Last Thursday, May 15, 2025, a news report has it that a bill to amend the Electoral Act 2022 to make voting compulsory for Nigerians of voting age has passed second reading in the House of Representatives. The proposed legislation was sponsored by the Speaker, Tajudeen Abbas, and Daniel Ago. Leading the debate during plenary, Ago said the bill aimed to encourage citizens’ participation in the electoral process, noting that voter apathy during elections would be addressed if the bill scales legislative scrutiny. The proposed legislation stipulates penalties for eligible voters who fail to vote without valid justification, including a fine of N100,000, a six-month jail term, or both.

According to PBS News of November 3, 2014, 22 nations around the world make voting mandatory for their citizens, often starting at age 18. They are Australia, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Mexico, Belgium, Congo DRC, Ecuador, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Greece, Honduras, Lebanon, Luxembourg, Nauru, Singapore, Panama, Peru, Uruguay, Thailand and Paraguay.  In Australia, failure to vote can result in a $20 fine. I quite understand the motive behind the bill, which is to shore up voters’ turnout and cut enormous waste being incurred at every poll by the Independent National Electoral Commission. This economic loss is found in unused ballot papers printed with billions of naira.

Nonetheless, making voting compulsory in Nigeria currently and even in future is a no-brainer. Indeed, it is a joke taken too far and a needless distraction! It is against the fundamental rights of citizens. Do the sponsors of the bill think that this is a panacea or an antidote to voter apathy? Did they do their research well enough to know that this piece of legislation, which to me is dead on arrival, is a priority for Nigerians? Granted that there is abysmal voter turnout in Nigeria, the drivers of that ugly phenomenon are not known to include optional voting.

I watched a video over the weekend about Indian elections and learnt that the Asian country has over 980 million registered voters as of 2024. Out of this number, 646 million voters voted in the May 2024 general elections. By the way, India has over 1 million Polling Booths, over 2,500 registered political parties and a population of 1.438 billion (2023 estimate). How come India recorded about 70 per cent voter turnout in its last general elections, and Nigeria, with 19 registered political parties, 93,469,008 million registered voters and 176,846 polling units, recorded a mere 27 per cent in the 2023 general elections? Meanwhile, elections in India are not compulsory.

According to the Independent National Electoral Commission, there has been a steady decline in voter turnout since 1999. The commission said there was 57.54 per cent of voter turnout in 2007 (remember, this was adjudged as the worst election in this Fourth Republic), 53.68 per cent in 2011, 43.65 per cent in 2015, 34.75 per cent in 2019, and 26.72 per cent in 2023. There are multiple reasons for voter apathy. These include lack of good governance; labourious voters’ registration and Permanent Voters Card collection process; late commencement of voting due to INEC’s logistical challenges; restriction of movement on election day; limited voting hours (six hours i.e., from 8:30 am-2:30 pm); a lack of trust in the election management bodies that votes will count and not rigged in favour of preferred candidates as well as electoral violence. Others include inadequate voters’ mobilisation by stakeholders, such as the political parties, candidates, INEC, civil society organisations and the media; perceived miscarriage of justice by the judiciary especially in election matters; a lack of multiple voting techniques, such as early voting, voting by proxy, out-of-country voting, diaspora voting, and voting by prisoners.

As I said in my column on December 4, 2024, there are several things Nigeria needs to do if it wants to improve voters’ turnout in subsequent elections. These are as follows: INEC needs to hold all general elections on one day. Having polls over two Saturdays is wasteful and illogical. In the August 2022 Kenyan elections, polls were conducted for six political offices in one day! Also, locking down the country or state during elections is counterproductive. Many people whose polling units are not near their residences are automatically disenfranchised.

Furthermore, there is a need to increase voting hours. In Egypt and the US, where I have been privileged to observe elections, polls are held for 12 to 13 hours. In Nigeria, voting hours are just six. In addition, the late arrival of INEC officials for duties has led many potential voters to leave in frustration without exercising their franchise. There should be provision for early voting so that millions of registered voters who are going to be on election duties, such as poll officials, security agents, accredited journalists, and observers, can vote ahead of the main election day. Recall that ahead of the November 5, 2024, elections in the US, 85 million registered voters had cast their ballots days and weeks before that day.

Another thing Nigeria should do is amend our laws to allow for out-of-country and diaspora voting. In the last general elections in Kenya, Kenyans living in 12 other countries were allowed to vote for the presidential candidate of their choice without having to travel home. Also in Kenya, prisoners are allowed to vote. This is not the situation yet in Nigeria. Allowing independent candidates to contest for political offices also has the potential to increase voters’ participation. Peaceful campaigns devoid of arson, killing, maiming, and fake news can instill confidence in voters to participate in elections. Pre-election violence has the power to scare away voters on election day.

How candidates emerge victorious in Nigeria’s election is too simple. For legislative positions, it is first-past-the-post. For executive positions, you need 25 per cent of valid votes cast in two-thirds of the country, state, or wards, depending on whether it is a presidential, governorship, or local government chairmanship poll. In other climes that have adopted the French model, a contestant needs to score 50+1 votes, which is an absolute majority, to be declared the winner. In countries like Ghana and most Francophone countries, voter mobilisation is taken seriously by political parties and candidates, unlike in our clime where this onerous responsibility has been abdicated to INEC, National Orientation Agency, and CSOs.

Of course, as earlier said, there is a need for improved governance with palpable dividends of democracy to the people. All these measures, if taken, will lead to a significant improvement in voters’ turnout.

Rather than making voting compulsory, what should be made mandatory is good governance!  Imagine if public education and health services are made free; if there is no self-aggrandisement by the political class and there is low-level corruption; high-level of infrastructural development, security and welfare of citizens. Voters will not need to be coerced to perform their civic responsibility.

Though he may not like being in the headline of a newspaper, Dr Michael Olawale Omolayole will admit two things: He is a goldfish that has no hiding place, and his name will help draw attention to the colloquium on malaria that is taking place today in Ijebu-Imusin, his hometown.

The colloquium is midwifed by the Michael and Theresa Omolayole Centre for Community Development, a non-government organisation set up by Omolayole and his late wife, Theresa, for interventions in community development issues.

The colloquium, to be addressed by Prof. Oyeku Oyelami, specialist in paediatric and adolescent medicine, and Provost of Federal College of Medicine, Ila Oragun, Osun State, reflects the theme, “Malaria Ends with Us: Reinvest, Reimagine, and Reignite”, that marked Malaria Day of April 25, 2025.

Dr Titi Hassan, professor of zoology at of University of Ibadan, will respond to Oyelami’s submissions, and ophthalmic surgeon, Dr Kunle Hassan, proprietor of the White Shoe Eye Foundation Hospital, is the chairman.

 The 2025 Malaria Day global campaign is to re-energise efforts, from global to community level, to expeditiously eliminate malaria. Nigeria’s National Strategic Plan 2021-2025 is to achieve a malaria-free Nigeria, by keeping malaria parasite prevalence to less than 10 per cent and reducing mortality to less than 50 deaths in 1,000 live births by 2025.

According to Omolayole, the colloquium will provide “vital knowledge about the prevention and treatment of malaria, which is a dreaded disease in the whole of tropical Africa. It particularly affects and kills millions of children below the age of 5”.

Those old enough will remember that West Africa was described as a “White man’s graveyard” because yellow fever and malaria led to a high mortality rate of Europeans. Some suggest that Caucasian and Arab settlers chose temperate Southern and North Africa to escape the scourge of mosquitoes.

Hinting at his approval of alternative medicine, Omolayole revealed that Oyelami was in a position to “demonstrate… how some herbs and plants that surround us can help considerably in the matter (of battling malaria)”.

He adds that he had heard and read extensively “about neem (dongoyaro), lemon grass and oruwo plants” that are cheaper and more readily accessible for use to combat the devastating scourge of malaria fever.

By the way, ethnopharmacology, which Omolayole seems to be interested in promoting, is the study of what Western orthodox medicine practitioners prefer to derisively label as traditional medicines and their uses.

A more academically arrogant definition of alternative medicine is that it aims to achieve the healing effects of orthodox medicine, even though it lacks biological plausibility, testability, repeatability or evidence of effectiveness.

But, then, any form of medication, orthodox or alternative, must be taken with a pinch of salt. That is probably why doctors suggest that patients should always seek second opinions. Some have even suggested that patients could use orthodox and alternative medicine to complement each other.

Perhaps a more acceptable definition of alternative medicine is that it includes medical practices that are not considered to be part of conventional or orthodox medicine and focuses on holistic approaches, natural therapeutics and alternative systems of healing, many of which are backed by a long history of usage and cultures.

It is also important to stress that there is a need to ensure the safety of the medications and the qualification or expertise of those who will dispense the alternative medicine options, as it applies to the use of Western orthodox medicine.

In addition, the methods of alternative medicine are not taught by regular university medical schools. But it is obvious that alternative medicines have returned with a vengeance, to the extent that vendors of herbal medicines are sometimes allowed to hawk their remedies to patients even in the wards of some Nigerian medical teaching hospitals.

Perhaps the biggest blow to Big Pharma is that alternative medicine gives patients very easy access to exceedingly cheaper herbs. Alternative medicine includes herbal medication, acupuncture, homoeopathy, massage therapy, yoga and meditation and significantly reduces the need to pop pills that come with significant negative side effects.

The lobby for alternative medicine, or at least another approach to the use of medication, was taken to another level by Dr Stella Immanuel, a Cameroonian, who studied medicine at the University of Calabar in Cross River State of Nigeria.

She led an audacious crusade for the use of hydroxychloroquine to treat patients of the COVID-19 pandemic. Of course, America’s food and drug administration agency, in panic mode on behalf of Big Pharma, promptly shot the idea down with reports of “serious heart rhythm problems” and other ill-defined health issues.

But Dr Immanuel’s effrontery rang throughout the world as Donald Trump, in his first term as America’s President, seemed to have weighed in on her side. But Dr Anthony Fauci, Director of America’s National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, was on the side of orthodox Western medicine and the financially munificent Big Pharma lobby.

But the world took notice of the debate, and many in the metropolitan economies of North America and Western Europe and the peripheral economies of South America, Africa, Asia, and Central and Eastern Europe stampeded in droves to patronise outlets that sold herbal medicines to combat the dreaded Covid-19 grim reaper.

Two state governors in Nigeria, Nasir el-Rufai of Kaduna State and Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, publicly admitted to having been cured of COVID-19 after taking herbal medicine. Testimonies of the efficacy of herbal medicine thus suddenly became more fashionable.

Dr Olorunninbe Mamora, a medical doctor and Minister of State for Health to former President Muhammadu Buhari, even promised that the government would work with herbal medicine practitioners to find solutions to COVID-19.

However, the cynicism of the Western orthodoxy against alternative medicine is so high that the world may miss the little steps that are capable of delivering the great benefits of cheaper and less complicated drugs to the world.

Little do these Euro-American cynics know that South African botanist, Dr. Zimara Dubeni, found out that Moringa oleifera leaf extracts can enhance food safety, reduce synthetic additives and improve public health if used to preserve raw chicken meat that can otherwise breed foodborne diseases.

The intervention of the Omolayoles’ MATOCCODEV is timely, considering the recent report of a breakout of Lassa fever that has caused 138 deaths in 15 Nigerian states. To be sure, Lassa fever is somewhat different from malaria fever.

Lassa fever is a viral illness transmitted by rodents, and malaria fever is a parasitic infection that is spread by mosquitoes. Whereas symptoms of Lassa fever are headache, fatigue, and, sometimes, bleeding, vomiting and kidney issues, those of malaria fever are chills, sweats, and, when it really gets worse, include seizures, fainting, coma and even death.

Today, MATOCCODEV is going to be facilitating the sharing of knowledge on the prevention of malaria fever and distributing, for free, 25 units of treated mosquito nets that were popularised by Rotary International.

Omolayole expects that the colloquium will attempt to explain the nexus between orthodox medicine and herbal medicine that is considered to be more cost-effective and more readily available, especially in rural communities.

Maybe Nigeria’s healthcare policymakers should give more than passing attention to the malaria colloquium taking place at Ijebu-Imusin today.

The Zamfara State Government has debunked a story claiming that Zamfara Christian convert, Zainab, is set to stand trial in Sharia Court on Friday for switching religions.

A statement by the spokesperson of the Zamfara Governor, Sulaiman Bala Idris, revealed that the report is completely false and taken from social media sites that seek to generate traffic.

The statement added that it has been verified beyond a reasonable doubt that no such case exists before any Shari’ah Court in Zamfara State.

“The attention of the Zamfara State Government has been drawn to mischievous fake news circulating about a 22-year-old Miss Zainab Muhamadu, who is facing the death penalty for converting to Christianity.

“We want to categorically state that it is the handiwork of enemies of peace, who are hellbent on creating a tension where there is none.

“The fake news, which was spread on social media by an online platform notorious for circulating unverified stories and falsehoods, is nothing more than a failed attempt to disrupt peace.

“The Zamfara State Government has acted swiftly by summoning all relevant authorities and security agencies to verify the authenticity of the story, which ultimately proved to be a blatant falsehood created by Sahara Reporters.  

“To ensure accountability and certainty, the state government has confirmed with the Grand Khadi of the Zamfara Sharia Court of Appeal regarding any similar cases. He stated that there has never been such a case before any Shari’a court in Zamfara State.

“The question is, where does this perilous and divisive narrative originate? What are its underlying motives? What do those promoting this story hope to accomplish in the long run?

"We are living in intriguing times. Media platforms that should provide the public with verified stories are becoming complacent, merely copying and pasting content from social media accounts eager for likes and comments.

“The woman whose picture was used in the fake news is not Nigerian. Her name is Aalia, and she is from Texas, United States.

“The Zamfara State Government believes it is essential to clarify that nothing of this nature is happening in the state. This situation exemplifies yellow journalism that we must all denounce.

“We urge the relevant security agencies to investigate the source of this fake, misguided story, which seeks to create significant religious tension, and prosecute anyone found responsible. We must all do our part to ensure the peace of this country.”

SULAIMAN BALA IDRIS

Spokesperson for the Zamfara Governor

One of the founding theses of public administration reform philosophy is that the dysfunction and reconstruction of the administrative system must be figured out both in theory and in practice, and public administration had therefore historically functioned within frameworks of communities of practice and service and their knowledge networks. And that, among other things, implies that theory and practice must first be seen as being two sides of the same coin rather than two mutually exclusive frameworks. When I made the decision so early in my public service career to study the theoretical foundations of the Nigerian public service system, it dawned on me that dissecting the dysfunctional dynamics of the public service system provokes theoretical insights by which to engage with these same dysfunctions.

However, the gross anti-intellectualism of the policy space in Nigeria contributes to one of the fundamental deficiencies in the institutional framework of the public service in Nigeria: a mix of conception-reality and passion without knowledge gaps that manifest in terms of a mismatch between theoretical and reform paradigms on the one hand, and local conditions, circumstances and realities on the other. Indeed, administrative reforms are conceived and implemented to a significant extent with scant recognition that public administration has a theoretical foundation that is way distinct from the theoretical assumptions of the core management science.

We therefore arrive at a most significant reason why the public service system has been struggling to constitute the institutional mechanism to backstop democratic governance and its dividends for Nigerians. If we take it as axiomatic that the bureaucracy is a necessary complement to democracy, then it implies that the public service must be in topnotch shape—in terms of human resource management, performance accountability and productivity metrics—to be able to deliver on the imperatives of good governance. The public service system in Nigeria has however been struggling with the necessity for institutional reform that will transform it into a worldclass mechanism that could serve the need of a developmental state and its democratic requirements.

Ultimately, the fate of the public service and its optimal functionality—its capacity readiness to service democratic governance anywhere—lies firmly in the type of theoretical questions we ask in terms of what should drive the practice of public administration. The big questions are fundamental questions that articulate the relationship between theory and practice, and provide the directions that enable theorists and practitioners to make sense of any endeavor. The big questions that public administration is confronted with help to shape how it grounds its frameworks, dynamics and paradigms, especially when applied to the working of the state and the imperatives of governance.

Three initial big questions have been offered that are meant to ground public management. One: how can public managers break away from non-innovative fixation with excess of procedural rules which prevent pubic agencies from achieving measurable result and outcome? In other words, how might we ignite the shift from current input-process fixation to an output-outcome-impact-results-based management framework? Two: how can public managers motivate their workforce to achieve more in performance terms? Three: how can public managers measure these achievements?

These how-questions underscore the capacity of the public manager and her capacity to facilitate the capacity readiness of the public bureaucracy. This approach, especially in public administration, focuses on the public managers and their objective of capacitating the public agencies as an organization with its own unique character. However, as the objection goes, such an approach is limited in its failure to connect the functionality of the public bureaucracy or agency to the institutional demands of a democratic government. Public administration in a democracy is a whole ballgame all by itself. Once we see the intimate connection between public administration and a democracy, then we immediately see how there is a need for new set of big and fundamental questions that will adequately guide public administration practice within a democratic context.

Seven of such questions have been provided in the literature. “(1) What are the instruments of collective action that remain responsible both to democratically elected officials and to core societal values? (2) What are the roles of nongovernmental forms of collective action in society, and how can desired roles be protected and nurtured? (3) What are the appropriate tradeoffs between governmental structures based on function (which commonly eases organizational tasks) and geography (which eases citizenship, political leadership, and societal learning)? (4) How shall tensions between national and local political arenas be resolved? (5) What decisions shall be “isolated” from the normal processes of politics so that some other rationale can be applied? (6) What balance shall be struck among neutral competence, representativeness, and leadership? (7) How can processes of societal learning be improved, including knowledge of choices available, of consequences of alternatives, and of how to achieve desired goals, most importantly, the nurturing and development of a democratic polity?”

Unfortunately, it is not just sufficient to align public administration and public management to the imperatives of democratic government, as these seven questions by John Kirlin of the University of South California has attempted to do. A further criterion is missing. And this, because the experience of public administration and democracy differs from context to context. The contextual criterion ensures that the fundamental big questions we need to ask will be those that will take seriously the peculiarities and uniqueness of the context within which public administration will be expected to interact and backstop democratic governance. This is even more so in the Nigerian context where public administration and democratic government must factor postcolonial circumstances into the type of fundamental questions they are meant to engage with.

The Nigerian state, since its post-independence trajectory, has generated its own unique experience of public administration. This can be framed in terms of the myriad attempts at achieving institutional reform of the public service system inherited from the British colonialists. The commencement of the democratic experiment in 1999 puts a new spin on the urgency of bending public administration to the demands of democratic governance that will transform the quality of life of millions of Nigerians who have been promised the dividends of democracy. How then can we articulate the fundamental questions that should guide our understanding of the relationship between public administration and democratic governance in Nigeria? What are the critical issues that the government, its bureaucracy and public administration theorists ought to make the core of their reflective endeavor?
In what follows, I frame seven of such big questions in line with my many years of theoretically and practically engaging with the perils and promises of the public service as a mechanism for democratic fulfilment in Nigeria.

One: How can public managers break away from non-innovative fixation with excess of procedural rules and regulations that prevent public agencies from producing results and outcomes that translate to better life to the people in a democracy? This question speaks to the centrality of the “I-am-directed” Weberian tradition and the centrality of the input and process-oriented business model that undermine the output-oriented model which demands performance, efficiency, productivity.

Two: ⁠How can the public service resolve the seemingly jinxed pay and remuneration policy problem which has prevented the public service from achieving an excellent talent management regime that enables attraction and retention of talented professionals and some of the scarce skills the service requires to perform at optimal levels? This is a question that stems from government’s loss of status as the employer of choice which in turn has eroded civil service’s prestige as a brand, as well as the inability of the public bureaucracy to attract and retain the brightest and the best while managing adversarial industrial relation that undergirds employer-employee contractual obligations.

Three; ⁠How can public managers measure the achievements of their agencies in a way that is game-changing for performance of government and the productivity of the national economy? The success of democratic governance in Nigeria is aligned to the urgent need for a shift in the productivity paradigm that ensures that the public service system becomes motivated by a performance management that increases the productivity profile of the Nigerian state.

Four: ⁠How can the nature and role of the state be sustainably redefined and how to leverage same to organize and utilize government resources to better achieve the collective good? The nature and the role of the state keeps changing in relation to its governance responsibility. And this demands that the success of public administration is seen in terms of the state’s relationship to other non-state and nongovernmental actors that are stakeholders in the governance space.

Five: ⁠How can the public service regain public trust and foster social equity within framework of stewardship relationship with the people in a democracy? This question addresses the modalities by which the public service system function as a democratic institution that is transparent, accountable and open to the citizens as the most significant component of a democratic government.

Six; How should NGOs be empowered so they can play more positive role in society and in getting public policy to achieve the common good, and how can their desired roles be better protected? NGOs, as a nonstate actor, opens up the governance space (hitherto dominated by government and its agencies), and serve as the critical mediator between the government and the citizens.

Seven: ⁠How can the public service strike a balance between the values of being neutral and non-partisan as basis for strengthening professional ethics and the public servants’ capacity to speak truth to power? The founding dichotomy in public administration—the politics/administration distinction—insists that the politician and the administration must operate on different level of the policy divide. However, this dichotomy must be balanced with the capacity of the public servant to confront and engage with policy somersaults that fails the test of policy intelligence and action research.

These big questions constitute core issues which the public administration profession in Nigeria must foreground as the central reflective points for rethinking the functionality of the public service in Nigeria’s quest for democratic distinction on the continent.

*Olaopa, a Professor of Public Administration, is the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission, Abuja

There has been a lot of brouhaha over the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results. Over 2 million candidates registered for the examination, and about 1.94 million sat for it. Over 75% (1.5 million+) scored below 200. This development has not gone down well with parents and candidates who took to social media to express outrage.

However, according to Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, the performance data for the 2025 UTME falls within the expected range based on trends from the past 12 years. “This is not peculiar to this year. The performance statistics are consistent with those of the last 12 years,” Oloyede stated. He cited previous years to support his claim, noting that in 2024, 76 per cent of candidates scored below 200, while in 2022, 78 per cent of the 1.7 million candidates also fell below that mark. In 2021, only 803 out of 1.3 million candidates scored above 300.

The 2025 UTME has become one of the most controversial in recent history, not just due to the number scoring below 200, but because of the complaints revolving around the efficiency of the system and the credibility of the results. The problem also raises critical questions about the exam process, integrity, and educational equity. The controversy is resulting in efforts aimed at understanding what could have gone wrong, if anything was indeed wrong.

In the latest turn of events on May 14, 2025, a very emotionally regretful JAMB Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, apologised to the public in a press outing reported by major national newspapers. He accepted that there were indeed regrettable technical issues from their end that had affected the outcome for some candidates. According to the analysis, a total of 379,997 candidates across the 157 centres in Lagos and the South-east would retake their examinations. Prof. Oloyede said the board has decided that all candidates affected in 157 out of 882 (17.8%) centres will be contacted to retake their examinations starting Friday, May 16th.

“So, I appeal to the candidates and those affected by the error of our system to accept this explanation as the truth of the matter without embellishment, please. I apologise and take full responsibility, not just in words,” Prof. Oloyede stated. He informed the media that affected candidates would be contacted by JAMB through text messages sent to their registered phone numbers, email addresses, profiles, and phone calls. He directed them to reprint their examination slips for the rescheduled examination dates.
He said the board has contacted the West African Examinations Council (WAEC), which is currently holding its West African Senior School Certificate Examinations (WASSCE), to allow JAMB some slots for candidates to take the exams, and WAEC has agreed. “Any candidate with a clash of timetable, particularly for Agricultural Science on Friday, would be rescheduled,” Prof. Oloyede said.

“However, we have endeavoured to ensure that no such thing exists. Most, if not all, such candidates are scheduled for Saturday. Fortunately, the prescribed texts for SSCE are also the prescribed texts for UTME, apart from the reading text of the UTME, which carries just 10 marks in our Use of English test.”
While 206,610 candidates were affected in the 65 centres in Lagos zone, 173,387 candidates were affected in 92 centres in Owerri zone. JAMB reportedly examined samples from across the country, but no sign of any abnormality has been detected in any centre other than the ones mentioned. Prof. Oloyede, however, added that the exercise continues.

National Readiness for Digital-Only Exams

Many factors could account for why about 75% of candidates have been annually underperforming at UTME. It is a national shame that we have been accepting this situation as normal at the annual JAMB meetings with University Vice-Chancellors. This national acceptance of low quality as normal has been forcing Universities to scramble for the 25% above 200 and then set very low standards to fill up vacant positions. After all, profit is now the major part of setting up Universities, especially in the private sector.
The 2025 UTME imbroglio throws up several issues that have been yearning for solutions. There has to be more readiness in embracing digital-only exams, both on the part of the examining agencies/service providers and the service users/candidates. For instance, some supervisors noticed system malfunctions at CBT centres – freezing screens, login problems, and loss of answers. Some candidates reportedly logged out without submitting or could not navigate between subjects. Those were absolutely no faults of the service users/candidates.

The digital divide is a problem for the use of CBT centres for UTME. Many candidates, especially from rural or low-income backgrounds, lacked basic computer literacy. A supervisor’s report highlighted that some candidates didn’t know how to operate a keyboard or mouse, much less navigate the CBT interface. In simple terminology, technological illiteracy or, at best, semi-illiteracy is yearning for solutions. Not many candidates or customers of JAMB grew up with the advantage of using computers as a regular everyday life item. There has to be some middle ground for inclusivity.

However, the answer is not to opt out of technological change but to come up with answers on how to democratise the availability of knowledge on technological change that is spreading in our world to all Nigerian children who are actively motivated towards education. Though JAMB could play a role in deploying some of its earnings for such a purpose, the answer should involve society and its governance structures at large. We must be more intentional with issues that affect the destinies and future of young Nigerians. The UTME exercise should not just be seen as a mere exercise, but as a very important platform through which the future technocrats and crop of people who would take over the skilled manpower machinery of the country are practically filtered. It is good that the public reaction has met with responsible action from JAMB in this case.

Recommendations on the Way Forward

Beyond being a revenue-generating tool for the government, with special commendations on the registrar’s commitment to returning funds to the Federal government, JAMB must continue to recalibrate, fine-tune its structure, and ensure it delivers excellently.

Nigeria requires massive digital literacy campaigns in secondary schools, especially rural ones. The 774 local governments, with more funding expected to result from the autonomy they are expected to have under the present dispensation, should invest in computer-based modern libraries. Private entities could also be encouraged to spend some of their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) funds on setting up computer-based libraries.

CBT Simulation Workshops should become mandatory for all candidates before UTME and similar exams. Independent Audit of CBT Centers and Software Providers should be a regular effort of regulatory bodies, including JAMB.

Despite the uproar over the 2025 UTME, it’s important to recognize the integrity-driven leadership of Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, who has consistently fought corruption and pushed for reforms. However, even strong leadership needs to be adaptive and listen to the cries of the people. A calm, evidence-based review of 2025’s UTME is not only necessary—it’s urgent.

The JAMB Registrar has indeed demonstrated maturity and good leadership. He readily showed empathy by agreeing truly that there was failure in the system and took responsibility, with corrective follow-up actions. Currently, what should be key are preventive solutions, such that there is no future recurrence of the underperformance at UTME.

Prof. Babafemi A. Badejo, author of a best-seller on politics in Kenya, was a former Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia, a former Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, Abeokuta, and currently a Legal Practitioner and Consultant at Yintab Strategy Consults. He is the 2025 Nelson Mandela Distinguished Africanist Awardee of the African Annual Conference at the University of Texas at Austin, USA.

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed a cultural shift in how communities handle the death of loved ones. Gone are the days when families relied primarily on close kin and neighbors for support in organizing funerals. Instead, a new practice has emerged—forming 'Committees of Friends' to raise funds for lavish burials. While this may seem like a noble gesture, it reflects a concerning trend: the increasing commodification and public performance of grief. Shakespeare’s timeless observation that 'Death is a necessary end, that will come when it will come' reminds us that dignity in death must not come at the cost of unnecessary burden on the living. This essay explores how funeral insurance can restore financial and emotional balance to Nigerian funerary practices.

The Evolution of Nigerian Funeral Culture
Traditionally, Nigerian funerals were community-led events grounded in cultural and spiritual beliefs. Families, friends, and neighbors would rally around the bereaved, contributing food, livestock, labor, and cash voluntarily. In Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa, and many other ethnic groups, the burial of a loved one was an intimate and reverent affair. However, as society modernized and urbanized, the nature of funerals transformed. Social status, prestige, and public display began to play larger roles. Funerals are now sometimes seen as an opportunity to showcase wealth or honor the deceased through extravagant events. This evolution has led to a rise in financial pressure on bereaved families who feel obligated to meet rising expectations.

The Rise of Committees of Friends
The 'Committee of Friends' is an informal group of friends, associates, or colleagues that organizes to raise funds and support a bereaved family. Often, these committees are created immediately after a death and begin their task through social media platforms like WhatsApp. While they are meant to offer support, they also reflect a growing cultural dependence on public fundraising to meet funeral costs. Unfortunately, many families have come to rely entirely on such committees, expecting friends and distant acquaintances to fund most or all of the burial. This has diluted the original communal ethos of mutual care, replacing it with performative generosity. At times, more resources go into planning the fundraising event than into comforting the family.

The Rising Cost of Dying in Nigeria
Funerals in Nigeria have become an expensive affair. The average cost ranges from ₦1.5 million for basic burials in rural areas to over ₦10 million in urban centers for high-profile ceremonies. These costs include embalming, casket purchase, mortuary fees, venue hire, catering, music, obituary adverts, clothing (Aso Ebi), and transportation. In some cultures, additional ceremonies such as wake-keeping, church thanksgiving, and anniversary celebrations are customary. These mounting expenses often leave families in debt. Some delay burials for months to raise enough money, while others cut essential costs or sell property. This financial burden exacerbates grief and pushes families into cycles of hardship.
Global Perspectives: Funeral Insurance in Other Countries
Around the world, funeral insurance is a common financial product designed to ease the burden of burial costs. In South Africa, companies like AVBOB and Old Mutual offer family-wide funeral cover with added benefits such as free services. In the United States, companies like Colonial Penn and Mutual of Omaha provide final expense insurance plans that pay out amounts between $5,000 and $25,000 upon death. The UK offers Over-50s plans through firms like SunLife and Legal & General. Closer to home, Ghana and Kenya have embraced mobile funeral insurance. In Ghana, aYo (powered by MTN) allows mobile users to subscribe to funeral cover for as low as 1 cedi daily. Kenya’s Britam and CIC Insurance offer funeral policies through banks and saccos, making them accessible to informal sector workers.

Why Nigeria Needs Funeral Insurance
Funeral insurance offers several key benefits. First, it ensures affordability. With small, regular premiums, policyholders can prepare for inevitable expenses without resorting to emergency fundraising. Second, it restores dignity. Families can grieve in peace, rather than engage in financial appeals during mourning. Third, insurance is sustainable. It creates a structured safety net that does not rely on social pressure or personal connections. Lastly, funeral insurance encourages financial planning. By bundling it with mobile money platforms, it becomes accessible to Nigeria’s vast unbanked population. With nearly 40 million Nigerians working in the informal sector, insurance companies have an untapped market. Funeral insurance also creates new revenue streams for insurers while promoting social impact.

Charting a Path Forward: Policy, Products, and Public Awareness
Nigeria must act decisively to embed funeral insurance into its financial landscape. First, insurance companies should create simple, mobile-first products with flexible premiums, especially for low-income earners. Second, partnerships with telcos, banks, cooperatives, and churches can broaden access and trust. Third, the National Insurance Commission (NAICOM) can provide incentives or regulatory frameworks to promote funeral insurance uptake. Fourth, public education campaigns are essential. Traditional and social media should emphasize the value of funeral cover. Religious leaders, Nollywood celebrities, and influencers can help normalize insurance culture, making it aspirational and relatable. Digital apps and bulk SMS can also be used to drive awareness.
Changing the Narrative: Celebrate the Living, Prepare for the Inevitable
Nigeria must change its cultural mindset around death. Lavish burials should not substitute for love, care, and support shown during life. Committees of Friends should not be a default financial plan. It is time to shift from spectacle to substance. Instead of planning elaborate ceremonies, families should prioritize elder care, access to healthcare, and education. Funeral insurance helps achieve this by providing a structured, dignified way to deal with life’s final reality. More importantly, it allows society to refocus on celebrating the living rather than overemphasizing the dead. Respecting the dead should not impoverish the living.

Conclusion
Death, though painful, is inevitable. Nigeria’s current approach to funerals—with increasing reliance on committees and costly events—is unnecessary and unsustainable. While the intention behind fundraising may be noble, it often places undue strain on both the bereaved and contributors. Funeral insurance offers a practical, respectful alternative that aligns with financial prudence and cultural dignity. By developing inclusive insurance products, partnering with distribution networks, and launching national awareness campaigns, Nigeria can revolutionize how it manages death. It’s time to prepare for the inevitable with wisdom and compassion, not pressure and debt.

The United Kingdom (UK), France and Canada have warned Israel against full military occupation of Gaza.

The warning was in response to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel’s statement on Sunday that the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) would commence full occupation of Gaza until Hamas releases all Israeli victims.

In a joint statement on Monday, signed by Emmanuel Macron of France, Keir Starmer of the UK and Mark Carney of Canada, the leaders said they would not be silent and allow Netanyahu’s plan.

Naija News reports that the statement published by Canada’s Prime Minister, Carney, on his X handle, condemned Israel’s insensitivity to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza

Starmer, Macron and Carney said they would resist and stop any full military occupation of Gaza by Israel’s IDF.

It read: “We strongly oppose the expansion of Israel’s military operations in Gaza. The level of human suffering in Gaza is intolerable. Yesterday’s announcement that Israel will allow a basic quantity of food into Gaza is wholly inadequate. We call on the Israeli Government to stop its military operations in Gaza and immediately allow humanitarian aid to enter Gaza. This must include engaging with the UN to ensure a return to delivery of aid in line with humanitarian principles. We call on Hamas to release immediately the remaining hostages they have so cruelly held since 7 October 2023.

“The Israeli Government’s denial of essential humanitarian assistance to the civilian population is unacceptable and risks breaching International Humanitarian Law. We condemn the abhorrent language used recently by members of the Israeli Government, threatening that, in their despair at the destruction of Gaza, civilians will start to relocate. Permanent forced displacement is a breach of international humanitarian law.

“Israel suffered a heinous attack on October 7. We have always supported Israel’s right to defend Israelis against terrorism. But this escalation is wholly disproportionate.

“We will not stand by while the Netanyahu Government pursues these egregious actions. If Israel does not cease the renewed military offensive and lift its restrictions on humanitarian aid, we will take further concrete actions in response.

“We oppose any attempt to expand settlements in the West Bank. Israel must halt settlements which are illegal and undermine the viability of a Palestinian state and the security of both Israelis and Palestinians.  We will not hesitate to take further action, including targeted sanctions.

“We strongly support the efforts led by the United States, Qatar and Egypt to secure an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. It is a ceasefire, the release of all remaining hostages and a long-term political solution that offer the best hope of ending the agony of the hostages and their families, alleviating the suffering of civilians in Gaza, ending Hamas’ control of Gaza and achieving a pathway to a two-state solution, consistent with the goals of the 18 June conference in New York co-chaired by Saudi Arabia and France. These negotiations need to succeed, and we must all work towards the implementation of a two-state solution, which is the only way to bring long-lasting peace and security that both Israelis and Palestinians deserve and ensure long-term stability in the region.

“We will continue to work with the Palestinian Authority, regional partners, Israel and the United States to finalize consensus on arrangements for Gaza’s future, building on the Arab plan. We affirm the important role of the High-level Two-State Solution Conference at the UN in June in building international consensus around this aim. And we are committed to recognizing a Palestinian state as a contribution to achieving a two-state solution and are prepared to work with others to this end.”

[NaijaNews]

Many people were feared dead on Monday following another tragic accident that occurred on the Karu Bridge, along the Nyanya-Keffi road in Abuja on Monday.

An eyewitness account revealed that the unfortunate crash was caused by a trailer and a vehicle conveying sachet water, popularly referred to as pure water, 24 hours after a terrible accident involving about seven cars claimed innocent lives at the same spot.

Emergency agencies reportedly turned up at the scene, but the exact number of casualties is yet to be confirmed as of the time of filing this report.

The collision led to a heavy traffic gridlock on the usually busy route, with emergency services working to rescue victims and clear the obstruction.

The Guardian reports that last month, at least two accidents took place around the Karu Bridge, resulting in the deaths of several persons.

[Guardian]

Nigerians have continued to express frustration over the rising cost of living since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office.

Many lament that the prices of basic commodities and essential services have doubled—or in some cases, tripled—without any sign of relief in sight.

In the last one year, different federal agencies have increased the costs of obtaining essential government-issued documents, including international passports, driver’s licences, vehicle number plates and corrections to National Identification Number (NIN) data.

These increments are often justified by government agencies as “adjustments to reflect operational costs.”

These developments, many say, are placing an unbearable burden on the average citizen, already struggling with stagnant incomes, unemployment, and inflation.

Despite the increased fees, applicants also face long wait times and bureaucracy, deepening frustration among citizens who rely on these documents for travel, banking, and access to digital services.

Obtaining essential documents such as international passports and driver’s licences has become notoriously difficult, with processing times often stretching into weeks or even months despite full payment.

Many Nigerians, who lamented the high cost in obtaining these documents, alleged that some officials exploit the delays to run rackets, prioritising issuance for the highest bidders.

Revised fees for services

One of the most pressing concerns is the skyrocketing price of petrol. In May 2023, the price of petrol stood at N195 per litre.

By October 2024, it had surged to N1,030, marking an increase of about 488 per cent.

Although the price currently hovers around N910 to N930 at NNPC retail outlets, depending on the location, the spike has had a cascading effect on transportation, food prices, and other essential goods and services across the country.

Equally alarming is the hike in electricity tariffs. In April 2024, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) approved a 240 per cent increase for Band A customers.

This saw electricity rates shoot up from N68 per kilowatt-hour to N225 per kilowatt-hour. The government argues that the increment is necessary to ensure improved service delivery and sustainability in the power sector.

Similarly, the telecommunications services have also become more expensive.

The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approved a 50 per cent increase in tariffs following requests from telecom operators who cited rising operational costs.

The average cost of calls rose from N11 to N16.5 per minute, while the price of 1GB of data jumped from N287.50 to N431.25. SMS charges were also increased from N4 to N6.

Presently, the minimum cost for a monthly data subscription across major network providers such as MTN, Airtel, Glo, and 9mobile is N1,000, a development that has hit students, small business owners, and digital entrepreneurs particularly hard.

In the transport sector, the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), in collaboration with the Joint Tax Board, recently announced a revised fee structure for driver’s licenses and vehicle number plates, effective from June 8, 2025.

The standard private and commercial vehicle number plates now cost N30,000, up from the previous N18,750. Fancy number plates now cost N400,000, double the old price of N200,000.

Articulated vehicle plates have increased from N30,000 to N90,000, while motorcycle plates rose from N5,000 to N12,000.

The cost of obtaining a standard three-year driver’s license now stands at N15,000, up from N10,000, while the five-year option increased from N15,000 to N21,000.

Similarly, obtaining or modifying a National Identity Number (NIN) has become more expensive. The National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) increased the fee for correcting date of birth information on its database from N16,340 to N28,574, a 75 per cent rise.

Other forms of data modification, such as changes to names or addresses, now attract a fee of N2,000 per transaction, up from N1,522. Reissuance of the NIN slip now costs N600, up from N500.

NIMC says the price review, coming after over a decade, is meant to align with current operational costs and industry standards.

The Nigerian Immigration Service also reviewed the cost of international passports upward. The 32-page booklet with a five-year validity now costs N50,000, up from N35,000, while the 64-page booklet with a ten-year validity rose from N70,000 to N100,000.

In an official statement, the Immigration Service said the adjustment was necessary to maintain the quality and integrity of the Nigerian passport.

This means that Nigerians have witnessed increases in the cost of essential services and commodities, with petrol prices soaring by 488%, electricity tariffs up by 240%, telecom charges rising by 50%, vehicle number plate fees climbing as high as 200%, NIN modification costs increasing by up to 75%, and international passport fees jumping by over 42%, a wave of hikes that has deepened the financial strain on ordinary citizens nationwide.

The government insists that these changes are part of broader economic reforms aimed at reducing subsidies and enhancing service efficiency.

But citizens said the rising costs of essential services are coming at a time when many Nigerian workers are still struggling to earn a living wage.

Nigerians lament soaring prices of commodities, services

Speaking to Daily Trust, citizens from various walks of life described how the worsening economic conditions have severely impacted their ability to afford daily necessities and essential services.

Mohammed Auwal, a postgraduate student, said the prices of almost every commodity have surged and become unaffordable.

“Whenever we think of President Tinubu, the first thing that comes to mind is the cost of commodities and services. Many things have become unaffordable, from school fees to food and other basic needs.

“As a student, the increase in school fees has affected me badly. I now have to go the extra mile just to raise money to pay my fees,” he said.

Josephine Joseph, a hospitality manager, said the situation has forced her to change her daily lifestyle.

“Prices of commodities choke. You can’t even compare this to previous governments. There are many things I can no longer afford. You can’t even get N1,000 meat. The least you can get in my area is N1,500. Pepper starts from N500,” she said.

Halima Abba Waziri noted that the continuous increase in food prices is affecting households nationwide.

“People are struggling to afford basic necessities. A bag of rice or even a pack of spaghetti is now a luxury. The money I used to buy one pack of semovita can buy four packs back then. The economy is not encouraging, and there is no hope of change anytime soon,” she said.

Zainab Yetunde said that while the cost of living keeps rising, salaries have remained the same.

“The prices keep increasing despite the implementation of the minimum wage. It’s not easy. I now save money before making purchases and have to prioritise everything. I no longer have any savings,” she said.

Fatimah Sagir, a mother of school-age children, expressed her distress over the rising cost of living, saying she can no longer afford essential items for her children, let alone deal with the cost of services.

“I used to buy data regularly, but I’ve had to stop because of the cost. Everything has gone up; we simply can’t keep up anymore,” she lamented.

“Since the present administration came in, there have been a lot of changes in almost all areas of economic and social life. Prices have increased by almost 40 per cent,” said Okeke Chima.

“The cost of renewing car license has gone up, cost of passport. I cannot afford anything anymore,” he said.

Tinuke Abiola, from Osun State, said her drivers’ license has expired and she cannot renew it because she does not have the money to do so. “I have a lot of expenses I am dealing with. I cannot add this to my budget for now,” she said.

Adamu Abdullahi from Niger, expressed concern that in the two years of this administration, all Nigerians have witnessed is a hike in essential services. He lamented that there has been no respite from any quarters.  “When are we going to start reaping the benefits of these reforms”, he asked.

They called on the government to urgently address the rising cost of services, as the economic hardship continues to take a toll on the population, particularly low-income earners.

New minimum wage unrealistic – Expert

Dr. Yusha’u Aliyu, a member of the Institute of Professional Economists and Policy Management, attributes the rising cost of basic services in Nigeria to a combination of inflationary trends and a series of harsh economic reforms introduced by the Tinubu administration since 2023.

He said, “The economy is suffering from stagflation, an unusual combination of high unemployment and high inflation, which has eroded the purchasing power of individuals and affected overall living standards.”

Dr. Aliyu noted that the current economic reality in Nigeria has rendered workers’ wages largely unrealistic and inadequate. He argues that the combination of steep price hikes in essential services and aggressive government reforms has significantly eroded the value of wages, even with the recent increase in the national minimum wage.

“In theory, increasing the wage rate should improve workers’ consumption capacity, but in Nigeria’s current economic climate, that logic doesn’t hold,” Dr. Aliyu stated, noting that many workers still earn the old N30,000 minimum wage, while even those in federal institutions who receive the new N70,000 wage find it hard to keep up with daily expenses. “The cost of food, electricity, transportation, telecommunications, and even basic identification services like passport renewal or NIN modification has shot up dramatically”, he noted.

Dr. Aliyu emphasised that the wage increment has not translated into improved living conditions or consumption patterns. “What we see is that despite the wage increase, workers are consuming fewer goods and services than before. Their purchasing power is shrinking because inflation continues to rise faster than income,” he said.

While defending the rationale behind some of the policy decisions, Dr. Aliyu emphasised that the timing and simultaneity of the reforms have deepened economic distress. “Policies like the removal of fuel subsidies, floating of the naira, and a hike in the monetary policy rate were implemented almost simultaneously, leading to a cascading effect on the prices of commodities and services,” he explained. He likened this to planting and harvesting crops out of season, suggesting that the natural sequencing of policies was ignored.

He noted that the removal of the PMS subsidy and the depreciation of the naira drastically raised transport and logistics costs, which in turn inflated prices across the board, from passports and driver’s licenses to telecom tariffs and electricity. “The reforms were economically necessary, but their clustered implementation without corresponding buffers for vulnerable populations has made them socially unfair,” he added.

He said that although the policies may yield long-term benefits, their short-term consequences are severe. For Nigeria to reverse its inflationary trend, Dr. Aliyu recommended ramping up local refining capacity, stabilising the naira, halting further hikes in borrowing costs, among others.

[DailyTrust]

Human rights lawyer, Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, has faulted the proposed bill seeking to make voting mandatory in Nigeria, stating that he would rather be imprisoned than obey such a law.

Agbakoba, who made this declaration on ‘Politics Today’, a programme on Channels Television on Monday, condemned the attempt of the National Assembly to enforce compulsory voting, arguing that it fails to address the root causes of voter apathy in the country.

“Look at the ridiculous one in the National Assembly about voting being compulsory. If that bill were to pass, I would say, ‘Agbakoba, we will not obey it.’ I’ll plead conscientious objection. I’d rather go to prison for six months than to obey it,” he said.

The senior lawyer questioned the rationale behind the bill, saying, “Why would the National Assembly want to impose compulsory voting? Why don’t they reverse the question and say, Why are Nigerians not interested? What is the apathy about?”

According to him, voter disengagement stems from years of exclusion and unfulfilled political promises, not a lack of civic responsibility, adding that exclusion is at the heart of Nigeria’s democratic failure.

The rights lawyer, while looking ahead to the 2027 general elections, maintained that he has noticed a troubling pattern, warning that democracy in Nigeria cannot succeed if it continues to serve only a select elite.

When asked whether the real issue is the attractiveness of public office and the consistent failure of leadership, Agbakoba restated that Nigeria’s political failure is the core reason behind low voter turnout.

DAILY POST reports that the bill, which. scaled second reading in the House of Representatives, seeks to mandate voting for all Nigerians of eligible age in national and state elections.

The bill is jointly sponsored by Speaker Tajudeen Abbas and a Labour Party lawmaker, Daniel Asama Ago.

[DailyPost]