On September 22, 2024 Yemi Cardoso will mark one year in office as the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria at a time of unprecedented economic headwinds. What will his scorecard look like?

A while back, I was discussing with a few friends and as is the case where one or two or more Nigerians are gathered, the discussion segued naturally to the economy. It was school fees season and three of us have children schooling abroad.

At some point, one of my friends blurted out. “Naira is now N1,580 to the dollar. What exactly is Cardoso doing at the CBN?”

This particular friend holds an MBA from a foreign university and runs two businesses in Nigeria so I was quite surprised when he reduced the functions of the CBN governor to just managing the value of the naira.

But it was not surprising. Speak to ten Nigerians and they will express almost the same sentiments. What is Cardoso doing if he can’t manage the foreign exchange rate?

The question is a valid one but also a bit reductionist because the job of a CBN governor extends beyond foreign exchange management, to include formulation and implementation of monetary policy, ensuring financial stability, reserve management, banking regulations, setting interest rates and more.

So, reducing the job description of the CBN governor to just one item in a long shopping list would be akin to a man who spends his time brushing one single tooth out of 32.

Why is foreign exchange management so important to Nigerians? Well, the short answer is that it makes news and impacts us in a lot of ways – school fees, medical care, travel, cost of goods, etc.

The naira has been making serious news since Cardoso assumed the mantle at CBN. According to the most recent World Bank’s biannual publication, Nigerian Development Update, of December 2023, the naira “depreciated against the US dollar by approximately 41% in the official market and by about 30% in the parallel market” between June and December 2023.

This was in the wake of the liberalization of the foreign exchange market or (managed) floating of the naira because the CBN is still intervening to reduce the pressure on the naira. Why was the naira floated? It was to ensure that the naira finds its true value, checkmate round tripping and remove speculative arbitrage. The ultimate aim is to achieve parity through a positive contraction in the gulf between the official and parallel market rates.  But this cannot be achieved overnight.

Yemi Cardoso admitted as much when he appeared before the House of Reps in February 2024. Acknowledging that foreign exchange management is a key part of his remit, he also noted that ““the genuine issue impacting the exchange rate is the simultaneous decrease in the supply of, and increase in the demand for, dollars. It also seems that the task of stabilising the exchange rate, while an official mandate of the CBN, would necessitate efforts beyond the apex bank itself.”

This is because boosting the value of the naira against the dollar depends on more than just the CBN defending the naira. There are other factors; oil prices in the international commodity market, a productive economy, growth in exports both oil and non-oil products, increase in foreign reserves and dollar availability which often receives a boost from diaspora remittances, a reduction in the demand for dollars and containment of inflation.

The CBN is working to make these happen and Cardoso hit the ground running by taking quick key decisions; mandated banks to adhere to Net Open Position (NOP) limits to discourage hedging and prevent excessive holding of foreign currency assets. He also ensured that backlogs of unpaid forex obligations were cleared.

But the fact remains that for an economy to grow and the local currency gain strength there must be a convergence of both monetary and fiscal policies? Monetary policy is not a silver bullet.

We saw some movement recently on the fiscal front. The first domestic dollar denominated bond was oversubscribed by 180%. Planned to raise $500 million, the bond secured $900 million in commitments.

While the oversubscription surprised analysts and underlined investors’ confidence not just in the ongoing economic reforms but Nigeria’s economic stability and growth prospects there are concerns that the bond should have been targeted more at diaspora remittances instead of domestic dollar deposits as it put demand pressure on the dollar in local supply and the CBN may have to cough up about $200m in 5 years with interest rates of 9% per annum for bond holders.

While the jury is still out on the bond’s final impact on the economy, the fact remains that seamless fiscal and monetary synergy is required to get us out of the doldrums.

Prior to this, the CBN under Cardoso had recorded an all-time high $553m diaspora remittance  inflow  in July 2024 up by 130% compared to 2023. That significant uptick was thanks to the CBN’s decision to grant access to new and eligible international money transfer operators (IMTOs) to trade on the official foreign exchange (FX) window, implementing a willing buyer-willing seller model, and enabling timely access to naira liquidity for IMTOs  thereby enhancing liquidity in Nigeria’s FX market.

There have been other monetary, credit and foreign exchange policy initiatives introduced by Cardoso which are yielding positive results.

The Monetary Policy Rate was raised to 26.75% in July 2024, the 4^th time in seven months. The increase which impacts the cost of borrowing while encouraging savings is to moderate inflation while ensuring price stability. While analysts have argued that it could stifle productive activity, the increase in the MPR appears to be having a salutary effect on month on month inflation with inflation dropping by 1.25% compared to July according to the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics (NBS).

To address the expressed concerns the CBN has lifted import restrictions on 43 goods with the aim of achieving stability and fostering growth because cheaper imported inputs will lead to local production which will in turn boost employment as closed factories re-open and consumers will benefit from more affordable imported retail products.

The restrictions which had been in place for about eight years was ostensibly to conserve forex and encourage local production as importers were barred from using forex sourced from the official market to import the goods.  But the reverse seemed to be the case as the imports continued with importers sourcing their forex from the parallel market thereby “exerting additional demand pressure on the parallel market, widening the gap with the official rate and permanently segmenting the market.”

To reduce demand pressure in the foreign exchange market and promote price discovery, the CBN re-introduced the retail Dutch Auction System (rDAS). The Dutch auction mechanism is not new having been applied previously in 1987, 1990 and from 2002 – 2006. The system is helping sanitise the foreign exchange market by allowing for an objective evaluation of forex demand and supply ensuring that demand is for end users. Predicated on the volume of forex available for sale, rDAS, by giving forward guidance, promotes forex stability.

On August 6, 2024 $1.18bn bids were received from 32 banks with total bids of $876.26bn from 26 banks qualifying while $313.69 from six banks were disqualified for various reasons ranging from late submission, wrong template to unverifiable forms. In the pursuit of transparency, all the bids have been published on the CBN website. The effect of the return of rDAS was felt immediately with an appreciation in value.

Aside sale to banks through rDAS, the CBN is also ensuring forex availability to registered and qualified Bureaux de Change operators.

Another key initiative was the announcement that the CBN would no longer indulge the FG’s Ways and Means appetite until the previous loans, put at N18.16 trillion which is 40% higher than total money in circulation as at 2023 are repaid. Cardoso said the bank will insist on following the rules which states that the CBN cannot advance the federal government more than 5% of revenue earned in the previous year. Bold and fraught with political implications, it is meant to reduce currency in circulation and so moderate inflationary pressure.

Cardoso’s attempt to moderate government spending and fiscal dominance has already received political push back with the National Assembly approving an increase of that threshold from 5 to 10% of annual revenue.

In terms of its regulatory functions as banker to the banks, the CBN is focused on ensuring the financial stability of Nigerian banks. It is strengthening the banking system through the upward review of the minimum capital requirements, increase in the Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) and ring fencing of the banking system through the Unclaimed Balances Trust Fund (UBTF) Pool Account.

According to the recapitalisation guideline issued on March 28, 2024, commercial banks with international authorization are now required to have a new minimum capital of N500bn which the CBN says will “enhance their resilience, solvency and capacity to continue to support the growth of the Nigerian economy.” While the targets differ based on the bank’s licence, the recapitalisation exercise is supposed to take place over 24 months and conclude on March 31, 2026. At the time of writing, share raise offers by Fidelity, Access and Guaranty Trust have been oversubscribed.

The increase of the CRR to 27.5% will help ensure that Nigerian banks are cash positive while reducing the amount of cash in circulation thereby helping achieve the CBN’s inflation moderation agenda.

The Unclaimed Balances Trust Fund (UBTF) Pool Account will warehouse “unclaimed balances in eligible accounts” helping to protect the banking system by limiting incidents of fraud to which dormant accounts are susceptible.

Finally to ensure that the policy initiatives are communicated and understood, the CBN is encouraging transparency with a return to full disclosure in the form of regular publications of reports and data. According to the CBN this is to reaffirm its “commitment to fostering transparency and accountability in the Nigerian economy.” It will also complement the data available from other sources like the NBS thus providing Nigerians a better view of the economy.

But is it working and is any one taking notice? To return again to the question we posed at the beginning; what will Cardoso’s scorecard look like?

While the naira’s battle against the dollar will dominate discourse, his adoption of proactive forex policies, regulatory initiatives and a robust  inflation-targeting framework indicate that Cardoso has shown himself as a CBN governor capable of coming up with and translating strategic initiatives into actionable outcomes.

One year into his tenure, the CBN’s target inflation rate of 21.4% has not been achieved and the naira is still on the back foot relative to the dollar, but time may well be on his side but not so for impatient Nigerians eager to see quick wins.

Kan is a PR expert and financial analyst.

I don’t get involved with what the security services do or how. Their ways are so complex and their motives so unsearchable that sometimes you’ll be forgiven for thinking that working from the answer to the question is the standard operating procedure. Of course, you are told that whatever happens in between is in the public interest.

As far as fiction imitates life, there is a striking resemblance between the recent hyperactivity in Nigeria’s security services and what happened in a novel set in mid-17^th century England. 

Good Omens: The Nice and Accurate Prophecies of Agnes Nutter, Witch by Terry Pratchett and Neil Gaiman (famously called “Double Trouble” by the English press) is a comedy about the birth of the son of Satan and the coming of the End Times.

The part that reminds me of what is obviously a hectic season for the security services – from the arraignment of the #EndBadGovernance protesters on charges of felony to the police raid on Labour House and run-ins with the NLC president and civil society activists – is the time in England when, according to Pratchett and Gaiman, witch-finding was a respectable profession. 

General Hopkins

At that time, there was a certain General named Matthew Hopkins. You would think that in pre-industrial England, when poverty, disease and unemployment were rampant, the last thing the state would be interested in would be a witch-hunt. But no. Witch-hunting was good business.

Hopkins charged each town and village nine pence for every witch he found. But that wasn’t enough. Since he wasn’t paid by the hour, and the reward for not finding any witches was a thank you and a bowl of soup, he invented a way to earn more. He went out of his way to find witches, which made him unpopular in the towns and villages. 

When Hopkins’ madness became insufferable, the villagers framed him as a witch, much to the pleasure of the local authorities, who were also tired of paying him. They hanged him. Hopkins, by many accounts, became the last Witchfinder General in England.

The world may have substantially passed the time when people were hunted, hanged and burned at the stake on suspicion of witchcraft. But I’m concerned that there is a growing similarity between witchcraft and how Nigeria’s security services look for enemies. 

A British suspect

Listening to the spokesperson of the Nigeria Police Force, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, explain why the force raided Labour House, the siege on the Labour leadership, and the charge of treason against protesters and their alleged British sponsor, Andrew Martin Wynne, I can almost see the ghost of 17^th century England. By his looks – and one must respect his decision to keep his shaggy hair and matted beard – Wynne might have been lumped together with those in the “pointy hat” in those days.

Not in Nigeria

But Nigeria is not Hopkins’ England. This is not 1961 when Joseph Tarka was detained for three weeks and charged with treason by the Crown for “inciting” the protests in Tiv land, only to be acquitted later for lack of evidence. 

It is not the Nigeria of 1962 when Chief Obafemi Awolowo was prosecuted for treasonable felony for purportedly working with Ghana to overthrow the government of Nigeria, a scandalous charge borne out of politics rather than law. 

Anthony Enahoro, a journalist’s journalist and scourge of the British government, was also jailed twice for sedition, once for an article mocking a former governor and then for another article “inciting Nigerian troops against the British army.” 

Then, he was deported from England as a “fugitive offender” and jailed a third time along with Awolowo for treasonable felony.

This is not the Nigeria of military president General Ibrahim Babangida, where human rights activists Gani Fawehinmi, Femi Falana, Beko Ransome-Kuti and Baba Omojola were hounded and imprisoned on the spurious charge of treason by a military government that had lost its way. It is not the Nigeria where Babangida deported sociology lecturer at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Patrick Wilmot for the “treasonable sin” of teaching what “he was not paid to teach.”

Or the one where General Sani Abacha hounded NADECO leaders, including President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, for standing up to the extreme human rights abuses of that government.

In 2024?

This is 2024, with a government that parades some of the most well-known human rights figures up and down the corridors of power and even among the principal officers of the National Assembly. Where is this ghost of 17^th-century England coming from?

Let me be clear. Protest is not – and should not – be chaos and anarchy. The killing of protesters and police officers during the #EndBadGovernance protests in August, which left seven persons dead, the arson at the NCC building in Kano, the open calls for a military takeover, and the symbolic insinuation that Russian intervention was welcome are inexcusable.

The silence of some top politicians and leaders, especially from the North, fueled suspicions of complicity if not connivance. Yet, why add a third if two wrongs don’t make a right?

I don’t know what Intelligence is saying or the briefing President Tinubu is getting. Of course, he needs them. We need them, too, as citizens. No modern state can do without them. But in many countries, their job has become more valuable and sophisticated – and one might even say, often dangerously sophisticated – far beyond the voodoo of Hopkins’ witch-hunt in the east of England. 

Like Aziraphale and Cowley

For example, for decades in the US, and going back to the Vietnam War, through the Nixon years and the Cold War and even the destabilisation of Libya, the Intelligence services perpetrated some of the vilest acts in pursuit of the so-called enemies of the state, actually a mask for vendetta and a ladder for the ascendancy of the deep state. 

Like the angel Aziraphale and the demon Cowley in Good Omens, the good and bad guys in the security services have shared interests. They routinely collaborate for good and ill, sometimes at the state’s expense.

Take heed

Tinubu must take heed. He has a competent Attorney General and Minister of Justice in Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, who should advise him to tread softly. The history of our security services, especially the bad habits inherited from colonial rule and reinforced by the long years of military rule and entitled politicians, hasn’t changed much. 

It’s not the business of police officers, the state security service or special advisers to run the government. That’s not their job. They cannot abridge the people’s freedoms in a quest for ascendancy. Those who breach the law in exercising their liberty should not face the justice that reminds us of Hopkins’ England but a process consistent with modern progressive society, one that Tinubu was voted to uphold.

As the veteran journalist Owei Lakemfa said in his column last week, the danger is not so much the protesters, their sponsors or the witches in a coven somewhere. The biggest threat to the land is the hardship in plain sight, compounded by the lavish lifestyle of government officials and the lack of clarity about what is next. And the president doesn’t need Witchfinder General Hopkins to tell him.

Using the hashtag, #TheBudgetisaMess, BudgIT Nigeria made a crisp post Tuesday on X (formerly Twitter): “Just look at this, Nigerians! A Federal Polytechnic (NICTM) in Edo (State) has an allocation of N900 million to construct a road in Cross River (State). This same Polytechnic is renovating traditional palaces for N300 million and supplying motorcycles to Katsina and Bayelsa traders for N100 million to ease the effect of subsidy removal.” The post listed many other projects running into several billions of Naira scattered across the country to be undertaken by this same Federal Polytechnic in Edo State before the conclusion: “Nigerians, these insertions cannot continue.”

BudgIT, a civic organization that promotes transparency and active citizen engagement, has for years been raising awareness about the futility of the national budget. When Senator Abdul Ningi was suspended in March this year following his allegation of an ‘underground budget’ of N3.7 trillion, BudgIT Director and co-founder, Seun Onigbinde, waded in on the side of the senator. And in recent days, Onigbinde has been exposing the various insertions that make nonsense of the 2024 appropriation law. But this is a recurring issue on which I have also written dozens of columns and most times, I preface or conclude with the admonition by Laolu Samuel-Biyi that “If you want to keep hope alive in Nigeria, don’t look at the budget.” The challenge, of course, is that we cannot ignore the budget. Yet, if such an important planning instrument is reduced to sharing money between and among powerful interests, as we have seen over the years in Nigeria, how can our country develop?

Ordinarily, the national budget is the financial plan of a country with the principal objective to reduce inequalities by mobilising and allocating resources for investment in the public sector. Sadly, that has rarely been  the case n Nigeria. From buying motorcycles and wheelbarrows to construction of websites to multibillion Naira ‘empowerment’ projects, budgeting in Nigeria is simply about sharing money for items repeated annually.

After President Muhammadu Buhari signed the Appropriation (Repeal and Amendment) Act, 2020 into law, I wrote a two-part series, ‘A Nation on Ventilator’ where I highlighted these same problems. A few of the items I listed from the 2020 budget: ‘Supply of fertilizers to some operatives in Bauchi Central Senatorial District for N50 million’; ‘Grant to Kutiriko Jummat Mosque Committee, Agaie/Lapai Federal Constituency, Niger State’ for the sum of N10 million; grant to ‘Lapai Emirates Development Association’; ‘Construction of Admin Block at ECWA Theological College (Christian Academy) Zambuk, Yamaltu/Deba’ at N19 million; N40 million for ‘Community support in Iwo, Ejigbo and Ola Oluwa LGA in Osun West Senatorial district’ etc. In the budget of the federal ministry of water resources for the same year, there was even a vote of N2 million for the construction of a personal gym that had no location!

One may argue that the sums allocated for a number of these items are small but by the time you multiply them into thousands, you get a fair idea of the quantum of money deployed for things that do not belong in the national budget of a country. Besides, there is hardly any rigour in the description of these items. For instance, supply of ‘empowerment materials for youths and women in Ondo motorcycles, tricycles, grinding machine, fashion and training equipment, barbing and hair dressing equipment in Ondo Central Senatorial District’ gulped N60 million if you can decipher what that means. The ‘purchase of one unit of CAT Caterpillar grader equipment for rural road rehabilitation in Ondo Central Senatorial district’ took another N70 million. Assuming this caterpillar was purchased (and you find this kind of line item every year), who would take ownership? More noteworthy: That particular ‘project’ was inserted in the budget for the Public Complaints Commission!

I understand that the structure of our country encourages lack of accountability in a system that was founded on ‘sharing the national cake’. But as I have also argued on numerous occasions, the essence of budgeting is forward planning.  It takes three years to complete the process for one fiscal year in more organised societies—a year to formulate, another to legislate, and yet another to execute. The real issue is not even that National Assembly members insert ‘projects’ without any process but rather that most of these financial allocations are transactional. That explains why ‘road construction’ projects can be domiciled in the Ministry of Health while ‘empowerment’ can be under the Ministry of Labour and Productivity. Projects running into hundreds of millions of Naira are sometimes domiciled in ‘various locations’ or ‘some communities.’ Since it is not conceivable that these Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDA) officials will execute projects outside their mandates, it stands to reason that such monies are purposely ‘warehoused’ for certain individuals.

More concerning is that while this challenge has been with us for years, it is now being institutionalized under the current administration. Even if they didn’t do anything about it, previous presidents (from Olusegun Obasanjo to the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua to Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari) were uncomfortable with the manner the budget was cannibalized by the National Assembly. But for the first time, we have a president who is not only comfortable with what the National Assembly has done with the 2024 budget but has also defended it. “I know the arithmetic of the budget and the numbers that I brought to the National Assembly, and I know what numbers came back. I appreciate all of you for the expeditious handling of the budget. Thank you very much,” President Bola Tinubu told the National Assembly leadership after the allegation by Ningi earlier in the year. “Those who are talking about malicious embellishment in the budget; they did not understand the arithmetic and did not refer to the baseline of what I brought. But your integrity is intact.”  

Perhaps the commendation is understandable because this presidency has also been adding luxury items that have more to do with its own indulgence than any attempt to promote the public good. Meanwhile, while signing the 2022 Appropriation Bill into law two years ago, Tinubu’s predecessor had expressed concern over “new insertions, outright removals, reductions and/or increases in the amounts allocated to projects.” These distortions, according to Buhari, “relate to matters that are basically the responsibilities of states and local governments, and do not appear to have been properly conceptualised, designed and costed. And many more projects have been added to the budgets of some MDAs with no consideration for the institutional capacity to execute the additional projects and/or for the incremental recurrent expenditure that may be required.’’

With a president who is more concerned about taking from the people (removal of subsidy, increased taxation etc.) than how such monies are expended, it is no surprise that concerns are not raised by the executive regarding the 2024 budget. But we cannot continue this way. When the national budget of a country is replete with ‘stakeholders annual forum’, ‘promotion of energy planning tools in six geopolitical zones’ etc., there can be no meaningful development. It is therefore important that we reform the budgeting process. And that will not happen until critical stakeholders in both the executive and legislature agree that we have a systematic problem which requires dealing with.

Section 88, subsection 2(b) of the 1999 Constitution expects the National Assembly to “expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence and in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by it”. An institution with such enormous powers cannot afford to be messing with the national budget every year. Let’s take the case of the National Space Research and Development Agency (NASRDA)—one of the agencies that BudgIT has highlighted in the 2024 budget.

Established in 2008 “to promote and support the use of space technology within and outside of Nigeria for the management of the full disaster cycle including prevention and mitigation”, the mandate of NASRDA is very clear. Despite that two of the three remaining satellites have expired, about 40% of the 2024 capital expenditure by NASRDA is going to ‘Supply Of Empowerment Materials To Indigent Women In Various Communities’, ‘Training And Empowerment Of Clergy, Traditional Rulers/Heads Of Communities On Conflict And Peace Resolution’, ‘Supply of Toyota Hilus Utility Sports For Sensitization Against Rape And Pre-Mature/Unwanted Pregnancy’, ‘Provision Of Sustainable Appliances’, ‘Provision And Supply Of Large Metal Dustbins, etc. How can anybody defend such budgetary provisions in a space agency?

But I do not want us to scapegoat the National Assembly. The argument of lawmakers has always been that if unelected ministers, heads of agencies and civil servants (who did not go through the rigour of any election) can insert whichever projects they want in the budget of the MDAs, why should they (elected representatives of the people) be precluded from doing the same? And this is a valid question. The issue, of course, is that the budget is a legislative responsibility, so we cannot but hold the lawmakers to account on the issue.

The essence of legislative oversight is to detect and help eliminate areas of waste within public agencies, make government accountable to the people, evaluate the impact of policies and programmes on the society while ensuring that all these are in promotion of the public good. A National Assembly whose members cannot appreciate that such onerous responsibility demands accountability will sooner or later lose the moral authority that surrounds its constitutional power. That exactly is the situation today. But we must also understand their own challenges.

On the second anniversary of the 8th National Assembly on 9th June 2017, I had the privilege of addressing members of the House of Representatives at plenary, at the invitation of then Speaker, Hon Yakubu Dogara. “While the Honourable members of this House were elected to make laws for the good governance of the country and through that bring developments to the people, what your constituents demand are instant gratifications. They want money to pay the school fees of their children, establish businesses and sometimes even to marry more wives,” I said in my presentation, which dwelt on the power of the legislature and the crisis of expectation on Nigerian lawmakers. “If you are not able to deliver on these, no matter how many bills you sponsor in the National Assembly or how efficient you are in your oversight functions, you are a failed lawmaker, in their estimation.” But I also made the lawmakers understand that the legislative ‘power of the purse’ confers on them the responsibility to serve as watchdogs on the executive in the way and manner national resources are allocated and expended.

Overall, we need a serious conversation on the budgeting process in Nigeria. The current arrangement does not, and cannot, serve the public good. As critical stakeholders in this democracy, our lawmakers (and their collaborators within the executive branch) must appreciate that, and course correct. In their own enlightened interest.

WHEN Professor Sam Amadi, Director of the Abuja School of Social and Political Thought, and veteran public analyst, requested that I should make a presentation on the subject of ECOWAS Standby Force, ESF, in the fight against violent conflicts and terrorism in the sub-region, I did not need to be persuaded before I accepted. 

Among other reasons, I am the editor-in-chief of the Journal of African Union Studies – which is probably the only high-impact academic journal that is dedicated to the study of the African Union, its eight Regional Economic Communities (which includes ECOWAS) and bi-national commissions in the continent. The journal, which was founded in 2012 and is one of the 27 high-impact journals from the stable of Adonis & Abbey Publishers, is indexed in most of the world’s leading databases, including SCOPUS, IBSS, JSTOR, COPERNICUS and ERIH PLUS.

It is ranked by SCimago Journal Ranking and accredited by DHET (the regulator of Higher Education in South Africa) and UGC CARE (the regulator of Higher Education in India). Given that the subject of ‘standby force’ both for the African Union and its RECs is a popular topic in the journal, it will be fair to assume that I am fairly well exposed to the conversations around the topic.

A starting point will be to pose the question of what is really a ‘standby force’?  

Since the establishment of the United Nations, UN, in 1945, there have been conversations on how the world body can best respond to global crisis –  on time and efficiently.  Two prominent models were canvassed – “Standing” or “Standby” arrangements. The “standing forces” are supposed to be trained, paid, and commanded by the UN, while “standby forces” consist of donated materials, and volunteer troops earmarked for UN duty, but are supported, trained, and commanded by their respective national authorities before deployment. ‘Standby’ arrangements are context- specific whether you are talking of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s, NATO’s, Response Force, NRF; the European Battlegroups, EUBG; United Nations Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System, PCRS; or the African Standby Force, ASF. The notion of ECOWAS Standing Force, ESF, derives its legitimacy largely from the ASF.

It should be recalled that in 2001, the African Union replaced the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, as the continent’s foremost supranational entity. The preceding OAU did not provide for collective security essentially because members were more interested in guarding their newly won independence through the doctrine of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states. But in 2001, after the AU replaced it, and with events like the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the non-interference clause of the OAU was seen as no longer adequate.

The Constitutive Act now gave the AU the right to intervene in a member state in grave circumstances, namely to prevent war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.  This move by the newly birthed AU (from the womb of the OAU) actually preceded the better known Responsibility to Protect, R2P or RtoP, doctrine –  a global political commitment, which was endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit in order to address four key concerns on preventing genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.

In the same 2001, the AU came up with a new African Peace and Security Architecture, APSA, designed to build and strengthen African capacities for managing and resolving conflicts on the continent. The APSA comprises five pillars: A Peace and Security Council, a Continental Early Warning System, a Panel of the Wise, a Peace Fund, and an African Standby Force. The final concept for the ASF, presented in the Maputo Report of July 2003, provided for five regional Standby Brigade forces – A North Africa Regional Standby Brigade, NASBRIG; an East Africa Standby Brigade, EASBRIG; a Force Multinationale de l’Afrique Centrale, FOMAC; a Southern Africa Standby Brigade, SADCBRIG; and an ECOWAS Standby Brigade, ECOBRIG. The authority to deploy the ASF was supposed to reside with the Peace and Security Council of the AU.

Since every ‘standby force’ is supposed to be region-specific, the ASF, by emphasizing uniformly trained standby forces which would be multidimensional (or multidisciplinary) involving the military, the police and civilians, was conceived more as a Standing Force than a Standby Force (in classical definition).

The ESF operates within the framework of the ASF. Like the ASF, it is supposed to be a uniformly trained Force, which is multidisciplinary – (with military, police and civilian components). A partial legal basis is also given by Article 21 of the ECOWAS Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security of December 1999.

The ESF was declared fully operational in 2016. In 2017, the force’s capabilities were used to plan and deploy an Economic Community of West African States’ Mission to The Gambia, ECOMIG. It should be recalled that during ECOMIG about 7,000 troops as well as air and naval assets from Ghana, Nigeria, and Senegal entered The Gambia on January 19, 2017. Its mandate was to ensure that Adama Barrow was sworn in as the new President of the country after the incumbent Yahya Jammeh, who lost the election, refused to vacate office. Both the African Union and the ECOWAS had recognised Barrow as the duly elected President.

As the ECOWAS troops reached the capital, Banjul, Jammeh stepped down and left the country. Following his departure, 4,000 ECOWAS troops remained in The Gambia to maintain order in preparation for Barrow to return from Senegal (where he was sworn in) and consolidate his presidency. The decision of the AU and ECOWAS to recognise Adama Barrow was boosted when the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 2337, proposed by Senegal, which endorsed those decisions. There are two crucial questions here: Would ECOMIG have succeeded if the UNSC was antagonistic? And will ECOWAS, in the current political climate in both Nigeria (the group’s powerhouse) and in the sub-region (given the exit of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger from the group, and its aftermath) be able to repeat a similar military intervention? Remarkably ECOMIG was ECOWAS’s last ‘hallelujah’ moment.

Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu became Chairman of the Authority of Heads of States and Government of the regional body, there has been much talk about an ECOWAS Standby Force, with some wrongly making it seem like a novel initiative, while others discuss it as if it is the magic bullet that would destroy violent conflicts and terrorism in the sub-region. For instance, in December 2023, there were newspaper headlines that ECOWAS leaders resolved to urgently review efforts to activate a standby force for counterterrorism operations in areas infested by terrorist groups.

Again the ECOWAS Commission made another news headlines when it organised a one-day Workshop for the Validation of the ECOWAS Standby Force, ESF, Operational Framework from (May 29 to May 31, 2024). The workshop supposedly marked the final phase of a comprehensive review process aimed at adapting the ESF Operational Framework to address contemporary security and political challenges in the region. Similarly, during the 65th Session of the group in July 2024, President Tinubu re-echoed calls for a commitment and funding towards a “Regional Standby Force” and said the Community needs security and stability to achieve its potential. This raises a fundamental question of what is really new about the proposed ESF under Tinubu and whether it is merely new wine in old wineskin.

To be concluded next week

Ambrose Vanzekin, the former Flying Eagles goalkeeper, said his family had to “beg around to survive and eat” during his spell as the goalkeeper trainer at Bendel Insurance FC. 

The 38-year-old shared his financial ordeal in a recent video on his Tiktok page.

Vanzekin was appointed as the goalkeeper trainer at Insurance in 2021 — a few months before the club gained promotion to the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL).

The goalkeeper coach said he was paid “N75,000 monthly,” and the salary “was not even sufficient for transport costs”.

Vanzekin added that he “begged for cash from people to attend training sessions” and “owed people all over my community”.

He said after his remuneration was increased, “transportation fees consumed almost everything,” and “I had to trek long distances at times to make training sessions”.

“During my first three years as Bendel Insurance’s goalkeeper trainer, I was paid N75,000 monthly. A whole me, Ambrose Vanzekin, somebody that went to the Olympics and brought silver medal back to Nigeria. I made Nigeria proud. I was paid an amount not up to $100 for three years,” Vanzekin said.

“I struggled for one year, and I struggled again the second year. I was unable to complete my training sessions with the team because of my struggles. The salary was not even sufficient for transport costs. Before one or two weeks, I would not attend training again. I loved the job and wanted to go, but there was no money.

“Sometimes, I begged for cash from people to attend training sessions. I owed people all over my community.

“After the government scrapped the management of Bendel Insurance over a disagreement between the governor and his deputy, my salary was increased to N260,000. But still, nothing is going fine. Transportation fees consumed almost everything. I had to trek long distances at times to make training sessions.

“I used to spend N2000 every day on transport. I do not even know how my family eat. They just beg around so that we can survive and eat.”

Vanzekin added that he had resigned from the job, saying the club management treated him “unfairly”.

Vanzekin was the goalkeeper of the Flying Eagles team that won silver at the 2005 FIFA U-20 World Cup in the Netherlands.

The team, which comprised Mikel Obi, Chinedu Ogbuke and Ambrose Efe, lost to a Lionel Messi-inspired Argentina in the final.

Vanzekin was also the goalkeeper when Nigeria won the silver medal in the men’s football event at the 2008 Olympics in Beijing.

[TheCable]

In recent years, there has been a growing trend where individuals boldly declare their spiritual authority in the face of life-threatening situations, relying on their faith to confront dangerous circumstances. A common declaration often heard is, "I am a Chosen, who are you?", a phrase that has become synonymous with absolute trust in divine protection. However, while the power of faith is undeniable, there is a vital caveat: spiritual grounding and preparedness are essential. Without it, one risks repeating the mistake of the sons of Sceva in the Bible, an event that offers a sobering lesson for those seeking to engage in spiritual warfare.

The story of the sons of Sceva is found in Acts 19:13-16. These seven sons of a Jewish high priest, Sceva, attempted to cast out demons by invoking the name of Jesus, whom Paul preached. They confronted a demon-possessed man, confidently declaring, "In the name of Jesus, whom Paul preaches, I command you to come out."However, instead of being victorious, they were met with a harsh reality. The demon, recognizing their lack of spiritual authority, responded with the chilling words, "Jesus I know, and Paul I know, but who are you?" The possessed man then overpowered them, leaving them beaten and humiliated.

This biblical account serves as a warning to those who would venture into spiritual confrontations without the necessary foundation. The sons of Sceva made a critical mistake, they invoked the name of Jesus without a personal relationship with Him or the spiritual maturity required for such an act. They had witnessed the power of Jesus through Paul’s ministry but lacked the depth of faith, preparation, and authority to wield that power themselves.

In today’s society, we often hear stories of individuals who, in the face of danger, rely on their faith to overcome adversity. While faith is an essential aspect of the Christian journey, it is important to recognize that bold declarations, such as "I am a Chosen, who are you?", should not be made without a deep understanding of the spiritual implications.

Faith is not a magic wand that one can wave in moments of crisis. Instead, it is the result of a committed relationship with God, nurtured through prayer, the study of His Word, and a life that aligns with His will. To attempt to confront the spiritual forces of darkness or physical dangers without this foundation is to invite unnecessary risk.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, what does it mean to be spiritually grounded?  To answer the foregoing question, it is expedient to opine that to be spiritually grounded means to have a solid foundation in one’s faith. It goes beyond attending church services or participating in religious activities. It involves a deep, personal relationship with God, characterized by regular prayer and communion with God. This is as prayer is the means by which we communicate with God, seek His guidance, and align our will with His. A spiritually grounded person understands the importance of prayer not just as a ritual, but as a lifeline to the Divine.

In a similar vein, the Bible is filled with promises of God’s protection, but it is also a guidebook for understanding spiritual warfare. Without knowing the Word, one is ill-equipped to confront spiritual challenges. Just as Jesus used Scripture to counter the devil’s temptations in the wilderness, a grounded believer must be able to stand on the Word in moments of crisis.

Also, faith without works is dead, as James 2:26 tells us. To be spiritually grounded means living a life that reflects God’s principles. Obedience to His commandments ensures that we are walking in His will, positioning us to invoke His protection when needed.

Still in a similar vein, spiritual authority is not something that can be assumed or borrowed; it is given to those who are aligned with God’s purpose. The sons of Sceva lacked this authority, and as a result, their attempt to cast out demons failed. True authority comes from a life dedicated to God and empowered by the Holy Spirit.

Opinionating on this topic from the perspective of the foregoing viewpoints, there is no doubt that faith can move mountains, as Jesus said in Matthew 17:20. However, bold faith requires spiritual maturity. It is dangerous to assume that one can simply declare victory over evil without being deeply rooted in God’s Word and power. Spiritual warfare is real, and the enemy does not take kindly to those who challenge his dominion without the backing of divine authority.

Therefore, before one decides to ride on a lion or confront armed criminals, declaring, "I am a Chosen, who are you?", there must be a serious self-examination of one’s spiritual state. Are you truly grounded in your faith? Do you have a deep relationship with God, or are you relying on the faith of others? Just as the sons of Sceva tried to use the authority of Paul without having their own, many today attempt to wield spiritual power without the necessary connection to the source of that power, God Himself.

Presumption is the act of assuming something without proper authority or justification. Spiritually, it is the dangerous assumption that one can act in God’s name without His backing. The sons of Sceva were guilty of this, and they paid a heavy price. Similarly, those who make bold declarations in moments of crisis without being spiritually grounded are risking the same outcome.

To avoid this, believers must take the time to cultivate their faith. Spiritual authority comes from a life lived in submission to God, and it cannot be shortcut by mere declarations. The Bible warns in 1 Peter 5:8 that the devil prowls around like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour. It is foolish to challenge the lion without being properly equipped for the battle.

There is no denying the power of faith in the life of a believer. However, before one decides to confront the dangers of life, whether physical or spiritual, with bold declarations such as, *"I am a Chosen, who are you?"*, it is essential to be spiritually prepared. The story of the sons of Sceva is a timeless reminder that spiritual authority is not to be taken lightly. Without proper grounding in prayer, the Word, and obedience to God, one risks facing the same humiliation and defeat they encountered.

In fact, faith is powerful, but it must be backed by spiritual maturity and readiness. Before you ride on the lion, make sure you are truly a Chosen, not just in name, but in spiritual reality. Only then can you stand confidently in the face of danger and declare victory.

Former Governor of Kogi State, His Excellency, Alh Yahaya Bello today, honoured the invitation of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. 

This decision was made after due consultations with his family, legal team and political allies.

The former Governor, who has great respect for the rule of law and constituted authority, had, all the while, only sought the enforcement of his fundamental rights in order to ensure due process. 

The case has been before a competent court of jurisdiction, and Alhaji Yahaya Bello had been duly represented by his legal team at every hearing. It is important for the former Governor to now honour the invitation of the EFCC to clear his name as he has nothing to hide and nothing to fear. 

The former Governor believes firmly in the efforts of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to place Nigeria on the path of sustainable economic development; and supports the fight against corruption in the country.

It is on record that he was the first Governor of Kogi State to put in place an anti-corruption mechanism to check graft and ensure that the resources of the State work for the people of the State. 

He was accompanied to the EFCC Headquarters by high profile Nigerians. 

It is our hope that the Commission will be as professional as necessary and respect his fundamental rights as a citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 

Details of his engagement with the operatives of the Anti-Graft Agency will be disclosed later. 

Ohiare Michael,

Director, Yahaya Bello Media Office

The Petroleum Club, Africa’s first-of-its-kind policy advocacy group in the hydrocarbon sector, will hold a lavish dinner in Lagos next week to celebrate one of its founding fathers, Atuekong Don Etiebet, on the occasion of his 80th birthday. The club is made up of leaders in the Nigerian oil and gas industry and respected professionals associated with the industry. The dinner event holds at the Metropolitan Club, Victoria Island, the exclusive, members-only elite club. He has asked me to attend the dinner as his guest, noting, ‘’I am not inviting you as a journalist. I’m inviting you as a friend’’. Vintage Atuekong! Chief Etiebet is a pioneer in ICT, a towering figure in business and the petroleum industry. His landmark accomplishments are well documented. He was Petroleum and Mineral Resources Minister from 1993 to 1995, during which the iconic NNPC Towers in Abuja were built and the construction of the NLNG was relaunched with considerable support from the government that eventually led to its completion after a 35-year stagnancy. He was also played important roles in the establishment of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), an interventionist agency, which was headed by former Head of State, Muhammadu Buhari, a retired general. The PTF is credited for massive infrastructural development, using funds saved from partial withdrawal of fuel subsidy which sent petrol price from N3/litre to N12/litre. As Minister, Etiebet also introduced many reforms in the oil industry, including strengthening the DPR an important regulatory agency.

As Petroleum Minister, Etiebet had the foresight and sound judgement about deep offshore oil production as the new frontier of oil and gas production in the country. he approved the first ever deep-water offshore oil and gas exploration and production program pioneered by Shell in 1994. Today, the Bonga oil fields on the Atlantic Ocean is the nation’s most resourceful offshore production platform. It is a wonder that despite his deep involvement in the industry as minister, Atuekong has no single oil field (either OPL, OML or marginal oil field) allocated to him. That is the nature of a typical Akwa Ibom man – honesty, integrity and transparency. In this country, his breed is rare. Many oil ministers that came after him are still engulfed in scandals. We are aware of girlfriends of top military leaders who were allocated oil blocs and today they’re very rich!

 Atuekong is also a pioneer and colossus in business, especially the ICT and real estate. He is the Chairman of Obodex Group which comprises 12 businesses in the ICT, oil and gas and property development. In recognition of his contributions, President Jonathan decorated him with the national honour of Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON). Professionally, he’s also been widely celebrated, a reflection of his broad footprints in the nation’s corporate terrain. He is Fellow of the Nigeria Computer Society (FNCS); Fellow of the Computer Registration Council of Nigeria (FCPNS); Fellow of the Nigerian Mining Geosciences Society (FNMGS); Member of Society of Petroleum Engineers (MSPE); Member of Nigerian Association of Petroleum Explorationists (MNAPE); Member of American Association of Petroleum Geologist (MAAPG), among other professional laurels. I do not know of any other Nigerian that is so well decorated and accomplished in the petroleum and ICT sectors as Atuekong Don Obot Etiebet. Yet, he is unassuming and self-effacing. He belongs to the old generations of Nigerians who made money and created wealth from hard work, industry and grit.

Etiebet is a household name in Nigeria and a proud Akwa Ibom leader. His elder brother, Donald, was a senator and later governor of Cross River State in the Second Republic when Shehu Shagari was President. He died at 81 in 2015. The name is also prominently emblazoned on a high rise building in Ikeja, near Sheraton Hotel in Lagos. Etiebet Place, built in 1992, stands as a towering testimony to the business sagacity of this newest octogenarian. After obtaining a Masters degree in Applied Geophysics from the University of Western Ontario, Canada, and working in the oil industry in that country and in Shell Petroleum in Holland, young Don Etiebet (his full name is Donatus) returned to Nigeria in September 1971 to start building his businesses. The first was Earth Sciences Limited, established in 1972 as the first Nigerian-owned company in geophysical prospecting and computer data processing services.

The company grew rapidly and in 1979, Etiebet founded Data Sciences Nigeria Limited (DSNL) to take over the computer businesses of Earth Sciences. It was the exclusive distributor for the the US-based Digital Equipment Corporation (DEC). DEC was the was the pioneer producer of interactive computers and largest manufacturers of mini computers in the world. Data Sciences provided computer hardware and software to the oil industry, and later in other areas like education, banking and in the utilities sectors. In 1980, he established another company, OBODEX Nigeria, which, in 1990, launched the first ever Nigerian brand name in personal computers, known as OBODEX PCs. OBODEX PCs introduced the first keyboard with the Naira sign. Hundreds of young Akwa Ibom persons, some of whom have become business leaders and political chieftains today, got their first jobs in the employ of Chief Etiebet. Many of them arrived Lagos from their villages and hamlets for the first time in the 1980s and ‘90s to pick up their first jobs at OBODEX Group. They owe the old man a lifetime of gratitude.

His company was the first to install computer-based communications systems linking oil platforms in Warri and Portharcourt and homes of the oil executives in the two locations. This was the forerunner of what we have now as e-mail and Internet connectivity; and for his pioneering roles, he has remained a trustee of the Nigeria Internet Group which he helped found. Atuekong Etiebet contributed immensely to the establishment of National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) that is responsible for the formulation of government’s policies on ICT. His pioneering works also led to the establishment of Nigeria Communications Commission (NCC), the regulatory agency for ICT, of which he was a pioneer director.

Chief Etiebet’s chieftaincy title, Atuekong, means the lead warrior. It is a fitting recognition for a man who has spent his resources fighting for the poor and underprivileged in the society and the development of his native Akwa Ibom State. He and his elder brother, Senator Etiebet, are some of those who fought for the creation of the state. Atuekong himself fought assiduously for the abrogation of the obnoxious onshore-offshore oil dichotomy that eventually led to the payment of huge oil revenues to Akwa Ibom State. In my book published in December, 2021, titled ‘’Inside Story of the Fight for the Abrogation of the Onshore-Offshore Oil Dichotomy’’, I identified and celebrated Atuekong, with 12 others, for his heroic contributions to that struggle. Since President Obasanjo signed the abrogation bill in 2004, Akwa Ibom has been receiving huge sums of money in derivation payments and FAAC allocations every month, and it’s the reason the state has grown quite rapidly in the last two decades. I urge the state government to celebrate Chief Etiebet and the other men and women, including Obong Victor Attah and Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, who played important roles in that fight.

 Etiebet has also been a notable player in Nigerian politics. He was the founder and financier of a major political party, Nigeria Center Party (NCP), during the transition programme of General Sani Abacha. He ran for the presidency of the country under the party’s platform, gathering considerable national appeal and support. But unknown to him and many others, Abacha was deceitfully and cunningly planning to transmute from a military leader to a lifelong political Head of State. Abacha forced Etiebet and others to abandon their political ambitions in in 1997 in order to perpetuate himself in power, but fortunately, the brutal dictator died suddenly in 1998, paving the way for a more genuine transition program midwifed by Gen. Abdulsalami Abubarkar. Etiebet then teamed up with other notable politicians to found the PDP, on which he also ran for president at the Jos convention in February 1999. He later joined the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and was elected its National Chairman in 2003, thus becoming the first, and so far, the only Akwa Ibom person to lead a national political platform. In 2014, he decamped to the APC in a massive rally in Uyo that was attended by Gen. Buhari and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. That’s when I got very close to him.

Atuekong turned 80 on Sunday, September 15; and he’s been receiving thousands of goodwill messages from far and wide, within and outside Nigeria. A few years ago, he suffered a serious health setback, but he recovered soon after. God in his infinite mercies showed him mercy because Atuekong is full of love and goodness. Happy birthday, dear Atuekong.

Whitehall is a street in London that has bestowed its name on ministries of the British government. It also bestowed its practices and traditions on the civil service of Nigeria and most other Commonwealth countries.

The street is now a metaphor, like New York City’s Wall Street and Broad Street, which respectively represent investment banking and dramatic arts theatres. Fleet Street, London, where the earliest British newspapers had their offices, is synonymous with journalism.

In addition, Whitehall is a symbol of the power and prestige of the British bureaucracy, as it is also steeped in intrigue and falsehoods that lead to the failure of ministers who weren’t aware of the banana peels on its corridors.

Like its British progenitor, the Nigerian civil service, once described as an abyss by a senior journalist and columnist, is home of “capa y daga,” or cloak-and-dagger, intrigues, treacheries, lies, and large doses of incompetence. And that, unfortunately, is the system that runs Nigeria.

The political class that pretends to be ruling Nigeria is no more than a group of ignoramuses, led by the nose into the labyrinth of governmental machinery run by cunning civil servants who have near-permanent tenure within the bureaucracy.

It is these generally incompetent bureaucrats that administer the disastrous economic and political policies in Nigeria. The World Bank doubted the competence of Nigeria’s bureaucracy even from the early days of post-independence Nigeria.

When proposing Nigeria’s First 5-Year Development Plan for 1962-1968, the World Bank observed that “it is doubtful whether the (Abubakar Tafawa Balewa) Government’s administrative machine, as at present staffed and organized, will be able to carry out public investment at the planned rate.”

So, when you are impatient and lambast the “wobbling and fumbling” political class of Nigeria, remember that it is this calibre of unprofessional bureaucrats that have been providing them with counsel from the very beginning.

The bureaucrats have been as constant as the wall gecko in Nigeria’s corridor of power. That is probably why the most senior officers in the civil service are styled “permanent secretaries.” It takes a tortuous process to discipline or fire incompetent or erring civil servants.

The failure of Nigeria’s bureaucracy in the last 64 years makes it clear that the economic and political fate of Nigerians is in the hands of incompetents, with their much-storied credentials, obtained from some of the academic citadels of the Western world.

If you look at the epileptic outing of Nigeria’s energy “multiverse” which includes electricity and fuel for automobiles, homes, and industries, you will see a graphic representation of the cause of the quandary that Nigeria has sunk into.

Despite the many transformations and changes in the nomenclatures of the electricity provider, Electricity Corporation of Nigeria, to the National Electric Power Authority, National Electric Power Plc, Power Holding Company of Nigeria, and the spaghetti of names for now partially privatized electricity generation, transmission, and distribution companies.

The same incompetence is apparent in the running of the Nigeria National Oil Corporation, which was renamed Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation. It has a legendary incapability to provide enough fuel for Nigerians.

After a meeting with some International Oil Companies, former President Olusegun Obasanjo wisely sold Nigeria’s refineries in Port Harcourt and Kaduna to billionaire businessmen, Aliko Dangote and his pal, Femi Otedola.

The bureaucrats saw their cookie crumbling and quickly joined labour to prevail on Obasanjo’s successor, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, to reverse the decision. He reacquired the refineries and returned them to the bureaucratic vultures.

The bureaucrats are simply lurking within the lumbering NNPCL, indulging in their private interests, while ramping up $6.8 billion in trade debt, which has now become a roadblock to Nigerian motorists having a regular supply of petrol.

The bureaucrats, who famously kept the lie of fuel subsidy going in the public space, have now capitulated and admitted that the subsidy can no longer be sustained and the pump price of petrol must be hiked.

Recently, NNPCL surreptitiously increased the pump price in its petrol outlets. When Dangote Refinery offered to sell petrol and diesel at undisclosed prices said to be below that of NNPCL, marketers, allegedly encouraged by bureaucrats, rejected the products.

They preferred the imported products because it gave them legitimate access to foreign exchange. Maybe President Bola Tinubu should have allowed marketers to import petroleum products and see them compete with the expected lower cost of Dangote Refineries.

After failing to run NNPCL refineries, the oil bureaucrats cleverly sidetracked marketers and initiated a meddlesome plan to make NNPCL the sole off-taker of Dangote Refinery petroleum products, perhaps to look as if they are working. Still, the bureaucrats continued with their mischief.

After Olufemi Soneye, NNPCL Corporate Affairs Manager, announced that NNPCL paid N898.78 for petrol per litre from Dangote Refinery, it was compelled to respond that though NNPCL paid in Dollars ($0.55), the price was lower than the current cost of imported petrol. NNPCL then disclosed that the petrol price for the Lagos market is N950.22 (or $0.58).

Everyone knows that this is just a scheme to put NNPCL somewhere in the loop of the petrol supply chain. NNPCL should only sell crude petroleum to Dangote Refinery, collect its money, and leave the midstream and downstream sub-sectors alone.

The perennially unresolved disagreements between the government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities reveal a horde of bureaucrats lurking in the crevices of failed negotiations and unimplemented agreements.

The involvement of bureaucrats in inconclusive negotiations dates back to the days of the Federal Military Government of General Yakubu Gowon, who issued a quit notice for striking dons to vacate their official university residential quarters.

The can of the problems continued to get kicked down the road to successive politicians who have no sense of the history of the failed negotiations and therefore have no clue on what to do to resolve the outstanding disagreements.

It keeps looking as if the bureaucrats love the problems to continue to have a sense of relevance and have something to do in their offices every day. It sounds like the fulfilment of the mischievous quip, “Why do what can be done tomorrow, today?”, something you often hear on the corridors of civil service premises.

Keen observers see in Nigeria a tribe of self-serving civil service bureaucrats who look out for their interests only and leave the devil to care for the citizens and their employers. Someone suggested that bureaucrats became more self-centered after former military Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed, carried out a massive purge of the civil service in 1975.

They claim that when serving civil servants saw that their tenure was no longer protected and that they could lose their jobs, pensions, and gratuities on the whim of a Head of State, they wisely opted to look after their interests only and relegated the business of governance to a secondary level on the totem pole of priorities.

There can be no justification for carrying out the business of governance in half measures. Any bureaucrat who is not prepared to give his or her best to the service of the nation should simply make way for those who will be more committed.

But let no politician think that this exonerates them from blame for causing pain to fellow Nigerians; this just happens to be the time to call out bureaucrats who hide behind seemingly unwary politicians.