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Saturday, 24 May 2025 10:55
[OPINION] Evolution of “Sir” in Nigerian English Usage - Farooq A. Kperogi
![[OPINION] Evolution of “Sir” in Nigerian English Usage - Farooq A. Kperogi](/media/k2/items/cache/a2438f37f2cc84d68441c55d51bb07bc_Generic.jpg)
My good friend Professor Moses Ochonu casually wrote a lighthearted Facebook update a few days ago about a former Nigerian classmate of his addressing him as “sir” and the discomfort this socially awkward salutational courtesy from a friend activated in him.
It’s a phenomenon I’ve also observed in my Nigerian social and familial circles; one I had planned to write about but hadn’t found the motivation to do so until now.
There has obviously been a noticeable pragmatic and semantic shift in the use of the term “sir” in Nigeria.
Nigerians inherited the British English meaning and use of “sir,” which is often deployed to denote and connote deference, institutional hierarchy, social asymmetry, or what one might call elder veneration.
In other words, you address people as “sir” if you respect them on account of their superior social and economic status, higher cultural prestige, greater academic attainment, or age.
As with Britons, Nigerians’ first encounter with “sir” often begins in early childhood education, where “sir” is used for teachers not just as a marker of respect but also of disciplinary hierarchy.
We were also taught to call our fathers, uncles, and much older cousins “sir.”
So, from an inchoate age, we have internalized the association of the term “sir” with high prestige, recognition for achievement, and authority.
Adding to this, the fact that “Sir” is an official title of knighthood conferred by the British monarchy on people it considers as possessing exceptional personal merit redounds to the term’s reverence in both Britain and Nigeria.
By contrast, in the United States, “sir” has a slightly different meaning. It is used in everyday polite conversation, especially in the South, mostly as an indicator of courtesy and discursive civility rather than as a marker of social hierarchy, although it can sometimes suggest that.
I pointed this out in my August 31, 2008, column titled “Reflections on my Visit to Nigeria (II).”
I wrote: “One other thing: in Nigeria, I found myself calling people ‘sir’ and ‘ma’am’ 'indiscriminately.' In British and Nigerian traditions, ‘sir’ and ‘ma’am’ are linguistic markers of social distance; in southern America, for the most part, they are not. They are mere markers of politeness.
“People who are clearly my social superiors here have called me ‘sir.’ I used to be discomfited by this. Not any longer. I have since come to terms with the fact that American culture is deeply socially horizontalizing: it is very informal, casual, encourages a relaxed attitude in interpersonal relations, and generally discourages the drawing of gratuitous social markers.”
Indeed, I now call my male students “sir” and my female students “ma’am” as a matter of habit.
President Barack Obama was recorded during his presidency addressing a server at a restaurant with the term “ma’am.” This is the norm in the southern and midwestern United States.
In those parts of the country, every male is a “sir,” and every woman is a “ma’am,” irrespective of differences in social status, educational attainment, or age. This usage is even more pronounced in customer service, police interactions, and the military — but also appears more generally when speaking to older people or strangers.
Against this backdrop, two notable shifts are emerging in Nigeria with regard to the use of “sir” (and “ma’am,” rendered as “ma” in Nigeria).
The first shift is generational and social. When I lived in Nigeria, we didn’t call friends or close family friends in the same broad age range as us “sir” or “ma,” however socially superior they might be to us.
Those honorifics were reserved for strangers or much older relatives. We used other linguistic pointers to signal our reverence to close friends and family who are slightly older or more successful.
Today, however, full siblings, close friends, former classmates, etc., pepper conversations with more successful siblings, friends, and former classmates with “sir” and “ma.” What's up with that?
This shift even deviates from British usage. In Britain, “sir” is not widely used among adults in everyday interpersonal interactions. Siblings, friends, former classmates, and neighbors don’t address each other as “sir” or “ma’am,” even when there is a wide social and symbolic gulf between them.
The second shift appears to reflect a different impulse altogether. Increasingly, the use of “sir” in Nigeria seems to mimic America’s more democratic usage of the term, particularly among the highly educated, upwardly mobile, and politically connected class.
I first noticed this a few years ago when a Nigerian senator from the South, who is almost old enough to be my father, called me “sir.” I was confused.
I also observed a similar pattern in a Facebook exchange involving Dr. Aliyu Tilde, a prominent northern Nigerian intellectual, and his followers, many of whom are young enough to be his children and clearly not as educated or as culturally connected as he. He called most of them “sir,” including (or especially) those who disagreed with him.
Then there is Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed (until recently the Political Adviser in the Tinubu presidency), whose famed conciliatory demeanor and politeness on Twitter cause him to address many young men who attack him as “sir.”
Perhaps this shift in the use of “sir” among the Nigerian political class with intellectual leanings is not merely mimicry of American usage. It may also function as a strategic marker of modesty or humility, which are forms of political capital.
In that sense, it could be read as an extension of the British usage, but one in which reverence is extended by the upwardly mobile to those who don’t expect it, in hopes of earning their amity and loyalty.
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Saturday, 24 May 2025 10:53
[OPINION] Hamdiyyah and Sokoto Governor’s Rejection-Sensitive Dysphoria - Farooq A. Kperogi
![[OPINION] Hamdiyyah and Sokoto Governor’s Rejection-Sensitive Dysphoria - Farooq A. Kperogi](/media/k2/items/cache/5e20e0ed115e3b1529a35dc696f48f2b_Generic.jpg)
In the symbolic and political nucleus of the Sokoto Caliphate, an imperial, illiberal, power-drunk governor who is held hostage by what seems like politically conditioned rejection-sensitive dysphoria (i.e., unhealthy hypersensitivity to even the mildest, most well-intentioned criticism, often associated with sufferers of ADHD) is oppressing an 18-year-old critic identified as Hamdiyyah Sidi Sharif.
I first became aware of Hamdiyya’s woeful plight in the hands of Sokoto State governor Ahmad Aliyu when respected former Kaduna State governor Colonel Dangiwa Umar (retired) called attention to it in a November 2024 BBC Hausa interview, which caused the Sokoto State Government to launch caustic personal attacks against him in the media.
According to news reports, in November 2024, Hamdiyyah posted a daringly defiant video on TikTok in which she urged internally displaced persons (IDPs) to occupy the governor's office in Sokoto to protest the unceasingly escalating insecurity in the state and compel the governor act. Her defiance obviously flowed from a deep wellspring of righteous anger and well-justified frustration.
Although only a couple of people saw the video (most IDPs, in any case, have no access to smartphones, much less TikTok), someone or some people comfortably ensconced in the inner recesses of the political power structure in the Sokoto State government saw it.
They were so livid that a teenage girl with almost zero political, cultural, symbolic, or persuasive power dared to ventilate her angst over insecurity in the state that they got the Sokoto Police Command to arrest her and charge her with "use of insulting or abusive language" and "inciting disturbance."
She was intimidated into deleting the video, issuing a public apology, and retracting her statement. “I wish to retract the statement I made where I advised all the internally displaced people that have no homes to forcefully invade and occupy the government house,” she said on November 22, 2024. “I am very sorry for trying to instigate such a disorder. Nobody has the right to invade the government house.”
She offered “apologies to the governor, his team, and whoever I offended with my unprovoked outburst.” But that didn’t placate the governor and his henchmen.
She was abducted by armed men, beaten, and thrown from a moving tricycle, which caused her severe bodily injuries amid her legal battles in both Sharia and Magistrate courts.
A few days ago, just hours before a scheduled court appearance, Hamdiyyah disappeared again. She was later found in critical condition at Bakura General Hospital in Zamfara State, with security agents present at her bedside.
Her lawyer, Abba Hikima, disclosed during a recent court session that the hostile environment had forced him to request armed police protection, which the court subsequently granted. Additionally, while attending the trial in Sokoto, they experienced stalking at their hotel and were confronted and intimidated by unknown individuals.
“These actions represent an alarming abuse of power and a calculated attempt to intimidate and punish those who speak out for their society and lawyers defending them,” Amnesty International Nigeria said in a statement. “The hostilities being faced by Hamdiyya Sidi Sharif and Barrister Abba Hikima are increasingly making their appearance in court in Sokoto dangerous.”
I am still struggling to come to terms with what threat a poor, frightened, bruised 18-year-old girl poses to a powerful 55-year-old governor. What was it about the girl’s words in the deleted TikTok video that was so profoundly offensive, that couldn’t be placated by her apologies, and that she must be murdered for?
The governor's reaction bears all the hallmarks of rejection-sensitive dysphoria, a psychological condition marked by an extreme, disproportionate emotional response to perceived criticism or rejection, often associated with people who suffer a neurological disorder called Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD).
In this case, the mere reproach of a teenage girl, however mild or grounded in truth, seemed to pierce a fragile, gubernatorial ego wrapped tightly in the trappings of unchecked power.
Instead of brushing off or constructively addressing the concerns raised by Hamdiyya, Governor Aliyu unraveled. He met the girl’s criticism about the mounting insecurity in the state he governs with petty, personal vendetta instead of policy reflection or a reasoned rebuttal.
He mobilized the resources of state machinery not to secure his citizens, but to crush the daring dissent of a girl younger than his children. It is a crying shame. This isn’t governance. Nor is it bravery. It’s emotional fragility and cowardice masquerading as authority.
Governor Aliyu’s overreaction reveals a man for whom public office is less about public service and more about personal validation. The governor, it seems, doesn't merely dislike being criticized; he experiences it as a threat to his very identity.
And like many with rejection-sensitive dysphoria, he responds not with introspection, but with hostility, seeking to punish the perceived offender rather than confront the uncomfortable truth. In doing so, he transforms a teenage citizen into a political enemy, and a cry for help into a battlefield for his wounded pride.
In Nigeria, our national discourse remains fixated, almost obsessively, on the federal government, often to the neglect of the far more immediate and insidious abuses unfolding at the state level. Yet it is in the states, not Abuja, that the most urgent battles for civil liberties are being waged and lost.
Across many states, dissent is not merely discouraged; it is crushed, often with ruthless efficiency and, in some instances, with fatal consequences. The recent ordeal of teenage activist Hamdiyyah Sidi Sharif at the hands of Governor Ahmad Aliyu of Sokoto is a chilling case in point. Her only “crime” was daring to urge the government to address spiraling insecurity, a plea that, in any functioning democracy, would be met with reflection, not repression.
Instead, she has been subjected to a campaign of vindictive persecution, seemingly designed to make an example of her. The message is Speak out, and you will suffer.
There is simply no moral justification for a sitting governor who is armed with all the powers and privileges of his office to wage a vindictive, even violent, campaign against a teenage girl whose only offense is speaking uncomfortable truths. It is a grotesque abuse of power, made even more disturbing by the stark age and power asymmetry between the accuser and the accused.
Sadly, Hamdiyyah’s case is not an outlier. It fits a distressingly familiar pattern. Consider the fate of Abubakar Idris Dadiyata and Stephen Kefason in Kaduna and Gloria Okolie in Imo. They all ran afoul of state authorities and subsequently vanished or were subjected to extrajudicial abuse. Their stories share the same sequence: public criticism, sudden silence, disappearance, or indefinite detention, and, in too many cases, no resolution.
The silence of the public only emboldens this descent into authoritarianism at the state level. While national attention remains glued to Abuja, state governors have become mini emperors, operating with alarming impunity and crushing dissent in ways that rarely make national headlines.
This is why every person of conscience must speak out clearly, forcefully, and persistently. Hamdiyyah Sidi Sharif must not be left to face this tyranny alone. Her persecution is a national indictment, and her courage deserves protection, not punishment.
As citizens and advocates for justice, we must amplify voices like Hamdiyyah's and hold our leaders accountable. Silencing dissent undermines democratic principles and perpetuates a culture of fear and repression. It's time to stand in solidarity with those who risk everything to speak out against injustice.
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Saturday, 24 May 2025 10:50
[OPINION] Why Davido is as Much Yoruba as He is Igbo - Farooq A. Kperogi
![[OPINION] Why Davido is as Much Yoruba as He is Igbo - Farooq A. Kperogi](/media/k2/items/cache/3dbdc23bc9ba1cb1f7cb2d4b66c19c8a_Generic.jpg)
My scholarly interest in the rhetoric of collective identity construction has made me an aficionado of what is called recreational genetics, that is, the use of genetic testing by individuals for personal genetic exploration or entertainment.
That is why I was drawn to the controversy generated by Afrobeats icon Davido’s claim that he is “Igbo by blood” in response to a Yoruba person’s tweet. The tweet accused Davido of straining excessively hard to court the attention and admiration of Igbo people through his sartorial choices, adding that because Davido is a “Yoruba man,” his ingratiation to Igbo people would never be enough and that he would ultimately be “betrayed.”
Well, genetically, Davido shares an equal amount of Yoruba and Igbo stemmata in his DNA. Here’s why.
His father, Dr. Adedeji Tajudeen Adeleke, is the product of a union between Alhaji Raji Ayoola Adeleke, a Yoruba man from Osun State, and Dr. Nnenna Esther Adeleke, an Igbo woman from Abia State.
That means, assuming simple Mendelian inheritance without accounting for the complex recombination of actual genetics, Davido inherited 25 percent Yoruba DNA and 25 percent Igbo DNA from his father.
Davido’s mother, Dr. Veronica Imade Adeleke, was a full-blooded Bini woman, as far as we know. So, his genetic distribution is 25 percent Yoruba, 25 percent Igbo, and 50 percent Bini.
In other words, in genetic terms, he is no more Yoruba than he is Igbo. He is as much Yoruba as he is Igbo.
Of course, identity is more complex than that. Identitarian affiliations are typically traced through the paternal line of descent, which is why Davido’s child with his Igbo wife, Chioma (who would be 62.5% Igbo), is still considered Yoruba. In fact, if Davido’s child with Chioma marries an Igbo person (which would make their own child 81.25% Igbo), such a child would still be considered Yoruba.
Yet, although in patrilineal societies like Nigeria we trace descent from our father’s side, we tend to have more familial investment in our maternal relationships.
In fact, in my native Baatonum, the word for blood relationship is merobisiru, which literally translates as “fact of being mother’s children.” That means consanguinity is determined by the mother, not the father, yet we trace descent through the father. I’d be interested to know how other Nigerian languages name blood relationships.
This is why my doctoral dissertation adviser, Professor Michael Bruner, often says collective identities are grand fictions that are nonetheless politically consequential.
That we give more valence to our paternal heritage than our maternal heritage in determining our identity is entirely arbitrary. Matrilineal societies that determine belonging to a collective identity through maternal lines of descent are just as arbitrary, since each parent contributes 50% of a child’s DNA.
But it seems to me more logical to trace descent through the mother’s side because, as I once observed, while a child’s maternal connection is almost never in contention (except in rare cases of child-swapping in hospitals), its paternity is not always indisputably self-evident except through DNA testing or noticeably striking resemblance.
That’s why Americans humorously say, “Mommy’s baby, daddy’s maybe.”
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Saturday, 24 May 2025 10:49
[OPINION] The Inside Story: How It All Went Down in Rome - Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu
The Vatican has a way of setting everyone on an even keel. I remember how dazed I was on my last trip during the Funeral mass of Pope Francis some weeks before, when President Donald Trump had walked into the Basilica and was led to his seat at the square.
A number of dignitaries lined up to go to exchange pleasantries with him, causing a bit of a stir and a crowded scene. To my surprise, a middle-aged prim-looking priest walked up to them and addressed them rather tersely, ‘scusi,(meaning Excuse me in italian) This is St Peter’s, not the White House. Kindly take your seats please’.
He clearly didn’t give a hoot who was likely to be offended but was more concerned that the order and solemnity of the event was not torpedoed by boisterous politicians.
The Nigerian delegation for the installation mass of Pope Leo XIV at St Peter’s Square led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu arrived early enough when there was ample time for exchange of pleasantries.
As we entered, I sighted Former Governors Peter Obi and Kayode Fayemi already seated, and I went to greet them after the President was seated.
Being patriotic citizens, they both decided to come up with me to pay their respects to Mr President.
The President very warmly and graciously received them both in a relaxed and humorous mood after which they both returned to their seats ( Thankfully, no ‘Scusi’ from any ushering priests like the scenario during the Funeral mass of Pope Francis. Our delegation kept things nice and orderly !)
I was therefore taken aback by all the buzz and flak that something as simple as a polite greeting to one’s elder, not to mention President, an intrinsic part of our African culture generated across social media space with all manner of innuendos and interpretations.
Let’s just agree that many people just had the casual urge to create a giant mountain out of a mini mole hill, so let’s let this one chill.
Like I mentioned before, the Vatican, most specifically, Mass, at St Peter’s Basilica is a leveler. No matter who you are, you are sitting out in that square under the scorching sun. No special luxury tents or canopies for dignitaries. No air conditioners or fans. People routinely faint and pass out from sunstroke/ heatstroke and have to be evacuated in stretchers or wheelchairs.
In fact, the man seated in front of me slumped during the mass. It was Seyi Tinubu who saved the day . The. bottle of water he had ‘travelled’ all the way to the vestibule to procure was what he then offered to the man, who we were trying to hold from hitting the ground until the emergency medical team arrived with a wheelchair to evacuate him.
What is instructive is that, unlike what obtains in our climes of recent, nobody rushed to whip out their phones to record an individual in distress to start posting all over social media. Folks were just busy trying to help stabilize the man.
I found it amazing that President Tinubu effortlessly sat and stood through the entire mass, observing every rite as it should sans partaking in holy communion for close to three hours under that flaming sun, even declining a sun shield when we offered to search for one.
After the Mass, he chatted and took selfies with several young Nigerian priests and seminarians who came to greet him, refusing to turn any of them away even as his aides felt he needed a break.
The main deal was of course was the power suit which the President wore to the papal installation ceremony. Many Nigerians who saw him in Rome, normally used to seeing him mostly in our native attire exclaimed that he looked so dapper and debonair. As he walked so stridently to meet with the new pope, it was clear that this was a pivotal moment. A Muslim being present at a historic mass in St Peter’s Basilica, Home of the Catholic Faith; a symbolic demonstration of the values of co-existence and a potent demonstration of the fact that religious differences do not necessarily lead to conflict.
Well, I am pleased to note that my humble phone camera took some of the most iconic images of that momentous occasion shown here, being that entry into the venue was so severely restricted on that day. It was a stellar outing for Nigeria.
It’s great to be back home.
In those good days, the familiar caption used to scream at the end of those M videos ‘ Clarence shot it !’
On this beat, ‘ Ms B shot it!
Vatican’25 has been a profound experience. I am truly blessed to share in these sacred papal events. Veni, Vidi.
Odumegwu-Ojukwu is the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs.
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Saturday, 24 May 2025 10:22
[ZOOM MEETING] City Talks with Reuben Abati:Compulsory Voting Bill and Electoral Reforms - Evans Ufeli
![[ZOOM MEETING] City Talks with Reuben Abati:Compulsory Voting Bill and Electoral Reforms - Evans Ufeli](/media/k2/items/cache/b8efbbdd73ff1616713b59c71a50352f_Generic.jpg)
Programme: City Talks with Reuben Abati
Time: 12:00
Guest: Evans Ufeli Esq.
Principal Partner, Chambers of Evans Ufeli
Topic: Compulsory Voting Bill and Electoral Reforms.
Date: 24th may 2025
Join Zoom Meeting
https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09
Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732
Passcode: 600206
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Saturday, 24 May 2025 10:19
[PRESS RELEASE] Atiku visits Osun for coronation of new monarch of Ijeshaland
![[PRESS RELEASE] Atiku visits Osun for coronation of new monarch of Ijeshaland](/media/k2/items/cache/e5fe522110b79a3b446572d1ef94d1f9_Generic.jpg)
Former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar, on Friday attended the coronation ceremony of the new Owa Obokun of Ijeshaland, HRH Oba Clement Adesuyi Haastrup, Ajimoko III.
The former Vice President, who is also Atayese of Ijeshaland, was accompanied by his wife, Hajjia Titi Abubakar, who hails from Ilesha township, and former Vice President Namadi Sambo, among many other associates.
Earlier before the coronation ceremony, Atiku paid a courtesy visit to the residence of the former Governor of Osun State, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola.
After the visit, both Atiku and Aregbesola rode to the reception venue of the coronation ceremony, where they were greeted by a large crowd of supporters.
The coronation ceremony of Oba Haastrup witnessed many dignitaries in attendance, with the new monarch appreciating all for turning up to a tumultuous ceremony.
Atiku Abubakar has since returned to Abuja.
Signed:
Atiku Media Office
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Friday, 23 May 2025 20:14
[FULL TEXT] Press Conference On The Illegal Detention, Harassment And Persecution Of Ms. Hamdiyyah Sharif Over Her Demand For End To Violence In Sokoto
![[FULL TEXT] Press Conference On The Illegal Detention, Harassment And Persecution Of Ms. Hamdiyyah Sharif Over Her Demand For End To Violence In Sokoto](/media/k2/items/cache/726e353d077aa81f26ce434889f0752c_Generic.jpg)
We, the undersigned members, express grave concern and deep indignation over the continuing persecution, harassment, and unlawful treatment of Miss Hamdiyyah Sharif, a young Nigerian teenager and vocal social commentator who has been a consistent advocate for improved governance and citizen welfare in Sokoto State.
You may recall that after several bandit attacks in her community resulting in displacement, killings, raping and arson, she tried to communicate this deplorable condition to draw the attention of the State Government on this brutal attack. She wondered why the state government or officials did not bother to visit or sympathize with communities that suffer severe and violent attacks. Sadly, this became the reason for her persecution, intimidation, harassment and threat to life. Rather than the state government to focus on ameliorating the suffering of the people who have some of the worst rate of poverty, almajiri and out-of-school children in Nigeria, it opted to direct its energy on attacking innocent citizens.
Miss Sharif, who was recently declared missing by her legal counsel, was reportedly found later in a hospital in Bakura, Zamfara State, in circumstances that are yet to be fully clarified. Three days ago, Miss Hamdiyyah was reportedly abducted on a commercial tricycle (Napep) in her village, taken to an unknown village where she was injected with unknown substances and abandoned in a bush in Bakura LGA of Zamfara. She was eventually found by good Samaritans, received medical treatment at a hospital, and ended up in a police station. Alarming reports indicate that the Commissioner of Police in Zamfara is under intense pressure to hand her over to the Commissioner of Police in Sokoto State. Given the suspicious circumstances of her abduction and the looming threat to her life, we call on the Inspector General of Police to urgently take custody and ensure the protection of Miss Sharif. Should anything happen to her, the Commissioners of Police in both Sokoto and Zamfara will be held responsible.
While her physical recovery remains a priority, the circumstances of her disappearance and the events leading to her hospitalisation raise serious questions about state complicity in the unlawful targeting of critics and the misuse of power by some state officials.
While we do not yet have incontrovertible evidence to directly accuse Governor Ahmed Aliyu of Sokoto State of orchestrating her ordeal, it is important to state that multiple reports and credible indicators point to alleged state involvement in the ongoing intimidation, harassment, and silencing of Miss Sharif. Such allegations must be taken seriously and investigated transparently by relevant authorities.
We remind His Excellency, the Governor of Sokoto State, of his constitutional oath to uphold the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and to govern in accordance with rule of law and respect for human rights. The Constitution, under Section 39(1), guarantees every Nigerian the right to freedom of expression, and Section 35 guarantees the right to personal liberty. These rights are not gifts from the government—they are entitlements under our Constitution and democratic system.
It is worrisome that the Police and the State Magistrate are being used to maliciously prosecute this teenager for crying out against insecurity and bad governance in the state. It is important that the Inspector General of Police brings sanity in the way and manner the Police are used to harass innocent citizens while bandits and other criminals are on social media mocking and challenging the Nigerian security but are not being dealt with.
The case of Miss Sharif is not isolated. During the “#EndBadGovernance” protests, 29 minors were unlawfully detained for participating in protests decrying Nigeria’s worsening economic situation and insecurity. Months after Civil Society pressure, they were released. However, many remain in deplorable conditions, without rehabilitation, psychosocial support, or access to justice. This is despite the President’s directive to investigate and prosecute the Police officers behind the prosecution of these minors, nothing till today has been done or said.
We cannot continue to have a system that punishes the vulnerable while shielding the powerful.
We salute the courage and efforts by many organizations and individuals, her legal team led by Abba Hikma esq in saving her life and getting her out of this quagmire. We urge more intensity of action by all the groups.
We therefore demand the following:
1. Immediate and unconditional release of Miss Hamdiyyah Sharif from from contrived detention and be accorded full protection for to enable her enjoy her constitutional rights to freedom of movement, freedom of expression, and personal liberty without fear of reprisal.
2. An independent investigation into the circumstances surrounding her disappearance and the allegations of state complicity. Those responsible for any wrongdoing must be held to account.
3. The judiciary must act with courage and consistency in upholding the Constitution, as it remains the last hope of every Nigerian, especially the vulnerable ones. Today, hope is a dangerous thing for the average Nigerian citizen to have. It must not be crushed by a judiciary that bows to executive pressure or partisan interference.
4. We call on the First Lady Senator Oluremi Tinubu, Fatima Ahmed Aliyu (wife of the Sokoto State Governor), and all women in public leadership positions to rise to the occasion and protect the dignity of a fellow woman. At a time when women’s participation in politics and governance in Nigeria is at an all-time low, silence in the face of injustice will only deepen the erosion of gender inclusion and equality. We ask them to speak truth to power and uphold the rights of all women, regardless of their status in the society.
5. We call on the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), the National Assembly Committees on Women Affairs, Human Rights, and Judiciary, and all other relevant bodies to immediately commence oversight and enquiry into this case and others like it across Nigeria at large.This will also demonstrate their willingness to address injustice and save the country from global embarrassment and scandal.
6. We want to reaffirm our commitment to collective action and support to end violence against women.Should this situation remain unresolved to save this young girl’s life, we will escalate advocacy to relevant international human rights bodies, including the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, diplomatic community and call for visa denial and asset seizure. We will also explore legal redress through international mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court (ICC).
This country belongs to us all—young and old, male and female, rich and poor, leader and follower. Civic space must never be a privilege only for the powerful; it is a right guaranteed to all citizens. We will not fold our arms while Nigeria drifts into authoritarianism under the guise of protective regime.
We will continue to mobilise, resist, and speakagainst injustice, because silence is not neutrality—it is complicity.
Signed,
1. Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)
#FixPoliticsAmnesty International Nigeria Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA) Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED)Global RightsGood Governance TeamMedia Rights AgendaOrganization for Community Civic Engagement (OCCEN)Peering Advocacy and Advancement Centre in Africa PAACAPartners West Africa Nigeria (PWAN)Rape is a CrimeSocio-Economic Rights And Accountability Project (SERAP)Socio-Economic Research and Development Centre (SERDEC)Social Development Integrated Centre (Social Action)The Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity (CeFWIT)Transition Monitoring Group (TMG)West Africa Civil Society Institute (WACSI)Women in Media Communication Initiative (WIM)Yiaga AfricaWali Uwais Access to JusticeEmma Ezeazu Centre for Good Governance and AccountabilityBorno Coalition for Democracy and Progress (BOCODEP)State of the Union (SOTU)Tax Justice and Governance PlatformWest Africa Civil Society Forum (WASCSOF)Women in Mining, NigeriaZero Corruption Coalition (ZCC)Centre for Social JusticeLawyers AlertCentre for Democracy and Development (CDD)Alliance for Surviving COVID-19BudgIT FoundationHuman and Environmental Development Agenda (HEDA Resources Centre)Mothers And Marginalized Advocacy Centre (MAMA Centre)Say No Campaign NigeriaCentre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD)Girl Child Concerns (GCC)Spaces for Change (S4C)Centre for Social JusticeCentre for Good Governance and Accountability. Daria Media FoundationPublic Procurement Platform Connected Development (CODE)
Accountability Lab
Centre for Democratic Research and Training (CRDDERT)
Centre for Women & Adolescent Empowerment, Yola
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Thursday, 22 May 2025 19:03
Tinubu Inaugurates New NNPCL Board Refineries : NNPCL To Consider “All Options ” New Board Targets Full Commercial Shift, IPO Not Imminent
PRES
The newly inaugurated board of Nigeria’s state oil firm, NNPC Limited, says it is open to all options regarding the future of the country's refineries, including potential asset sales.
OOV
Board chairman Ahmadu Musa Kida told journalists at the Presidential Villa that the company would remain transparent and honest in its dealings, adding that difficult decisions would not be avoided. He said the board would consider “all options” in restoring the refineries and repositioning the firm.
Group CEO Bayo Ojulari said preliminary inspections had been carried out on two refineries, with a third scheduled in the coming weeks. He noted that transforming NNPC into a fully commercial limited liability company under the Companies and Allied Matters Act would take time possibly up to five years and urged public support through the transition.
He added that while an initial public offering remains part of the long-term vision, it would take at least another two years of hard work before the company can realistically claim progress towards that goal.
President Bola Tinubu had earlier sworn in the 11-member board, which pledged to prioritise key investments and deliver on performance targets as it assumes full operational control of the company.
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Thursday, 22 May 2025 18:03
[OPINION] Ishaq Oloyede’s Cross - Azu Ishiekwene
![[OPINION] Ishaq Oloyede’s Cross - Azu Ishiekwene](/media/k2/items/cache/64be1af5c1e0e889898b67f1c0aff65f_Generic.jpg)
The last time a public official wept on national TV, Nigerians regretted offering her towels instead of buckets to collect her tears. She was acting, but we didn’t know it.
Diezani Allison-Madueke had just been appointed Minister of Transport and went on a tour to assess some major roads. At the Benin end of the Lagos-Benin highway, she broke down and wept. She was seeing for the first time, outside her bubble, what Nigerians knew and endured daily: poor, hazardous roads.
Her tears changed nothing. She left the roads in a worse state than she found them, but Nigeria being Nigeria, she went on to become the Minister for Petroleum Resources and subsequently left the place in a more disastrous condition than Nigerian roads.
On May 15, the Registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), Professor Ishaq Oloyede, wept on national TV for a different reason. As a result of human negligence, the results of the 2025 UTME examination went horribly wrong, affecting 379,997 out of the 1.9 million students who took the exam. It was not a system glitch as widely reported. Some individuals responsible for patching or updating the servers were negligent, leading to a disastrous outcome.
Paying the price
The grief lies in the details. For instance, 19-year-old Faith Opesusi Timileyin, who was re-sitting the exam, hoping to study microbiology if she could improve on the 193 out of 400 she scored last year, took her own life by ingesting poison. She could not bear the shame of failing again. The same echoes of embarrassment and distress resonated across the country as thousands of young people, who made sacrifices and braved difficult conditions to take the exam, now contemplate their fate and what could have been.
Yet, Nigerians, despite being jaded by years of disappointment with incompetent public officials, can sense the difference between Diezani’s crocodile tears and Oloyede’s misery. One was a con artist; the other, the victim of “horrible, but not unexampled error,” as Farooq Kperogi noted in his column on Saturday.
Remaking of JAMB
Oloyede’s JAMB is not JAMB as it was. One of the biggest dramas in the institution’s 47-year history unfolded two years after he was appointed registrar, following his exceptional record as vice-chancellor of the University of Ilorin. JAMB introduced computerised examinations in 2014, but the system, still in its infancy at the time, was marred by delays, confusion, and scratch-card fraud.
Oloyede ordered an investigation, which found that the place was infested with snakes, including boa constrictors, that had allegedly swallowed millions of naira from the sale of scratch cards, except that the snakes were human beings. One Philomina Chieshe, a clerk at JAMB’s Benue State office, swallowed N36 million from the sale of scratch cards and told investigators and the court that it was indeed a snake that had mysteriously devoured the money.
Killing the snakes
Seven years after she was arraigned, neither Chieshe nor any of the reptiles in the scratch-card hole have been held accountable for the fraud. Apart from swallowing N36 million, which was equivalent to $100,000 at the time, the snakes also appear to have swallowed the courts and the prosecutors.
I have criticised JAMB in the past for several reasons, mainly because I still believe that a decentralised placement system, as practised in pre-1978 Nigeria, the US, and South Korea, works better.
Yet, whatever the inadequacies of JAMB, the board has, especially under Oloyede’s leadership in the last nine years, transformed from a snake-infested wasteland of corruption and mediocrity into one of Nigeria’s most responsive and better-run public institutions.
Fresh air
In a country where lawmakers routinely inflate the appropriation bill by billions of naira, and ministries and government departments are broke, unimaginative and opaque, Oloyede is a breath of fresh air. He has remitted over N55 billion to the federal treasury, compared to less than N60 million remitted in the 38 years preceding his tenure.
But it’s not just about the money. To promote openness, accountability, and inclusiveness on the board, he expanded the decision-making process to include independents and other professionals in monitoring and evaluating the board’s activities, particularly the UTME exam. Still, despite our best efforts, bad things happen.
‘Not unexampled’
The 2025 UTME disruption was a horrible mishap. Still, it’s not without recent examples, one from Oxford University in 2023 and the other from the 2025 US SAT exams, both of which were cited in Kperogi’s article. There was a particularly heart-rending debacle in September 2023 when the Federation of the Royal Colleges of Physicians of the UK made a catastrophic error in the Part 2 written results of the postgraduate medical diploma exam.
Two hundred and twenty-two doctors were informed that they had passed when in fact they had failed, while 61 were told they had failed despite passing. Imagine the horror of the patients who may have been treated by “failed” doctors, not to mention the distress of those who passed but were told they failed, or the anguish of those who made progress yet were instructed to re-sit the exam.
To resign or not?
After taking responsibility for the error, Oloyede told the press that he was prepared to resign, but was persuaded that his resignation would compound rather than solve the problem. I agree. I do not share the view that all those calling for his resignation are necessarily out to settle personal scores, even though this may be correct in some instances, especially among politicians who have decided to ethnicise the matter.
The registrar bears a responsibility to the memory of the candidate who died, to the thousands of hard-working candidates who gave their best in the exam, and to the reputation he has established as an exemplary public servant to reform the system and use the lessons from this tragic episode to enhance the processes and outcomes of future exams.
Wake-up call
Parents must also play a role. We exaggerate the significance of UTME results beyond their true value, placing unnecessary pressure on candidates. Under the current system, most universities and institutions of higher learning offer admission based on the weighted average of three examination results. While the UTME result constitutes 50 per cent of the final score, the WASSCE or O/Level results and post-UTME exams, if conducted, make up the remaining 50 per cent.
Unfortunately, we have constructed a dangerous illusion that everything hinges on performance at JAMB, resulting in a frantic quest for JAMB success that now haunts us. We may never know if Faith would have taken her own life had she realised that a low JAMB score alone does not necessarily signify the end of the road to admission.
Fall to rise
Oloyede’s tears may seem insufficient to assuage a nation in grief, but he has demonstrated, over the last nine years and long before he became registrar, that he does not take his job lightly. One mishap should not define his tenure. When the ongoing investigation is complete and the house cleaning done, a sceptical public must know the steps taken to prevent a repeat.
Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.
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Thursday, 22 May 2025 08:00
What You Should Know About ADC – Anti-Tinunu Coalition’s Preferred Party
Multiple sources close to Atiku and Obi’s camps, who spoke with Punch on the condition of anonymity due to a lack of official authorization, disclosed that a meeting held on Tuesday night marked a significant step in the ongoing coalition efforts.
During this meeting, the coalition leaders agreed to adopt ADC as the central platform for their political alliance.
The sources further revealed that efforts were already underway to restructure and strengthen ADC in preparation for the 2027 election, with official announcements on the changes expected in the coming days.
Brief history of ADC
Founded in 2005 by a group of political reformers and civic-minded Nigerians, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has steadily positioned itself as a centrist party committed to inclusive governance, youth empowerment, and national development. At the helm since inception is Ralphs Okey Nwosu, who remains the party’s National Chairman and key architect of its ideological identity.
Though yet to break into the top tier of national vote share, the ADC has consistently fielded presidential candidates:
2023: Dumebi Kachikwu emerged as the party’s flag bearer, polling 81,919 votes and finishing fifth overall, behind APC’s Bola Tinubu, PDP’s Atiku Abubakar, LP’s Peter Obi, and NNPP’s Rabiu Kwankwaso.
2019: Dr. Obadiah Mailafia secured 97,874 votes, placing fourth among 73 contestants.
2015: Dr. Mani Ibrahim Ahmad polled 29,666 votes, ranking seventh out of 14 candidates.
These results reflect the ADC’s steady performance in Nigeria’s crowded electoral field, often emerging as a credible alternative behind the dominant parties.
The ADC has had notable presence in the National Assembly, especially in Kogi State:
Leke Abejide was re-elected in 2023 to represent Yagba Federal Constituency, winning with 23,271 votes, outperforming both APC and PDP challengers.
Salman Idris, also elected in 2023 under the ADC to represent Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu Federal Constituency, has since defected to the APC.
With the PDP, Labour Party (LP), and NNPP grappling with internal crises, political analysts are increasingly viewing the ADC as a stable third-force platform for opposition realignment ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Its track record of participation, internal coherence, and centrist ideology makes it an attractive vessel for coalition talks and strategic partnerships among reformist political actors.
[NaijaNews]
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