubakar did not constitute a Constituent Assembly to give the country a new Constitution; he only relied on the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee headed by Justice Niki Tobi.
Justice Niki Tobi was born in Esanma, Bomadi LGA, in what is now Delta State. Prior to his career at the bench, he was the dean of Faculty of Law and deputy vice-chancellor (academic services), University of Maiduguri. He was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2002.
He was known for his legal erudition and wide knowledge of legal principles.
Justice Tobi made attempts before and after the elections to have an audience with General Abubakar through the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Alhaji Gidado Idris, GCON. He succeeded in seeing him twice.
Only General Abdusalam Abubakar GCFR (82) can explain better why he jettisoned the idea of a Constituent Assembly to give the country a new constitution. My understanding is that General Abubakar wanted to leave power at a short notice. He must have been jolted by the death of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, GCFR, (24 August 1937 – 7 July 1998), acclaimed winner of the 1993 Presidential Election and the sudden death of the man he succeeded, General Sani Abacha, GCFR (20 September 1943- 8 June 1998) on June 8, 1998.
In short, he wanted to retire to Minna in good health. Were he to be alive today, Justice Niki Tobi will be surprised that the 1999 constitution which his team prepared as draft is still in existence today although with some amendments. In my discussion with him at the International Conference Centre, Abuja, where I was posted from the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation as a member of the adhoc staff of the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee, he said several times that the draft will be subjected to many amendments by the Provisional Ruling Council.
Realising the numerous lapses in the Constitution, one of the first things President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR did was to review the 1999 constitution by setting up a committee headed by Ambassador Yusuf Mamman. The Committee was inaugurated on 19th October, 1999 by the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Kanu Agabi with the following terms of Reference: To co-ordinate and collate the views and recommendations from individuals and groups for a review of the Constitution, having regard to the need to maintain the corporate existence and unity of the nation; to identify and specify all anomalies, irregularities and defects inherent in the existing Constitution and make appropriate recommendations to correct such anomalies, irregularities; to make proposals for the review of the Constitution to ensure that it reflects the true experiences, wishes and aspirations of the people and suggest ways and means of making the Constitution an expression of the will of the people; and to address the lingering problems of power sharing between the Federal and State Governments and between States and Local Governments.
Other members of the committee were Chief Clement Ebri(Deputy Chairman), Alhaji Iro Abubakar Dan-Musa, Dr. Shettima Mustapha, Chief Yohanna Madaki, Chief Alani Bankole, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Barrister(Mrs) Iyabode Pam, Air C’dre Bernard Banfa (rtd), Mrs Ayoka Lawani, Hajiya Basirat A. Nahibi, Alhaji Isiaku Mohammed, Chief A.K. Horsfall, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Dr. J.C. Odunna, Barrister Mika Anache, Dr. Amos Adepoju, Dr, Silva Opusunju, Chief Barnabas Gemade, Alhaji Gambo Saleh, Dr. Arthur Nwankwo, Dr. Maxwell M. Gidado and Mrs M.V.I. Mbu. Shortly after inauguration, Chief Barnabas Gemade was replaced by Barrister Edward Ashiekaa.
Later, an adjustment to the Committee’s composition was made when Ambassador Yusuf Mamman, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Chief A.K. Horsfall, Mr. Ayo Opadokun, Mrs. Ayoka Lawani, Dr. Arthur Nwankwo and Chief Solomon Asemota, SAN were replaced by Dr. Stella O. Dorgu, Prince Valentine Ahams, Barrister Mohammed Babangida Umar, Alhaji Abdulhamid Hassan, Barrister Adeniyi Akintola, Barrister Sunday Kuku Iyakwo and Dr. Olu Agunloye.
Accordingly, the Committee undertook a 23-day nationwide visitation programme to hold public hearings on the Constitution Review Exercise in all State Capitals. In order to effectively but less strenuously cover the entire country within three weeks, the Committee broke into three (3) Tour Teams, with each team assigned to cover two geo-political zones, one in the North and one in the South. Team “A” was led by Ambassador Yusuf Mamman with other members as follows: Air Cdre (rtd) Bernand Banfa, Mr. Ayo Opadokun, Dr. Shettima Mustapha, Barrister (Mrs) Iyabode Pam, Dr. J.C. Odunna Dr. Silva Opusunju, Colonel (rtd) Yohanna Madaki, Dr. Maxwell Gidado (Secretary), Barrister Johnson Ebokpo (Rapporteur) and Barrister Sajo Dahiru Bobo (Legal Assistant). Team “B” was led by Chief Clement Ebri.
The other members being the following: Alhaji Iro Dan Musa, Chief Albert Horsfall, Dr. Arthur Nwankwo, Dr. Amos Adepoju, Barrister Mika Anache, Hajiya Basirat A. Nahibi, Alhaji Gambo Mohammed Saleh, Dr. Maxwell Nduaguibe (Rapporteur) and Mr. Abdulmumuni Umar (Legal Assistant). Team “C” the third of the three Teams was led by Chief Edwin Ume-Ezeoke and with him were the following members:Barrister Edward Ashiekaa, Chief Alani Bankole, Alhaji Umaru Ahmed, Alhaji Isiaku Mohammed, Barrister (Mrs) Ayoka Lawani, Barrister (Mrs.) M.V.I. Mbu, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Barrister Samuel Dusu (Rapporteur) and Felix Olelewe (Legal Assistant).
The Tour commenced on Sunday 16th January, 2000 and ended on Wednesday 9th February, 2000 when the visitation programme for the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, was completed.
On completion of its nation-wide visitation programme, a delegation of the Committee travelled to the United States of America to attend a Seminar on the “Threat to Democracy in Nigeria” at Colin Powell Centre, New York, under the sponsorship of Ford Foundation. The lessons drawn at the seminar were revealing as they pointed out fresh approaches which would not only render the Committee’s work more thorough, but would also make the outcome of the Constitution Review Exercise more nationally and internationally acceptable. A new dimension therefore emerged with the offer of US$2 million technical/financial assistance from Ford Foundation to enable the Committee widen the scope and levels of consultations on its assignment thereby making it more participatory. Such an expansion in the Constitution Review process inevitably went far beyond the initial conception and financial projections of government when Mr. President constituted the Committee. The Ford Foundation support facility was therefore very timely.
As part of this financial assistance, the Ford Foundation also attached Consultant to the Committee at the Foundation’s expense but with the Committee providing him with only accommodation and local transportation. The Consultant, Professor Bereket Selassie, a Professor of Law and Politics at North Carolina University, USA, and one-time Chairman of the Eritrean Constitution Commission arrived soon after in Nigeria and assisted the Committee during some critical aspects of the Constitution Review Exercise.
I am happy that Chief Emeka Anyaoku’s committee of Patriots has resolved to give the country a better Constitution. They should be encouraged in all ways. We cannot deceive ourselves. This 1999 Constitution will lead us nowhere. Something must be done urgently. No matter how long we are implementing the provisions of the Constitution.
It was made in a hurry and it was made in error.
[OPINION] Democracy, Sub-Nationals and Unconstitutional Security Outfits - Onikepo Braithwaite
Observing Nigeria’s Constitution in Its Breach
Observing the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution) in its breach, is nothing new. Some have argued that the reason for its incessant breach, is that the Constitution is an imperfect document which has outlived its usefulness; that it’s time for a Referendum, Constituent Assembly and all the other necessary steps required to usher in a new, improved and acceptable Constitution and Fifth Republic. On the other hand, others have also argued that there’s not that much wrong with the Constitution, and that how ever perfect a Constitution Nigeria has, with the self-serving mindset of our Politicians and so-called leaders, the Constitution will always be observed in its breach, once its provisions are at variance with their personal agendas.
Nigeria’s Autocratic Democracy
Since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, Nigeria’s so-called democracy appears to be quite different from the concept of ‘Democracy’ in the true sense of the word. In the past, on this page, I defined the democracy that exists in Nigeria today as, Government of Politicians, by Politicians for Politicians, while former Military Head of State and former President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo’s recent definition is, “Government of a small number of people, by a small number of people, over a large number of people”. Using either definition, and the fact that it is alleged that the Nigerian Military Generals who are still alive today, always have a strong say about who becomes President of Nigeria, we see that even the type of system we have been running in the Fourth Republic to date, is, from the get-go, a clear breach of Sections 1(2), 14(2)(a) & (c) of the Constitution, as it 1) allows the governance of Nigeria or the control of the Government of Nigeria to be in the hands of persons or groups of persons; 2) deprives the people of their sovereignty and 3) deprives Nigerians of the right to effectively participate in their government.
There’s also Electoral Authoritarianism (Electoral Autocracy), so that even though there is the veneer of democracy, that is, people appearing to exercise their franchise by voting when general elections are held every four years, the elections are sometimes manipulated/rigged at various levels to achieve the desired results. The number of election petitions filed at the Tribunals, keeps increasing with every passing election cycle, which means that, if anything, the electoral process may be deteriorating instead of improving. President Umaru Yar’Adua of blessed memory, was honest enough to admit that the 2007 election that brought him into office was flawed, and advocated for electoral reform before his death.
If we are to be truthful to ourselves, we will all agree that the Fourth Republic has predominantly been an Autocratic Democracy, in which the basic principles of democracy appear to have been undermined by dictatorial practices. Nigeria appears to have a Hybrid System, whereby, once government policies, initiatives, actions or whatsoever-called deviate from the tenets of democracy - rule of law, separation of powers, due process etc (see Sections 4, 5 & 6 of the Constitution), the arbitrary/autocratic actions of government take precedence or are followed, over and above the provisions of the Constitution even when such actions are unconstitutional, contrary to Section 1(1) & (3) of the Constitution. In short, Nigeria’s so-called democracy, is in some ways, run side by side with autocratic practices; and, that is why for example, in November 1999, during the Obasanjo administration, there was what is now sometimes referred to as the ’Odi Massacre’, where Odi, a town in Bayelsa State was razed to the ground, allegedly in retaliation for militant activities and the murder of several law enforcement officers. In October 2016, during the Buhari administration, following allegations of corruption which, for the most part, couldn’t be substantiated, in a ‘Gestapo’ style operation in the dead of night, there was a DSS raid on the residences of judicial officers, as if they were searching for violent criminals who had been declared wanted by law enforcement agencies. In these two scenarios, judicial remedies were readily available to bring any wrongdoers to justice, but, instead of following due process and upholding the rule of law, Government preferred to use military style tactics - maybe more so, because, at the time, the two leaders involved were former Army Generals, General Olusegun Obasanjo and Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who claimed to have shed the toga of military dictatorship and become ‘born-again’ Democrats! Obviously, their actions betrayed their claims.
Unfortunately, Nigeria appears to combine all the different forms of autocratic democracy rolled into one! Whether PDP or APC, we also have a somewhat Managed/Orchestrated Democracy, obviously not in the same category as a country like Russia which has been used as the prime example of same, but, all the same, one in which important democratic institutions are regularly manipulated by those in power.
The outcome of an autocratic democracy like we see in Nigeria today, is that the tools of democracy, including the Constitution and democratic institutions, are weakened.
Example of Constitutional Breach: Security and Welfare of Nigerians
By now, even non-Lawyers know Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution by heart, that is, that the security and welfare of the people is the primary purpose of Government.
Section 214(1) of the Constitution provides for the establishment of only one Police Force in Nigeria, the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), while Items 45 & 60(a) on the Exclusive Legislative List are Police; Other Security Services established by law; and Agencies established to promote and enforce Chapter II of the Constitution, respectively. This means that anything security, be it Àmòtèkun in the Southwest, Ebubeagu in the Southeast, or Hisbah in the Northern Sharia States, since they do not form part of the NPF and are types of ‘security’ agencies established by their various State Laws, they appear to be unconstitutional agencies. Even though Section 4(7) of the Constitution empowers State Houses of Assembly (SHAs) to make laws for the order, peace and good government of their States, and this would certainly concern the security and welfare of people, the same Section 4(7)(a) thereof, clearly excludes items on the Exclusive Legislative List from matters which SHAs can legislate upon, and that obviously includes security. Is this one of the imperfections in the Constitution? That a State, which is in charge of the security of its people, and SHAs, are unable to deal directly on their State security? See the case of AG Kano State v AGF (2007) LPELR-618 (SC) per Mahmud Mohammed, JSC (later CJN) on interpretation of the words in the Constitution and statute in their ordinary and literal meaning.
Some States have nevertheless, established security outfits to fight insecurity in their areas, in order to fulfil their foremost constitutional mandate of protecting the lives and property of their people, seeing as the existing security apparatus appears to be inadequate. While the Executive and Legislature have wasted over 25 years debating on whether or not to amend the Constitution to establish State Police, a few years ago, some Southern Governors decided not to continue to fold their arms while their people are attacked, killed and maimed by violent criminals regularly. Today, however, the Northern Governors are now in the forefront of clamouring for State Police. Kindly, note that, Hisbah wasn’t established to play the same type of role as Àmòtèkun or Ebubeagu; it was established mainly to enforce Sharia Law.
I was discussing with my friend, and I commented that, in the meantime, while this never ending debate on the pros and cons of State Police continues, why doesn’t the NPF do the needful, by recruiting local personnel in each State of the Federation to do community policing? It is trite that, Nigeria is under-policed, and something needs to be done about this urgently.
Katsina State Hisbah
Interestingly, if unconstitutionality has levels, while Àmòtèkun and Ebubeagu are Level 1 unconstitutionality, Hisbah appears to be multiple levels of unconstitutionality. The Level 1 unconstitutionality of the former stems from the fact that, even if they cannot be said to be full fledged Police, only the National Assembly, and not any SHA is empowered to enact legislation to establish any security agency.
The first level of unconstitutionality in the case of Hisbah, is the fact that it was established to enforce Islamic moral standards, based upon the unlawful introduction of Sharia Law in 12 Northern States of Nigeria contrary to Section 10 of the Constitution, which provides that neither the Government of the Federation nor that of any State may adopt a State religion. It is surprising that this unconstitutional implementation of Sharia which was started by then Governor of Zamfara State, Ahmed Yerima in 1999, hasn’t been declared by the courts to be the unconstitutionality that it is. This wrongfulness has deepened with the way Hisbah enforces Sharia Law, wielding some powers of a security agency, when the Constitution restricts Sharia to Islamic Personal Law - marriage/inheritance, and not criminal law, and in so doing, meting out all sort of outdated corporal punishments that can only be described as torture, when the Constitution doesn’t endow the Sharia Courts that offenders would be brought before, with requisite criminal jurisdiction to deal with them.
On Sunday, May 4, on News Central, I watched a mini-documentary on the Katsina State Hisbah (KSH), where victims of KSH’s abuse were showcased. Asmau Abba Shuaib was slapped and beaten, possibly because of her dressing. Hauwa Muhammad, another female victim’s mother, said her daughter’s experience with KSH was barbaric; that her daughter was dragged like a dog by four men, after being accused of indecent dressing. Mrs Muhammad stated thus: “There’s no law on earth that says you can brutalise a fellow human being, let alone a woman”. I concur. See Section 34(1)(a) of the Constitution on the prohibition of torture and inhuman treatment. What the KSH did in these instances, not only amounts to the offence of causing hurt or grievous hurt against these ladies (see Sections 240-243, 246, 247, 248 and generally, Chapter XVIII (Offences Affecting the Human Body) of the Penal Code Act 1960), but discriminates against women contrary to Section 42(1)(a) of the Constitution, as women appear to be the most targeted by Hisbah. In a true democracy, such cruel practices wouldn’t be permitted, let alone be the norm in certain areas.
The KSH Commander, Dr Aminu Usman, who was featured in the same interview, was rather unapologetic about KSH’s activities. He stated that KSH punishing people, is following the Quran and Hadith. He said they are punished for gambling, wearing inappropriate clothing, playing music or going out late at night, as such is prohibited in Islam, and enforcement of compliance by beating is allowed in Islam. But, all these Islamic infractions, are not prohibited by the criminal law of the land. Furthermore, it is a false claim that the Quran and Hadith prescribe the punishment of beating for immodest dressing; nowhere in the Holy Book is such stated - see The Holy Quran 24:30-31; 33:59, and even if it did, the Constitution doesn’t provide for the implementation of the punitive part of Sharia Law in Nigeria.
On the contrary, Section 38 of the Constitution guarantees the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. Adhering to religious instruction is voluntary, so that, even a Muslim cannot be forced to submit to Sharia Law. If a Muslim chooses to listen to secular or Christian music, the KSH isn’t empowered to breach such an individual’s freedom of choice, by stopping them from listening to same.
Conclusion
Some of the golden rules of democracy are the supremacy of the Constitution and utmost regard for the rule of law, and in their absence, we cannot really be said to be practising true democracy.
While pursuing the security and welfare of Nigerians is constitutional, and the sentiment behind Àmòtèkun or Ebubeagu is good, that is, trying to secure the lives and property of Nigerians in those areas, in law, those agencies are standing on extremely slippery ground, and any serious Government would have regularised their status long ago, to make the fight against insecurity more efficient and effective.
On the other hand, the basis for Hisbah, the declaration of Sharia, is unconstitutional, while that of the establishment of Hisbah, like Àmòtèkun and Ebubeagu is questionable. The actions of Hisbah, like that of KSH, usually amounts to breaches of the fundamental rights of citizens. To be honest, an agency such as Hisbah, is actually antithetical to democracy, as several of the tenets of the religion it seeks to enforce, are guaranteed as fundamental rights and not prohibited by law. The fact that KSH even metes out punishments that are not prescribed by the Quran, is even more curious and troubling, since they profess to be followers of the Quran and Hadith. Even Sharia Courts hearing criminal cases and handing down death sentences is unconstitutional and unlawful, as the Constitution doesn’t endow the Sharia or Customary Courts with criminal jurisdiction.
It is time to decide whether Nigeria desires the development of her democracy, which necessarily demands upholding the supremacy of the Constitution and global best democratic practices, or if she wants to continue to regress, playing politics with religion and the like, while disregarding the rule of law. Whether an individual’s name is Munir or Martha, once they have reached the age of 18, it is their right to drink alcohol, indulge in amorous relationships if they so desire, and enjoy all the fundamental rights contained in Chapter IV of the Constitution. The first thing we were taught in Law is that, even though they sometimes intersect, Law and Morals are different. That what may be considered to be immoral, isn’t necessarily unlawful. The essence of a body like Hisbah, is to reject this. The framers of the Constitution knew what they were doing, when they included Section 10 in the Constitution, as forcing or enforcing religious doctrine doesn’t gel properly with the freedoms donated in a democracy. In a true democracy, particularly a multi-ethnic and multi-religious one like Nigeria's, the Constitution is supreme, not religion.
In the News Central mini-documentary, one of the Speakers concluded by stating that the people believe that the Government of Katsina is using the KSH to serve a political agenda. And, this is one of the reservations of those who do not support the establishment of State Police. That it will become a tool of abuse in the hands of Governors, against the people and their political opponents, particularly if they are equipped with weapons like the NPF.
[OPINION] Explaining PDP and LP’s Trials and APC’s Triumphs - Magnus Onyibe
Over the past month or so—particularly since Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and the entire political structure in Delta state defected to the ruling party —not a day has passed without a significant and consequential member or group of political actors from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) defecting to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
Metaphorically, the PDP is hemorrhaging, with critical members fleeing the party.
The alarming rate at which PDP members are shedding the party’s identity—as though it were a bad habit—includes not only regular members but also bigwigs ranging from some ex-governors and the incumbent governor to senators and members of the House of Representatives as well as state house of assembly members including even Local Govt. Area, LGA chairmen, and councilors.
In addition to the high-profile defections, rank-and-file PDP members are also making their way en masse to the ruling APC nationwide. This political migration is akin to the seasonal movement of birds or animals from their native habitats to new environments—often in search of more favorable breeding conditions, better climates, or simply survival.
Just last week the three PDP senators from Kebbi state visited President Tinubu in Aso Rock Villa to announce their imminent defection to the APC.
Beyond those that have openly defected, there are lots whose bodies are in their current political platforms but their souls are in the APC and plan to step out of the shadows at the appropriate time.
Given this wave of defections from various opposition parties to the ruling APC, Nigerian politicians appear to be behaving like the migrating animals just described.
The APC, like a pride of lions on the prowl, seems to have stumbled upon a herd of confused gazelles—the PDP—unsure of their direction or destiny. Like the lions which are carnivores, the APC is devouring the gazelles-opposition parties particularly, the PDP, but not excluding the Labor Party, and the New Nigeria National Party, NNPP.
Apart from the Delta state arm of the PDP, which has dissolved into the ruling party, elected politicians from the LP and NNPP stables are also pivoting to the APC without fanfare.
Arising from the above developments, the former ruling party has been severely weakened and battle-weary, worn down by unending internecine wars since 2010, when sitting president Umar Yar’Adua passed away and then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan inherited the presidency.
Apparently, what is currently unfolding in Nigeria’s political landscape can be likened to a concept from the business world: a “flight to quality” or “flight to safety.”
This is a financial market phenomenon where investors sell off riskier assets and turn to safer ones, such as gold or government bonds, to protect their investments.
At the moment, President Tinubu is increasingly projecting the image of a politically savvy leader—perhaps even a political maverick.
This is underscored by his use of realpolitik to gain ground, as he continues to reach out to governors across the political divide, regardless of party affiliations.
He reminds me of Senator Barack Obama, who, in his 2004 address at the Democratic National Convention, famously declared: “There is no blue America or red America; there is only the United States of America.”
By adopting a bipartisan approach, Obama broadened his base of support.
As a result, the then-freshman senator was able to defeat Hillary Clinton—the Democratic establishment’s favorite—in the primaries and later overcame all odds to defeat Republican Senator John McCain in the 2008 presidential election, serving as the 44th U.S. president from 2009 to 2017.
Now, I’ve heard former President Joe Biden blame Kamala Harris’s gender for her loss to Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential election. Just as l do not buy the rhetoric by PDP members that Tinubu is responsible for their woes,
I do not share the sentiment of the leadership of the Democratic party in the US that Kamala Harris’s gender alone was her Achilles heels.
In my view, several factors played a role in her loss, including the short campaign window of just four months, the immigration crisis that had reached epidemic proportions and overwhelmed the administration, and key “kitchen table” issues like high inflation manifesting as high cost of living—all of which created unfavorable political headwinds for her candidacy.
A combination of all these factors frustrated the electorate—along with the superior campaign skill and style deployed by her opponent, then highly experienced President Donald Trump. Enriched by his previous experience in office, Trump executed a strategic and convincing campaign, winning more popular votes, securing more electoral college votes, and capturing all seven swing states.
Trump’s emphatic victory is evidence of the kind of superior strategy that wins elections—a playbook that President Bola Tinubu appears to be replicating in Nigeria, thereby expanding the fortunes of his party, the APC.
In the U.S., the reality is that like Vice President Harris, former President Barack Obama also faced significant barriers to the White House because of his skin color—an impediment that had derailed the ambitions of numerous Black presidential hopefuls from both major parties before him.
Notably, before Senator Hillary Clinton’s bid for the White House in 2016, Shirley Chisholm—a trailblazer—was the first African-American woman to run for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1972. Chisholm faced both racial and gender biases that proved to be formidable obstacles which Harris might have also contended with in 2024. But they were not insurmountable with the right strategy as underscored by how Obama prevailed when faced with similar barriers.
Following Chisolm, Jesse Jackson was one of the blacks who made two attempts at the Democratic nomination in 1984 and 1988. Alan Keyes ran for the Republican nomination in 1996, 2000, and 2008. Carol Moseley Braun and Rev. Al Sharpton contested on the Democratic platform in 2004. Herman Cain joined the Republican race in 2012, Ben Carson in 2016, and most recently, Tim Scott in 2024.
A simple trend analysis reveals a common thread among all these candidates: none succeeded in winning the White House. This failure cannot be attributed solely to racial bias but also to their inability to craft a political message with broad appeal beyond the African-American and Hispanic communities as Obama did.
Together, Black and Hispanic populations make up about 30% of the U.S. demographic—14% and 16% respectively. Without expanding their appeal to the larger Caucasian electorate, the chances of any Black candidate securing the presidency were slim. That is why, before Obama, no Black candidate had ever succeeded in turning their aspiration into reality.
It is particularly striking that Shirley Chisholm—the first Black woman to run for president—faced the double disadvantage of race and gender, much like Vice President Kamala Harris contended with in 2024.
As it may be recalled, Hillary Clinton, a white female was on track to win the party primaries until Obama, through superior strategy and political brinksmanship, outmaneuvered her.
Clinton would later face Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Although pre-election polls projected her as the favorite and she won the popular vote by nearly three million, Trump ultimately triumphed through the Electoral College—again, a demonstration of strategic superiority.
The context above underscores a crucial truth: political brinksmanship matters. It is what enabled Obama—a Black minority candidate—to overcome the challenges that had historically thwarted other Black aspirants, making him the first African-American president of the United States.
A similar “business-unusual” approach is what President Tinubu is now employing in Nigeria. Through legitimate means, he is effectively destabilizing, weakening, and disorganizing the opposition parties ahead of the 2027 election, positioning himself for re-election.
For that, he deserves to be credited for his political dexterity. The two closest rival parties in the 2023 presidential election—the PDP and the LP—are currently in disarray and disorganized, largely due to the leaders of the parties being bereft of basic ethos in leadership and the strategic political maneuvers such as the charm offensive unleashed by Tinubu and APC.
The Unraveling of the Opposition and APC’s Strategic Triumph.
The current state of affairs within the PDP and LP reminds me of the coordinated actions taken by President Ronald Reagan of the United States and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom in December 1991. Together, after they discovered the prevailing economic weakness of the country on the other side of the Iron Curtain, the USSR, they plotted to dismantle the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), which, like Humpty Dumpty in the famous nursery rhyme, had a great fall and could not be put back together again, and a remnant of which is Russia of today.
It is rather inconvenient but quite comfortable for the political class that halfway into Nigeria’s four-year electoral cycle, with general elections scheduled for 2027, both veteran and emerging politicians have begun jostling for tickets in anticipation of the next political season, a huge 24 months away.
In media statements, former President Goodluck Jonathan—who rose to the highest office under the PDP—raised the alarm that with President Tinubu’s conquests, or consolidation of his political influence, Nigeria may be drifting toward becoming a one-party state, a scenario he believes could be detrimental to the country’s fledgling democracy. He echoed concerns previously expressed by former Sokoto State Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, who alleged that the growing wave of defections is fueled by fear of the anti-corruption agency, EFCC, with opposition members joining the ruling party out of self-preservation.
Similarly, Dr. Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats, recently argued that politicians are abusing the constitutional provisions that prohibit elected officials from defecting while still occupying the positions they won on a different party platform. However, the same constitution permits defections if the politician can prove that it is a result of a serious crisis plaguing their party. In that context, Dr. Ardo’s assertion may not be entirely valid.
It appears instead that the hemorrhaging opposition parties have failed to effectively challenge these defections in court. When they do pursue legal recourse, their inability to prove that there are no internal party schisms as justification or insufficient evidence to establish that the party is in pristine condition and not wracked by crisis would prevent them from securing favorable judgments. This suggests that the parties themselves are bleeding membership due to self-inflicted wounds.
In my view, contrary to unsubstantiated claims that President Tinubu is using the EFCC to coerce defections, he appears to be employing a more subtle and strategic method—courting opposition figures as a groom woos a bride. A recent example is his state visit to Anambra, where Governor Charles Soludo warmly received him. In appreciation, President Tinubu was jointly honored with a chieftaincy title conferred by all the state’s traditional rulers—a symbolic endorsement of his outreach by ndi-Igbo.
In my assessment, Tinubu’s approach is part of a larger charm offensive aimed at winning hearts and minds across party lines, regardless of creed or political affiliation, as he positions himself for re-election in 2027. During his Anambra visit, he greeted the crowd in halting Igbo, calling them Ndi-Igbo—a term of endearment. He was also served popular local dishes like ukwa and abacha. Earlier, he was similarly welcomed in Enugu by Governor Peter Mbah where after commissioning remarkable projects executed by the PDP state governor, showers of encomiums were traded between the host and guest. During his visit to Katsina state, a praise song was composed by a popular local musician in his honor and performed at a banquet held by the state governor to welcome him.
That was after the president visited the war theatre and charged the commanders in the frontline to fish out the bandits and religious insurgents wreaking havoc on the lives of those living in the locations considered to be the ground zero for insecurity in Nigeria.
These engagements reflect personal efforts by President Tinubu to build goodwill while awaiting the tangible impact of his economic reforms. Though Nigeria’s macroeconomic fundamentals are reportedly improving, the effects have yet to trickle down to the average citizen, hence there still exists apathy. Therefore, claims that the EFCC is the tool behind the APC’s current political gains appear to ignore these broader, more nuanced efforts.
In truth, what afflicts the opposition parties is not fear of the EFCC—but leadership paralysis.
Let me illustrate this with a simple idiom from my native Ika dialect: “It is the grass that grows on a well-trodden path that invites being trampled.” Translated, this reflects the fate of the PDP and LP, which have exposed themselves to erosion by failing to address internal crises. As a result, they resemble vulnerable landscapes—barren and deteriorating under the weight of neglect and the pursuit of personal agendas by their leaders.
Disappointingly, the PDP, which ruled Nigeria from 1999 to 2015, now resembles a devastated terrain—akin to parts of Zamfara State scarred by illegal mining. The trenches and ditches left behind are symbolic of the reckless internal strife and lack of control within the party. While its leaders engage in endless legal battles, the APC continues to harvest its members—senators, governors, legislators, and local government officials.
The LP, which had a meteoric rise in 2023 with Peter Obi’s populist-driven campaign, is now facing a similar fate. After its surprising superlative performance in the 2023 presidential election and emerging as the second main opposition force, the party began to unravel almost immediately. Internal disputes, leadership disarray, and missed opportunities have weakened its structure significantly, such that it is no longer the winning machine that it used to be barely 24 months ago.
In an attempt to salvage the PDP, a meeting of its Governors’ Forum—hosted in Ibadan by Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde—advised against any coalition with other opposition parties. Rather than heal wounds, the decision further alienated members, culminating in a massive defection in Delta State, where a wave of leaders and grassroots supporters switched allegiance to the APC. From governors and senators to local councilors, the exodus has been described as unprecedented and monumental.
In a last-ditch effort to stop the bleeding, Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, who also chairs the PDP Governors’ Forum, convened a high-level meeting over the weekend. Attendees included acting National Chairman Iliya Damagun, former Senate President Bukola Saraki, and several former governors. Whether this effort can halt the party’s decline ahead of its upcoming National Working Committee meeting remains uncertain.
As I see it, the trials of the PDP and LP, and the triumphs of the APC, are not merely due to coercion or external manipulation as some PDP leaders are claiming. They are primarily the result of poor planning, shallow strategy, and leadership failure within the opposition. Conversely, it is the strategic and tactical brilliance of President Tinubu—marked by calculated outreach and political brinksmanship—that is driving the ruling party’s exponential growth.
While each party may have its version of the truth, one fact remains incontestable: the opposition parties are their own worst enemies. Their inability to maintain internal cohesion and vision has led them to the edge of political irrelevance.
Perhaps as a demonstration of political machismo and to bolster confidence amongst PDP members that have remained faithful, Sule Lamido, an ex-governor of Jigawa state and a PDP stalwart, has predicted that by accommodating politicians from multiple orientations and ideologies the APC will soon disintegrate with members returning to the APC. Something akin to the Big Bang theory in the political sphere.
That expectation appears to me as utopian because the APC after its founding in 2013 was deemed by skeptics as a Special Purpose Vehicle, SPV is expected to disintegrate after winning the presidency and more states in the 2015 general elections.
Perhaps due to some inbuilt mechanisms for coping with internal intrigues, APC has continued to wax stronger to the chagrin of the opposition parties that have been in the death throes like patients in Intensive Care Units, and ICU in hospitals.
Even worse is the fact that some aggrieved politicians who have quit or planning to quit the PDP and APC and are seeking to berth or migrate to the less visible parties such as the Social Democratic Party, SDP, are currently in limbo.
Unsurprisingly that crop of politicians is experiencing roadblocks with the hostile original owners of the party platform that they are eying.
That said, it is morning yet to decipher the possible outcome of the unfolding 2027 general elections that promises to be a showdown if the opposition parties get their acts right, or a no-show with the president cruising into his second term unchallenged in any significant shape or form.
Magnus Onyibe, is an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, & development strategist
RE: Public Complaint Regarding The Release Of The 2025 UTME - Fabian Benjamin
The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) acknowledges the significant volume of unusual complaints following the release of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results, which were officially published last Friday . In response, the Board is fast forwarding its annual system review—a comprehensive post-mortem of the examination process that is conducted each year months after the exercise.
The Board’s annual review encompasses three key stages: registration, examination, and result release. During the examination phase, JAMB ensures that every candidate is afforded the opportunity to sit for the test. Should any technical issues arise, the Board reschedules the examination for affected candidates without hesitation.
We are particularly concerned about the unusual complaints originating from a few states within the Federation. We are currently scrutinising these complaints in detail to identify and rectify any potential technical issues. To assist in this process, we have engaged a number of experts, including members from the Computer Professionals Association of Nigeria, Chief External Examiners, who are heads of tertiary institutions, the Educational Association and Research Network in Africa, measurement experts, and Vice Chancellors from various institutions. If it is determined that there were indeed glitches, we will implement appropriate remedial measures promptly, as we do in the case of the examinations themselves.
Fabian Benjamin, Ph.D.,
Public Communication Advisor, JAMB