Nigeria’s 2027 elections, now just 21 months away, may be regulated by a new electoral law, possibly the Electoral Act 2025, as long as the National Assembly concludes the ongoing amendment process and the President grants assent to the bill this year. Therefore, the next few months will be determinative. Debates on electoral reforms and proposed amendments to key sections of the Election Act 2022 and Constitution will dominate public discourse. As the momentum of the 2027 election gathers steam, politicians are becoming more invested in tweaking the rules of the game to guarantee electoral victory in 2027 rather than ensuring electoral reform proposals address the intractable challenges bedevilling Nigeria’s electoral process. Foremost among these challenges is the declining public trust in the electoral process due to election manipulation. Also, ‘captured’ democratic institutions, like INEC and the judiciary, are encumbered by persistent political interference and lastly, policies and practices that disenfranchise eligible citizens from voting.

INEC’s proposals for electoral reform

INEC has officially highlighted its proposals for electoral reform in the current electoral cycle. These include four major constitutional amendments cutting across 16 sections of the 1999 constitution (As Amended). The proposals include the introduction of early voting and special voting to allow eligible voters on essential services to vote at elections. This includes election officials, security personnel, accredited journalists and election observers, as well as voters under incarceration and Nigeria living in the diaspora. This reform will ensure eligible voters are not disenfranchised as a result of their role in elections or location.

To enhance the independence of the Commission, INEC is proposing the removal of the powers to appoint Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) from the President and vest the power in INEC. This amendment would empower INEC to appoint and discipline Heads of State Offices, FCT Offices, and State Directors of Elections. Furthermore, INEC is advocating for the establishment an Electoral Offences Commission and a Political Party Regulatory Agency. To advance political inclusion, INEC recommends the creation of designated constituencies for women and persons with disabilities.

In relation to the 2022 Electoral Act, INEC is advocating for amendments to 35 sections. Notable amongst the proposals include removing the ambiguities in the result management process, particularly the ambiguity in the words ‘transfer’ and ‘direct transmission’ of election results used in Sections 60(5) and 64(4 & 5) of the Electoral Act, which in the estimation of the Commission has resulted in conflicting interpretation. Another significant proposal is the introduction of a caveat to limit INEC’s power to review election results solely to cases of declaration of results under duress. Finally, INEC proposes the introduction of electronically downloadable voter cards or any other form of identification acceptable to the Commission for voter accreditation. This would enhance voter participation and reduce barriers to participation, especially where the physical distribution of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) has proven challenging.

Citizens’ Demands for Electoral Reform

Following extensive consultations and a review of both domestic and international election observation recommendations, civil society groups released a Citizens’ Memorandum on Electoral Reform (2024). The memorandum outlines 37 recommendations under 15 strategic objectives across 15 priority reform areas.

A key citizen demand is strengthening INEC’s independence and professionalism. To achieve this, the power vested in the President to appoint the Chairman, National Commissioners, and RECs should be removed and a multi-stakeholder appointment mechanism adopted. This will ensure appointment to INEC are merit-based appointments and devoid of political interference. The constitutional criteria of “non-partisanship and unquestionable character” should be expanded to include professional qualifications, health status, age, and gender. The introduction of mandatory timelines for appointments into INEC, such as requiring vacancies to be filled within 30 days, is recommended. It will prevent unwarranted delays in constituting the Commission as witnessed in the current instance where the second National Commissioner position for the South East vacated by Barr. Festus Okoye, two years ago, remains unfilled.

Another significant demand is the resolution of pre- and post-election disputes before the swearing-in of elected officials. This amendment will enhance the legitimacy and stability of the electoral process. Achieving this will require revising election timelines as well as abridging the timeframe for hearing and determining pre-election matters and election petitions. The citizen memo also advocates for mandatory electronic transmission of results and legal timelines for testing electoral technologies deployed by INEC. These steps are crucial to improving transparency of any part of the electoral powered by technology. To enhance voter turnout, the memorandum proposes a review of the requirements for voter identification to permit the use of other legally acceptable means of identification for voter verification in addition to Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVCs). Lastly, early voting is proposed to accommodate election officials and voters delivering essential services on election day such as security personnel, journalists, and accredited observers. This reform would ensure these critical actors are not disenfranchised due to their responsibilities on election day.

Implications for the 2027 elections

While President’s Tinubu electoral reform agenda remains unclear, the National Assembly, through its joint committee on electoral reform, has made significant progress in the review of electoral laws. Four critical priorities emerge from INEC’s proposals and citizens demands:

First, there is a great need to introduce special mechanisms to uphold citizens’ right to vote by making voting accessible. Proposals like early/special voting will enable historically marginalized eligible voters exercise their franchise. It will be historic for INEC officials, inmates, Nigerians in the diaspora, and others to cast their ballot in 2027 due to early/special voting. Alternative forms of identification and downloadable voter cards could address voter disenfranchisement resulting from the non-issuance of PVCs.

Secondly, the election results management regime needs an overhaul. Certain ambiguities in the current electoral act that occasion misinterpretation and discretionary enforcement need to be resolved to clear procedures for collation and transmission. This should include compulsory electronic transmission to complement the manual collation process. Although the Supreme Court has ruled that the INEC IReV is not part of the collation process, this reform cycle presents an opportunity to integrate electronic transmission into the results collation process. Unfortunately, electronic transmission has not featured as a priority reform issue in the current reform process in the National Assembly.

Thirdly, INEC’s independence is non-negotiable. There is growing consensus that divesting the power to appoint individuals from the President is a step towards recapturing the Commission and restoring public confidence. Lastly, concluding election disputes before swearing-in will create a sense of equity and prevent incumbents from influencing judicial outcomes using state resources and power.

However, INEC’s proposal that its power to review election results under Section 65 Electoral Act 2022 should be limited to instances of declaration by duress is problematic. The current law provides two conditions for the exercise of this power: when election results are declared voluntarily and when election results are declared contrary to the provisions of the law, regulations and guidelines, and manual for the election. INEC’s proposal to eliminate the latter will further weaken the results management process, considering recent elections where elections were stolen through clear violations of the Electoral Act and INEC guidelines. Rather than limit the conditions, the current provision should be retained and strengthened to provide clarity on the procedure for activating the power to review election results.

As Nigeria enters a critical period in the electoral reform cycle, history beckons the national assembly and the President to act as statesmen and women by prioritizing public interests above personal or partisan political gain. The country’s electoral process is bleeding and bereft of public trust. While electoral amendments are a pathway to rebuilding trust and safeguarding the credibility of the 2027 elections, attitudinal change among political elites is the reform most needed to ensure every vote counts in February 2027.

Itodo is an election, democracy, and public policy enthusiast. 

Chinedu Obigwe, a chieftain of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), says Chukwuma Soludo, governor of Anambra state, is not funding Nicholas Ukachukwu.

Nkachukwu is the standard-bearer of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Anambra.

He polled 1,455 votes to defeat his closest challenger, Valentine Ozigbo, who came second with 67 votes in the gubernatorial primary election which was held on April 5.

Ozigbo has since challenged the outcome of the primary election, alleging that it was fraught with irregularities.

Last week, Ozigbo claimed Soludo is funding Ukachukwu to destabilise the APC.

In a statement issued on Sunday, Obigwe, who is the national coordinator of Media Warriors Forum of APGA, described Ozigbo’s comment as “laughable”.

He claimed that the APC has no strong presence in the Anambra and could be likened to being nonexistent in the state.

“We laughed uncontrollably when we watched Valentine Ozigbo’s latest Channels TV interview. In the interview, he falsely accused Governor Soludo of funding Ukachukwu to weaken APC,” the statement reads.

“The truth is that there is nothing to weaken in Anambra APC because the party does not exist in our state.

“So a party that is not in existence in Anambra cannot disturb Governor Soludo’s sleep to warrant him sponsoring Ukachukwu that has nothing to offer to weaken the non-existent party.

“Ozigbo should be bold enough to say this and stop living a fake and pretentious lifestyle.

“Governor Soludo has nothing to do with the APC candidate and cannot be funding him. The both of them are not on the same level and can never be.”

The Anambra governorship election is scheduled to take place on November 6, 2025.

[TheCable]

When vultures surround you, stay awake so that you do not die stupid death. Whether you are in business or you are in politics or you are anything of value, stay alive and stay alert. People shave people’s heads in their absence. In 1938, Britain was rumoured to have toyed with the idea of donating Nigeria to Germany as one of its several offerings of appeasement to Hitler. I read of the “strong rumour” in Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s first book, ‘Path to Nigerian Freedom’, published in 1947 – page 38. 

Hitler, two years earlier (September 11, 1936), insisted on “Germany’s right to colonies.” Nine months before Hitler’s insistence, his minister of propaganda, Goebbels, served a notice that “the time will come when we must demand colonies from the world.” In June 1938, Mary E. Townsend published her ‘The German Colonies and the Third Reich.’ She cited two successive editions of the London Times of October 1936 which reported that Hitler had “gained concessions in Africa.” 

The German cup, as it turned out, passed from Nigeria. The rumoured offer to Hitler was eventually not consummated but the mere thought of it tells how ‘valued’ our country and its people were in the heart of those who possessed it. But it is needless to run from fate. You put destiny in a sheath, it destroys the sheath; you put it in a scabbard, it ruins the scabbard. If Nigeria missed being possessed by Germany’s Hitler in 1938, the country’s subsequent history of abduction and rape up to this moment is proof that our fathers were right with their theory of inevitability of fate. A snake swallowing its tail, and swallowing it hard is Nigeria. It is a pool of water-snakes feasting on hapless fishes. 

On Friday this week, it will be 38 years since Chief Awolowo died. Two months before he died on 9 May, 1987, Awo spoke rather cryptically of his “continuing to serve even after death.” Almost 40 years after his transition, his views of Nigeria, his analyses of the systemic problems of the country and his solutions to them have remained the main issues of discussion. 

Awolowo’s ‘Path to Nigerian Freedom’ has proved a worthy carrier of its title. But the path it shows has remained not taken. The late Pius Adesanmi once, at an Awolowo Foundation event, questioned the choice we make as a country. He spoke on what he called “Igbo ree; Ona ree (the bush is here; the path is here).” The choice was – and is – for us to make. We’ve consistently chosen the bush. 

I read the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF)’s boast of last week that the North had the muscle and the number to choose the next president for the other parts of the country. It reminded us that: “The North has 19 out of the 36 states. We also have the FCT as a veritable component. We have a majority in the Senate, the House of Representatives, the National Economic Council as well as the Council of State. The North occupies close to 75 percent of Nigeria’s land area and about 60 percent of the population. An area that is this big and this strong can never be subdued by any opponent…For the moment, it will suffice to say that Northern Nigeria is watching and auditing the actions of the elected and appointed officials, especially at the federal level.” 

Northern leaders always flaunt their population and land mass to intimidate the South. Assets when not harnessed to profitability become liabilities. We say here that vulture may be a large bird, but what it feeds on is rotten flesh. The elephant in its ponderous majesty is as clumsy as they come. Àwòdì tí ń gbé adìẹ lọ́sàn-án ò sanra tó igún. I wonder why it did not occur to the ACF that kites that snatch chicks in broad daylight do not have vulture’s large frame. It is not by size. 

Everything the ACF said was a threat directed at President Bola Tinubu on his second term ambition. Of course, the Tinubu pigeon got the full import of the incantations from the Northern raptor. He rushed to Katsina on Friday – two days after the warning shot was fired. He was there for two days, he even slept there. Tinubu should clap for himself. Did Buhari sleep one night anywhere in Southern Nigeria in his eight years? The visit was Tinubu’s appeasement offering to Hitler to avoid a ‘world war’. Let us hope the aggrieved are pacified now.

Unlike what our teachers taught us, sovereignty is no longer the supreme will of the state; its locus is with any set of human beings “sufficiently strong to compel obedience” to their whims. The North self-assuredly thinks it is the Nigerian sovereign. It said so through the ACF and the president got the message. 

The North thought Goodluck Jonathan was its problem; it got its traditional enemies in Benue and Plateau and the West to join it in removing Jonathan. The North thought having a northern president would solve its existential problems. It brought in Muhammadu Buhari. Under Buhari, the North’s problems multiplied in geometric proportions. It thought a Muslim Muslim ticket was what it needed to be safe and feed well. It brought in a ‘Muslim’ government in May 2023. Less than two years into the tenure of that government of faith, the North is grunting and grumbling very loudly; it shouts marginalization. A million change of government won’t help the north. It must help itself. 

The ACF also expressed concern over insecurity in the North. It said the security challenges in the North were worsening by the day. It then called on the federal government to act swiftly “before it becomes too late.” I will be happy and dance if I find out that it is not already too late. 

By now, it should be clear to the wise that the problem of the North is not, strictly, Bola Tinubu and his ways. The problem wasn’t Jonathan; neither was it Buhari. The problem of the North is the North – its bad ways. Why would a region not have problems of mass poverty when it spurns mass education of its mass children, youths who own tomorrow? Mass procreation plus mass illiteracy must equal mass misery. It is simple arithmetic. Why will there not be blistering insecurity where mass poverty reigns? If you turn your back to where the world faces, you won’t see what the world sees. How will a president relate with a people that take offence when asked to position their eyes towards the future? The best rules the rest in that country called Saudi Arabia. The elite there have used education to elevate their country and their faith. China’s huge population is a huge economic blessing to it. But, the key to northern Nigeria is in the hands of a band of clerics and dark elites who exploit their people’s unquestioning faith in their region and religion, warts and all. 

I read a beautiful piece on Saturday from a gentleman from the North, Idris Muhammed Abdullahi. He wanted a deliverer for northern Nigeria. Like the ACF and its leaders, Abdullahi didn’t write for Nigeria; his interest was the North. He lamented the decay and disappointment that rules his region. He cited the establishment of the Northwest Development Commission (NWDC). He said it was supposed to mark a turning point in the development of the region. “What then happened?” he asked and added that: “One man handpicked all its executives. The commission has now become a personal ATM, hemorrhaging funds meant for schools, irrigation, rural roads, and youth empowerment. It has transformed from a symbol of hope into yet another playground for elite looting.”

What the gentleman wrote of the North is true of everywhere in the country. And it is historical. Nigeria is an elite PoS – or the soup pot of the powerful. How each of our people reacts to it has also historically made the difference. Wrong, when accommodated, festers. Chief Awolowo said it in a more elegant and profound way 46 years ago. He told ‘Africa’ magazine in April 1979 that “since independence, our governments have been a matter of a few holding the cow for the strongest and most cunning to milk. Under the circumstances, everybody runs over everybody to make good at the expense of others.” 

The most popular page in Awo’s ‘Path to Nigerian Freedom’ is page 47. That is where you find the famous quote: “Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression.” Seventy-seven years after that book was published, to be called Nigerian has remained “merely a distinctive appellation” distinguishing “those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not.” Each constituent part of the country has held tight to its gene. When we talk or act, it is for where each of us comes from. Read the ACF statement again. It speaks about ‘us’ and ‘them’ and boasts of assets without discussing the liabilities.

The groups in the South think the North a pampered, pompous parasite. Think of why Max Siollun, author of ‘What Britain Did to Nigeria’, described Nigeria as “just a page in a colonial accounting ledger” and why the British officially took the 1914 amalgamation to be a marriage between a poor, hapless husband and a helpless “southern lady of means.”

Check the tone of the ACF complaints; the challenges of governance have been reduced to a North versus South battle. Now, I ask: For how long shall we remain so “tightly fragmented” and have our growth stunted? 

In the 1947 book above, Chief Awolowo observed that the various nations that make up Nigeria cannot progress and prosper together unless they are properly organized in a federation. “The languages differ…Their cultural backgrounds and social outlooks differ widely; and their indigenous political institutions have little in common. Their present stages of development vary.” It is in that book that you read how, 77 years ago, the ethnic groups in the South readily embraced Western civilisation while “the extremely conservative” Hausas and Fulanis took “very reluctantly to Western civilization.” As it was in 1947, so it is in 2025. If thrown up a hundred years from now, the northern hand fan will land side down.

A copius quote from Chief Awolowo here: “All these incompatibilities among the various peoples in the country militate against unification. For one thing, they are bound to slow down progress in certain sections, and on the other hand they tend to engender unfriendly feelings among the diverse elements thus forced together.” Chief Awolowo warned that “incompatibilities such as we have enumerated are barriers which cannot be overcome by glossing over them, They are real, not imaginary obstacles. Those who place these groups under the same constitution ignore them at their peril – more so, as it appears that these incompatibilities tend to grow in size as those concerned become more educated and civilized.” 

If you can find time to read the book, check what the author wrote while citing the Welsh and the Scottish peoples’ experiences and agitation for self-rule. Check his words on other positive examples and the reason some of us say we are postponing the evil day if we think elite looting facilitated by a unitarised Nigeria will ever bring peace and plenty. Listen to Chief Awolowo: “For upwards of seven hundred years, the Irish people struggled to, and eventually did break away from England in spite of the fact that the latter did everything possible to give the former equal status within the British Constitution.” When you read him, you discover that, indeed, two of the three other examples he cited, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, have already unravelled as he predicted; the third, the Dutch-speaking Flemings of Belgium, despite several constitutional interventions, still demand degrees of autonomy. Some of them, in fact, have not stopped chanting “Let My People Go.”

So, what is the solution? 

The solution is knowing that there is no regeneration in spring water flowing towards the desert. Tell the North, tell the South. “Whatever would direct itself after the setting sun, an ashen death lies in wait for it” (Ayi Kwei Armah). Chief Awolowo pointed at the empirical facts of history which he said “are enough to guide us.” He posited that it had been shown beyond all doubts “that the best constitution for… diverse peoples is a federal constitution.” He pointed at the Constitution of Switzerland, which he said “is acclaimed to be the best and the most democratic in the world since it gives complete autonomy to every racial group within the framework.” 

In a truly federal Nigeria, there won’t be allegations of Muhammadu Buhari regime marginalising the South; neither will there be a Bola Tinubu government suffering the stigma of being a Yoruba government. A weak centre will be too unattractive to attract do-or-die politics; neither will it serve as a fetter holding down any part that wants to run. It will serve any one content with crawling to continue to crawl – as we compulsorily do today. 

But can we take a redemptive bend? The wise would say we are too far gone to retrace our steps. “No spring changes the desert. The desert remains” – that, again, is from Armah. Creating a workable system – a system that works – is what we have refused to come up with. We know what it is and how it will serve us, but we just won’t go for it. For us, the bush is the way.

By the time you are reading this, we would have had a good belly laugh, a few or more persons would have also been arrested, must have had their hair cut by overzealous security personnel. It is Nigeria, the deed done, we would have moved on to the next matter.

Minna, the capital of Niger State, faces genuine security challenges—thuggery, cultism, and drug-related crimes—that demand urgent action. However, Governor Umar Mohammed Bago’s Executive Order on Thuggery Activities (22/04/2025) responds to these issues with measures that flagrantly violate legal norms, human rights, and constitutional principles. While the intent to restore order is understandable, the order’s provisions exemplify executive overreach, collective punishment, and a dangerous disregard for due process. 

Let me quickly state that I am not a lawyer…and I am not sure that I need to be one to share my fact—based opinions.

The executive order’s most egregious clauses contravene Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution and international human rights standards: Extrajudicial Killings and Collective Punishment (Clause 1): Declaring that individuals found with weapons (even sticks) should be “treated as armed robbers” and killed, with families charged for bullets, violates Section 33 of the Constitution, which guarantees the right to life. It also imposes collective punishment, outlawed under international law. Such measures normalize state-sanctioned violence and erode public trust. 

I don’t want to talk about the Criminalizing Appearance (Clause 2) is a profound testament to how our thoughts are wired. Arresting citizens for dreadlocks—a cultural and religious symbol for many—infringes on personal liberty (Section 34) and freedom of expression (Section 39). Targeting hairstyles is discriminatory and fuels marginalization, akin to past oppressive policies like Nigeria’s 1984 “War Against Indiscipline.” Which is why it did not succeed and it is not about to succeed now.

How about Property Rights and Due Process (Clause 6): Demolishing homes without court orders violates Section 44’s protection against compulsory property acquisition. Similarly, confiscating vehicles (Clause 10) bypasses judicial oversight, rendering the state both accuser and judge.  

I can tell that on Curfews and Overreach (Clauses 3, 9): While curfews can be legitimate, blanket bans on Okada/Keke Napep without consultation disproportionately harm low-income workers. Centralizing “Operation Flush” under the governor politicizes security agencies, risking abuse.  

And on the Erosion of Judicial Independence (Clause 7): Establishing “special courts” under the Chief Judge’s supervision risks undermining judicial impartiality, as expedited trials may compromise fair hearings (Section 36).  

These clauses reflect a troubling trend: governance by decree, not law.  

The order’s rationale—combating crime through fear—is both ineffective and unethical. History shows that heavy-handed tactics, like our not too far in the past SARS unit approach, exacerbates violence and alienation. By equating sticks with firearms, the order dehumanizes youths, many of whom are victims of systemic neglect. Demolishing homes and arresting community leaders (Clauses 5–6) scapegoats the poor while ignoring elite enablers of crime. Worse, it diverts attention from the government’s failure to address root causes: unemployment, poor education, and institutional corruption.  

The absurdity of these measures recalls a tale of a lawyer who sold a well to a teacher, only to later insist the water wasn’t included. When the teacher threatened to charge rent for the water, the lawyer retreated, exposing the folly of such exploitative logic. Governor Bago’s order mirrors this hypocrisy: it weaponizes legal technicalities to strip citizens of rights, much like the lawyer’s hollow claim over the well’s water. But just as the teacher turned the tables, the people of Minna can—and must—challenge this overreach. The order’s contradictions reveal its fragility; collective resistance can force accountability, as the teacher’s wit did the lawyer’s greed.

Sustainable solutions require addressing socio-economic drivers of crime and restoring trust. Now my dear governor and brother…to my grouse. I have a dread and I am not a criminal—

I believe you could have resorted to Community Policing: Train officers to work with local leaders, youth groups, and NGOs to identify risks collaboratively. A better approach and initiative that can reduce crime through dialogue and intelligence-sharing.  

How much has your government invested in vocational programs, public education, and job creation? For example, how many schemes are currently running to curb cultism by offering alternatives to crime.  

Truth be told, I keep stating that strengthening existing courts to handle cases swiftly while ensuring fairness is better than Mobile courts and improved legal aid services can improve access to justice without sacrificing rights.  

At the heart of these increased crime rates is the drug menace, I dare say, replacing punitive drug policies with health-focused approaches. Partnerships with NGOs can provide counseling and reintegration support.

At the heart of all the backlash also is the fact that there is an inherent flaw in the Political Communication methodology. Governor Bago’s authoritarian rhetoric deepens divides. Better political communication would: Engage Citizens: Hold town halls to co-create policies with affected communities. Promote Transparency: Publish crime data and budget allocations for security initiatives. Avoid Stigmatization: Replace inflammatory language (e.g., “thugs”) with terms that recognize systemic failures.  

The Minna executive order substitutes tyranny for justice. True security cannot be built on violated rights and collective punishment. By embracing dialogue, equity, and accountability, Niger State can tackle its challenges without sacrificing the rule of law. As Bob Marley, the “Natty Dread” himself, once sang: “Until the philosophy which holds one race superior and another inferior is finally discredited, everywhere is war.” Let Minna’s war on crime not become a war on its people—May Nigeria win!

--

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

Team Lead

The Tattaaunawa Roundtable Initiative (TRICentre)

The collapse of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) structure into the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Delta State could either strengthen or destabilize the APC, depending on how well old and new members integrate.
Interestingly, most of the original APC members in Delta were themselves former PDP members. So, the latest defectors are simply following a path previously taken by their predecessors.
In essence, the APC in Delta today is largely made up of former PDP members — from leadership to grassroots.

Make no mistake about it,there is nothing wrong in defection, per se.
After all the president of the United States of America, USA, Donald J Trump did not commence his political career as a member of the Republican party. Rather he registered as a Republican party member in only in 1987, and became a member of the lndependent party , the New York state affiliate of the Reform party in 1999. He was a Democrat in 2001 , a Republican in 2009 and he became unaffiliated in 2011 and finally returned to the Republican party in 2012.
Similarly, Robert F Kennedy Jnr defected from the Democratic party in the course of his presidential race in 2024 to contest as an lndependent party cancidate. He is currently the Health and Human Services secretary in President Trump’s administration after he colapsed his campaign into Trump’s Republican party campaign platform .
So, there is no big deal about defection in a democracy.
What should concern APC leaders in Abuja is whether the internal rivalries that fractured the PDP — and triggered the current wave of defections — might resurface and destabilize the APC if not properly managed.
The emerging APC, both in Delta and nationally, increasingly resembles the PDP of old — merely repackaged under a different banner.

Delta State, often described as a microcosm of Nigeria due to its diverse ethnic makeup, frequently reflects broader national trends.
Thus, the mass defection happening in the state that prides herself as the “Big Heart state” could signal the beginning of an even wider migration of politicians across the country, at a scale Nigeria has never witnessed before.

To ensure a smooth merger of the old and new party members, the APC State Chairman, Elder Omeni Sobotie, has directed all local government chairmen to collect registration booklets to formally enroll the new members, completing their transition into the party.

However, tensions from the 2023 elections, when the APC’s Ovie Omo-Agege contested against the PDP’s Sheriff Oborevwori, still linger. Although overt hostilities may be muted, old rivalries could resurface if not carefully managed — possibly requiring intervention from the party’s leadership in Abuja.

Among the old APC loyalists, who are politically weaker compared to the PDP’s dominance in Delta’s executive, legislative, and judicial branches, there may be a tendency to look down on the newcomers, branding them derisively as the “Taiwan APC.”
In local Nigerian parlance, especially among motor spare parts traders, “Taiwan” is used to describe imitation or inferior products — a reference to Taiwan’s early reputation for cheap manufacturing.

The use of “Taiwan” as a political insult gained prominence during the 2023 presidential elections, reportedly popularized by Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s presidential candidate. Obi, who dramatically disrupted Nigeria’s political landscape, especially the PDP’s strongholds, allegedly dismissed Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa — Atiku Abubakar’s running mate — as a “Taiwan Igbo.”
By that, Obi implied that Okowa, being from the Ika-speaking region of Delta State (the Igbo-speaking area of Delta North), was not an authentic Igbo, but rather an imitation — a symbolic slight against the PDP’s choice of running mate.

It appears that, because they originate from west of the Niger River, Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa and the people of Delta North are not seen by many eastern Igbos as authentic members of the Igbo ethnic group. Consequently, they are often perceived as “fake” or “Taiwan” Igbos — a term used locally to imply imitation.

Drawing a parallel from this sentiment, the recent influx of PDP defectors into the APC in Delta State could risk being seen in a similar light — as “Taiwan APC” — if tensions between old and new members are not properly managed.

To avoid such damaging divisions, the APC must ensure seamless integration. Fortunately, the party has significant experience managing mergers, dating back to 2013 when it successfully united the ACN, CPC, ANPP, and a faction of the PDP into the current APC platform. Given this track record, it should not be difficult for the party’s national leadership, particularly Chairman Dr. Abdulahi Umar Ganduje, to create a task force to manage the blending process — similar to how businesses handle mergers and acquisitions (M&A).

Events unfolding in Nigeria’s political arena suggest that President Tinubu’s 2027 re-election campaign will be anything but business as usual.
While the PDP is attempting to replicate Tinubu’s 2013 strategy — merging opposition forces into a special-purpose political vehicle to oust the ruling party — it is ironically being weakened by an aggressive takeover orchestrated by the APC.
Tinubu, much like a masterful Samurai or a Sumotori (Sumo wrestler), has disarmed and destabilized his opposition two years before the next election cycle.

It’s worth recalling that President Muhammadu Buhari himself once credited Tinubu for his eventual success in the 2015 presidential election, after three failed attempts. Tinubu’s depth in political strategy has always been a major force in Nigerian politics.

To draw a clearer parallel, in the corporate world, a hostile takeover occurs when a stronger company seizes control of a weaker, underperforming firm — usually without the consent of its management — by directly appealing to shareholders.
Hostile takeovers are characterized by unsolicited bids, bypassing management, and fierce resistance from the target company’s leadership.

Some typical tactics used in hostile takeovers include:
• Tender Offers: Public offers to buy shares directly from shareholders, usually at a premium.
• Proxy Fights: Efforts to install new management by winning shareholder votes.
• Bear Hugs: Aggressive offers that pressure the target company’s board into acceptance.

There are also classic defenses against hostile takeovers:
• Poison Pills: Strategies that make the takeover financially painful for the bidder.
• White Knights: Seeking a more friendly acquirer.
• Golden Parachutes: Offering lucrative severance packages to executives to deter acquisition.

Applying these concepts to politics, the 2013 creation of the APC was similar to a business merger — parties voluntarily combined for mutual benefit.
In contrast, today’s scenario resembles a hostile political takeover: the ruling APC is absorbing members from weakened opposition parties like the PDP, without formal mergers — often without the defectors’ original leadership’s blessing.

Critics argue that this mass migration signals the alarming drift toward a one-party state, raising concerns about “state capture.”
However, I view it differently: it is part of the natural evolution of Nigeria’s democratic experiment — much like refining gold through fire.
If Nigeria never explores different governance models, how will we know whether multi-party democracy truly suits us? One-party systems have both strengths and weaknesses, just like multi-party ones.
As the saying goes, “the proof of the pudding is in the eating.” Perhaps it’s time we stop relying solely on imported democratic templates and start developing a homegrown system that fits Nigeria’s unique cultural and social realities.

While the defection of the entire PDP political structure in Delta State to the APC last Monday made a major impact on Nigerian politics, the PDP’s decline has been a long time coming. It began in 2010, after President Umaru Yar’adua’s death, only two years into his term. Vice President Goodluck Jonathan took over and eventually ran for office himself, a move seen by many as a betrayal of earlier agreements. His election sparked a revolt within the PDP, led by Atiku Abubakar, Senate President Bukola Saraki, and a handful of governors who later defected to the APC.

In a sense, history is repeating itself in 2025, with Ifeanyi Okowa — the PDP’s 2023 vice-presidential candidate — moving over to the APC, much like Atiku did before the 2015 elections. Similarly, Peter Obi, PDP’s vice-presidential candidate in 2019, defected to the Labour Party (LP) to pursue his own presidential ambition in 2023.

As Atiku plans to create a coalition to challenge President Tinubu, similar to what he helped orchestrate in 2013 against Jonathan, he must recognize that Tinubu is a much savvier political operator than Jonathan was. Tinubu appears proactive, unveiling new strategies to maintain his grip on power.
To second guess him, I
its unlikely that he has exhausted his political options yet.

Despite the economic hardships — with inflation, currency fluctuations, and economic strain — there are signs of improvement: the Dangote Refinery promises an end to fuel scarcity, inflation is moderating, foreign reserves have grown, and initiatives like NELFUND are expanding access to education by democratizing university education in the manner the sage Obafemi Awolowo offered the western region free education and put the yoruba nation ahead of all other states in terms of education.
These positive developments may be enough to sustain voter support for Tinubu and the APC into 2027.

Historically, inflation alone doesn’t determine electoral outcomes in Nigeria. Major political shifts usually stem from larger causes or organized movements. For instance, the opposition to Jonathan’s re-election was driven by perceptions of broken agreements on power rotation. Similarly, in 2023, the “Obidient” movement, fueled by discontent from the Southeast, weakened PDP’s chances, helping Tinubu emerge victorious.

Although there are signs of dissatisfaction in the North — particularly a sense of neglect despite the region delivering 62% of Tinubu’s 2023 votes — Tinubu’s political instincts may help him navigate this better than Jonathan did. His strategy seems focused on consolidating control over the southern states: Yoruba regions, the South-South, and the Southeast.

While critics point to Governor Sanwo-Olu’s inability to secure Lagos votes for Tinubu in 2023, other governors like Ademola Adeleke delivered Osun a PDP state to Atiku. Thus, having key governors on your side still matters. Now with former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, and political heavyweight James Ibori (leader of the Niger Delta region)aligned with President Tinubu, Delta State — and the wider Niger Delta — could swing towards APC in 2027.

In the South-South, other states could follow. Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Akwa Ibom’s current leadership could help flip that state too. Cross River is already under APC control. Enugu Governor Peter Mbah is cozying up to APC, hinting at a possible defection. President Tinubu’s visit and praises for him recently further suggest warming ties.

In Anambra, Governor Chukwuma Soludo (APGA) may also align with Tinubu, especially since he won’t face re-election stress after winning a second term. Similarly, Abia’s LP Governor Alex Otti, who has a strained relationship with Peter Obi and whose party is weak nationally, could also be swayed to the APC side, despite official denials.

Rivers State’s political crisis, led by the Wike-Fubara feud, could ultimately benefit Tinubu, especially now that most of Rivers’ National Assembly members have pledged support for his re-election. This political realignment across the South mirrors the 2013-2015 period, when northern politicians defected massively from PDP to APC to oust Jonathan.

Meanwhile, Imo and Ebonyi are already firmly APC, while Oyo and Osun are technically PDP but acted independently during the last election. It’s feasible that Osun, surrounded by APC states, could eventually flip too.

Overall, Tinubu appears to be managing the political chessboard masterfully. Despite ongoing challenges, he stands a strong chance of winning re-election in 2027. The forces gathering against him seem unlikely to match his political acumen or organizational strength. Unlike Jonathan, Tinubu is proving to be a far more formidable opponent.

Therefore, it’s unlikely that President Tinubu can be unseated in the same way the opposition toppled former President Jonathan in 2015. A Ugandan proverb offers some insight:
“It is survival, not bravery, that makes a man climb a thorny tree.”
The current attempt by certain politicians to form a coalition against the ruling government is a desperate bid to wrest the presidency from Tinubu in 2027.

Former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe once posed a poignant question:
“How do you convince future generations that education is the key to success when poor graduates and wealthy criminals surround us?”
Applying this logic, how can members of the PDP and other opposition parties be persuaded to stay loyal when their parties—particularly the PDP and Labour Party, which placed second and third respectively in 2023—are in disarray?
Realistically, who would willingly stay aboard a sinking ship?

It’s fair to say Nigeria may be drifting toward a one-party system—but whether this is by design or a natural evolution is debatable. Claims that President Tinubu and the APC are orchestrating a “state capture” seem misplaced. The internal crises ravaging the PDP and LP are largely self-inflicted. Their inability to manage internal divisions has triggered an exodus, as politicians naturally seek safer ground.

While Tinubu is focused on strengthening his base in the South, where he faced challenges during the last election, he hasn’t neglected his northern supporters either. Vice President Kashim Shettima, a Kanuri from the Northeast and former governor of Borno State, still commands significant influence in the region. Moreover, Tinubu’s cabinet includes a substantial number of former governors and influential northern politicians who can help consolidate his support there.

Having secured 62% of his 2023 votes from the North, Tinubu is likely to intensify his outreach as the 2027 election approaches. He may also be counting on the positive results of his economic reforms—such as declining inflation, stabilizing forex rates, and infrastructure achievements—to sway public opinion and strengthen his position.

The mass defection of the PDP’s structure into the APC in Delta State could either stabilize or destabilize the APC locally, depending on how old and new members integrate.

Essentially, the APC is executing a hostile political takeover, similar to corporate mergers and acquisitions in business. Unlike 2013–2015, when opposition parties voluntarily merged to challenge PDP dominance, today’s defections are driven more by survival instincts than strategic planning. The politicians leaving the PDP are responding to the party’s collapse, preferring to jump ship rather than go down with it—an exodus vividly demonstrated by the mass movement from PDP to APC in Delta State.

As it stands, Nigeria appears headed toward a one-party system—another phase in its political evolution. Whether the APC will dominate for 16 years or eventually implode, (as did PDP after 16 years) leading to the emergence of new parties, remains to be seen. Political evolution in Nigeria is dynamic, unpredictable, and often mirrors natural survival patterns.

Yet, a pressing question remains: if the APC becomes the overwhelmingly dominant party, what credible alternatives exist?
Ironically, many of those trying to build a new coalition against Tinubu are themselves remnants of the fractured PDP—the very party from which people are fleeing into much like butterflies flocking to nectar, the APC.

Ultimately, if Tinubu secures a second term and exits office in 2031, the critical issue will be:
Will Nigeria’s next generation of leaders emerge ready to prioritize the nation’s interests and elevate Nigeria globally?
Or will they simply repeat the same cycles?

Is anyone out there preparing true successors who will place Nigeria first?

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, and development strategist.

Is the Doctrine of Separation of Powers Being Eroded?
Before I go into ‘the word for today’, I cannot but briefly comment on President John Mahama’s recent suspension of the Chief Justice of Ghana, Hon. Justice Gertrude Torkornoo (CJG) on allegations of misconduct. In Ghana, unlike Baron Montesquieu’s theory of Separation of Powers, the three arms of government are not co-equal. Article 57(2) of Ghana’s Constitution of 1992 (with Amendments through 1996) provides that the President takes precedence over all persons in Ghana, followed by the Vice President, the Speaker of the Parliament and then the Chief Justice. Article 146(6) of Ghana’s Constitution provides that, where there is a petition for the removal of the CJG, in consultation with the Council of State, the President will appoint a Panel of Inquiry to look into the allegations and recommend to the President whether the CJG should be removed. Also, when the petition has been referred to the Committee of Inquiry, in accordance with the advice of the Council of State, the Ghanaian President is empowered to suspend the CJG (see Article 146(10)(a) of Ghana’s Constitution).

In Nigeria, I have always maintained that we pretend that the three arms of government are co-equal, particularly as the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution) doesn’t provide for a hierarchy like Ghana; but, in reality, it appears that we have adopted the same hierarchical arrangement as the one provided for in Ghana’s Constitution. The Constitution doesn’t endow the Nigerian President with the same powers of discipline that the Ghanaian President has over the CJG, with regard to the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), even though President Buhari used a warped, unconstitutional process to remove Chief Justice Walter Onnoghen. See Nganjiwa v FRN (2017) LPELR-43391(CA) per Abimbola Osarugue Obaseki-Adejumo, JCA on the discipline of a judicial officer.

Though the procedure of discipline of the CJG raises questions of the independence of their Judiciary since the Judiciary is subject to the President, for now, however, constitutionally, President Mahama appears to be standing on ‘terra firma’, but only if the allegations against the CJG are not contrived, baseless or malicious, which some have argued that they are. The President’s powers of appointment of a good number of the members of the Council of State, 3 in consultation with Parliament and 11 by himself, aside from the President of the National House of Chiefs and elected members from the various regions, also gives him a considerable amount of power in the Council of State (see Article 89 of Ghana’s Constitution). Can this power be abused?

Last week, Milwaukee Circuit Court Judge, Hannah Dugan, was arrested in her court room by FBI Agents, for allegedly allowing a man who ICE Agents were seeking to deport, to evade them. She has been released, pending arraignment for felony charges of obstruction and concealing the proposed deportee. In this case, the FBI didn’t wait for any Judicial Conduct Commission, before taking action.

Sadly, it appears that what we are seeing these days, or what the Executive may be trying to achieve, is the subjugation of the Judiciary to it in order to be able to do as it pleases, without any check or balance. This will certainly impact negatively, on the independence of the Judiciary.

“Three things cannot be long hidden: the sun, the moon and the truth.” - Buddha

Criminals are Criminals, But….
I do agree that crime is crime, and criminals are criminals; and instead of quibbling about the colour, ethnicity or religion of criminals, bringing them to justice to reduce insecurity in Nigeria should be the prime focus (see Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution and Tanko v State (2009) LPSLR-3136(SC) per Pius Olayiwola Aderemi, JSC). However, the study of Criminology and research has shown that following trends is helpful in solving crime, and has revealed certain patterns of crime between groups of people and types of crime. Therefore, a branch of Criminology, Trend Analysis, is devoted to identification of patterns in crimes, changes in them, causes of the crimes and development of strategies to prevent same. So, for instance, if people are usually robbed in traffic on Eko Bridge, particularly in the evenings when they are going home after work, Trend Analysts will observe that pattern of crime - maybe it occurs between 5pm and 7pm on weekdays. And, if many of victims of the robberies and eye witnesses observe that, a good number of the thieves are young men who are or pose as street hawkers selling different items, would it be profiling or simply telling the truth to warn people to be careful of street hawkers on Eko Bridge, as a good number of them are really robbers, some simply masquerading as street hawkers?

Definition of Profiling
What does Profiling mean? It means different things, in different contexts. In terms of Consumer Profiling, it is used to identify the target market for certain products, purchasing trends, preferences or weaknesses in products based on purchase, or to design products for target markets. For example, research has shown that girls between age 3 and maybe 6-7 like Barbie Dolls. In the past, it used to be girls up to age 10, but, it appears that the taste of older girls may have changed. So, if Mattel Inc, the maker of Barbie still wants to target older girls, it would have to make the Barbie Doll more attractive or innovative to pique their interest.

Criminal Profiling is used by law enforcement agencies in the Western World, to ‘catch’ criminals. For instance, in the case of a suspected serial killer, there would be crime scene analyses to discover if there may be similarities or ritualistic tendencies that are common to the different crime scenes where people have been killed, which the Police would use to determine if it is the same perpetrator(s) that may have murdered the different victims (linkage profiling). There is the examination of the victims’ backgrounds, to discover if there’s any common thread that runs through them, and what attraction/hatred the perpetrator(s) may have towards them. The method of killing is also considered - was it the same; was it exceptionally brutal, thereby showing some kind of deep-seated hatred for the victims? There’s behavioural/psychological profiling created from these and other factors, to try to develop a possible physical and mental profile of the perpetrator(s), in short, to try to narrow down the scope of who the perpetrator(s) could be.

The Fulani Issue
From the foregoing description, neither the definition nor the aims and objectives of criminal profiling appear to fit into the complaints of the Fulani elite in Nigeria, that the Fulanis are being profiled because Herdsmen are being called ‘Fulani Herdsmen’, and whether Herdsmen, Kidnappers or ‘Bandits’, some of the most violent attacks in various parts of the country, particularly in Benue, Plateau and the farming communities across the country are being attributed to Fulanis. This is not profiling; it is simply ethnic identification, which is what politicians have turned everything in Nigeria into, since the advent of the Fourth Republic - most things are compartmentalised into religion, ethnicity, gender. With President Buhari, it was the Northernisation of appointments; with President Tinubu, it was Muslim-Muslim ticket and now, the Yorubanisation of appointments. Why then should we expect it to be different when it comes to crime, particularly when certain people appear to be regularly fingered in certain crimes?

In many instances, victims and eye witnesses have identified Fulanis as the attackers, and it is up to law enforcement to investigate these crimes and bring the perpetrators to justice. Certainly, it cannot be correct to conclude that all the Herdsmen in Nigeria, or those who have partaken in these criminal acts are all of the Fulani ethnic group, nor can we rule out the fact that many of them may also be criminals of other ethnic groups or even foreigners, sometimes disguised as Herdsmen, as the narrative of Government claims. Does it really matter who they are, as long as they are caught and punished? Their ethnicity is only important, if it would help to locate and apprehend them. And, it would also be absurd, for anyone to conclude that because the Herdsmen or those of the Fulani ethnic group are the main suspects in numerous violent attacks, it means that all Fulanis are violent/criminals. But, be that as it may, it would also be foolhardy to gloss over or ignore a criminal pattern that may have been identified in a particular group of people, just because some others abhor the connection or linkage.

The other day, I saw a horrific video of criminals in Imo State who had terrorised a village and surrounding environs, and were responsible for kidnappings and killings in the area. It looked like a scene in a Nollywood movie. They were also alleged to be cannibals, as a pot of Egusi soup allegedly cooked with human flesh was found in their camp. They appeared to have infiltrated law enforcement and had such credible source(s) of accurate information, that they had been able to evade the authorities for quite a while until law enforcement changed their tactics and were able to capture them. They were not Fulanis.

The Fulani or Fula ethnic group are African nomads, who are known for herding livestock across the continent. This is a fact that any African history book, or a search engine like Google will confirm. Of course, they are not the only ones who herd livestock in Nigeria. However, there have been too many accusations against them, and the public has seen many videos over the years of Herdsmen trespassing onto people’s farms to graze their cattle on their crops. I’m certainly not saying that all the Herdsmen who have partaken in these criminal acts are Fulani, nor do I rule out the fact that many of them may also be criminals disguised as Herdsmen. But, with the uncountable attacks in Benue, Plateau and other farming communities in various parts of the country over the years, Herdsmen have been accused of being responsible for many of the heinous attacks in their bid to look for places to graze their livestock.

In 2016, as Governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasiru El-Rufai, who stated that he is 87.5% Fulani, linked the killing of villagers in Southern Kaduna to a revenge/reprisal mission by Fulani Herdsmen from Niger, Mali, Chad etc (non-Nigerian Fulanis) who were caught up in the 2011 election violence in which many of them were killed, and their cattle lost. This is what Malam El-Eufai had to say in a Channels TV interview: “Cattle rustling and banditry is an essentially Fulani phenomenon. It is Fulanis, and we know where they were….Today, we have over 300 young Fulanis between age 18 and 30 in custody, for kidnapping, cattle rustling and robbery….This problem has multiple dimensions….To a large extent, we degraded cattle rustling; they moved on to kidnapping……”. Malam El-Rufai stated in the same interview that Fulani Herdsmen from other countries, migrate to Nigeria during certain seasons to graze their cattle through known grazing routes which may now no longer exist, as a result of urbanisation or farms now located along those routes. The question is, why should Nigeria be responsible for grazing routes for Malian or Guinean Herdsmen, particularly if it is detrimental to Nigerian Farmers? Shouldn’t their own governments, take up their responsibility?

In 2015, Chief Olu Falae was kidnapped on his farm in Ondo State by 6 or 7 Fulani Herdsmen, who were eventually caught, tried, convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment by an Ondo State High Court. Was Chief Falae profiling, or were the Fulani Herdsmen not responsible for his ordeal? Subsequently, Fulani Herdsmen attacked Chief Falae’s farm again, and killed one of his staff. In State v Haruna Usman, the then Kogi State Chief Judge, found 15 year old Fulani Herdsboy (about 17 at the time of conviction) guilty of culpable homicide punishable with death contrary to Section 221 of the Penal Code, and ordered his detention subject to the Governor’s pleasure. Usman had stabbed one Happy David to death, for stopping him from grazing his cattle on David’s Father’s farm at Emiworo Village, Ajaokuta.

So, what exactly do the Fulani elite mean, when they say that they are being profiled? That the public is claiming that every member of the Fulani ethnic group should be labelled as a violent criminal, or suspected to be one? I certainly do not think anyone can be saying so; and, if they are, it would be ludicrous. Should Muslims also say that they are being profiled as terrorists, because the very unIslamic Boko Haram terrorists claim to be Muslims? A friend of mine mentioned to me that there was an EFCC advertisement about fraud and 419 on television, that only featured Igbos and Yorubas. Does that mean that Igbos and Yorubas are being profiled as fraudsters, and Northerners or other ethnic groups do not commit fraud or 419? No. But, it may mean that Igbos and Yorubas may be more involved in that particular crime.

If victims and eye witnesses continue pointing fingers at Fulanis as their attackers, or victims of ‘419’ scams point to Igbos, Bendelites or Yorubas as the people that scammed them, should their observations just be ignored because their statements offend the sensibilities of others who share the same ethnic identity? Are their feelings or sensitivities, more important than the security and welfare of the thousands of Nigerians who are not only being killed, maimed and raped regularly, but driven from their farms and homes into IDP Camps? I do agree that people should not be stereotyped based on ethnicity, race etc, as this could lead to bias and discrimination (see Section 42(1)(a) of the Constitution and Lafia Local Govt v Govt, Nasarawa State & Ors (2012) LPELR-20602(SC) per Olufunlola Oyelola Adekeye, JSC), but, ignoring alleged criminal patterns instead of taking them seriously, would be detrimental to curbing whatever type of crime that requires attention.

When people say majority of the Nigerian drug traffickers caught/executed in Saudi Arabia are Yoruba, does this mean that all Yorubas who go to Saudi Arabia or all Yorubas are drug traffickers, or is it simply a fact supported by reliable statistics that they are the ones responsible for this particular crime? When they say majority of the ladies trafficked to Italy as sex workers are from the defunct Bendel State, is this borne out of reliable research and data, or is it that people just hate ladies from Bendel State and enjoy disparaging them for no reason?

Conclusion
We must move away from fruitless endeavours such as being economical with the truth, politicisation of criminality, over-dramatisation, ethnicity and this kind of general unproductive behaviour, and face this issue of insecurity squarely. For me, if the killers, kidnappers, rapists of Nigerians are from Ibadan like me, please, name them, shame them, but most importantly, apprehend them and punish them to the fullest extent of the law and curb their heinous activities. If they were called Fulani Geniuses or Yoruba Billionaires, would people complain about profiling?

The Hidden Harm Behind Youngkong’s Sexualized Street Tactics and Why It’s Time to Stop Laughing

He doesn’t stumble into these moments. He scouts them. He studies the street. He calculates the time and place. And then, with a smirk and a hidden camera, he pounces.

It starts like this:

“Hi, sorry—can you help me with directions?”

The woman pauses. She’s not expecting anything unusual. Maybe she’s in a market. Maybe it’s a sunny day. Maybe she’s simply out doing errands. She stops. She listens. She points him the right way.

But as he turns to leave, her eyes are drawn to something unnerving: a suspicious, exaggerated bulge running down his leg or thigh. It doesn’t look right. It doesn’t feel normal. She tries not to look, but instinct kicks in.

Then comes the scripted line:

“This is my stuff… I was born with it.”

“Can you handle it?”

She flinches. She freezes. She raises her eyebrows. Some respond with nervous laughter. Others gasp. Some flirt back—not because they want to, but because the moment catches them off guard. They ask, directly or indirectly:

“Is that real?”

What she doesn’t know is that she is already part of a viral video.

A hidden camera records her reaction. Every twitch, every smile, every awkward moment is captured and saved for one purpose: entertainment.

From Flirt to Exploitation

This isn’t comedy. It’s a performance built on provocation.

The prankster uses props—a cucumber, a sock, a rolled cloth—to simulate an exaggerated male genital bulge. The goal is simple: elicit shock. Prompt embarrassment. Provoke desire.

But it doesn’t end there. Sometimes he goes further.

He tells the woman he doesn’t have money for transport.

He claims his phone battery is dead.

He says he’s stranded and needs to contact someone.

And women, unaware of the setup, respond with compassion:

Some offer him money for his journey.

Some pull out their phones, letting him call a stranger.

Some say, “You can come with me” or “Let me help you find a place to stay.”

One even says: “I’ll pay for a hotel. Don’t worry.”

Some women, visibly shaken yet intrigued, exhibit involuntary signs of nervous arousal—licking their lips, playing with their hair, fidgeting with their clothes near sensitive areas, touching their necks, or adjusting their posture. These responses aren’t signs of consent or flirtation—they’re physiological and psychological reactions to sudden and confusing sexual cues, especially in public. Each gesture is part of a complex web of instinctive human behavior under social duress and emotional vulnerability.

Others appear emotionally drawn in by his scripted helplessness. When he says he’s stuck without money for transport or needs to call someone but has no battery or airtime, they respond with real concern. They reach for their purses, offer small bills, suggest getting him food, or even offer to walk him to a safe location. One woman says she’ll pay for his hotel. Another insists on buying him a phone card. A third gently hands over her phone and says, “Let me call someone for you.” These are genuine acts of care—manipulated and exploited for content.

What appears on camera as playfulness is actually a manipulated state of empathy, attraction, and anxiety. And the women involved? Most will face consequences long after the joke has ended.

Not Just Flirting—A Form of Public Emotional Exposure

We must call this what it is: digital emotional ambush.

These pranks go beyond harmless teasing. They lead women to expose not just their emotions, but their generosity, vulnerability, and bodily reactions. And all of it is packaged for laughs, likes, and shares.

It’s not just about how she reacts in the moment. It’s about what that reaction costs her afterwards:

At work: Her face circulates. Colleagues whisper. Her professionalism is questioned.

At home: A partner sees it. He replays it. He asks: “Why did you laugh?” “Why did you touch him?”

In her circle: Friends grow distant. Judgments arise.

In her mind: She replays it again and again. The shame multiplies. The guilt settles in. The regret becomes unbearable.

Some women react with anger when he finally reveals:

“It’s just a prank.”

But by then, it’s too late. The footage is secured. The video is edited. And her privacy has already been sold to the internet.

She becomes a meme. A punchline. And tragically, she becomes a case study in how public spaces are becoming psychological traps.

The Deeper Psychological Harm

As a psychologist would confirm, these pranks exploit neuro-emotional reflexes:

Startle-Arousal Confusion: The mind interprets sudden sexual suggestion as ambiguous threat or attraction.

Social Conditioning: Women are trained to be polite, to not make a scene.

Public Performance Pressure: In a crowd, people often suppress discomfort to “save face.”

Freeze or Fawn Response: Under surprise and stress, the brain triggers coping mechanisms—especially in women conditioned to avoid conflict.

Moral Entrapment: When women offer help, they are pulled into a trap of false kindness. Their virtue becomes entertainment.

These are not moral failings. These are manipulated survival instincts. And the damage left behind doesn’t just disappear. It lingers. It festers. It affects trust, self-esteem, and emotional safety.

He Gets the Fame, She Gets the Fallout

Let’s be brutally honest:

He walks away with views, followers, brand deals.

She walks away with reputation loss, relationship strain, emotional fatigue.

This is not a fair exchange. It is a one-sided transaction that trades a woman’s dignity for a man’s dopamine high from digital fame.

And yet, we laugh.

We share.

We comment with flame emojis.

We cheer for the “confidence” of the prankster while ignoring the pain of the woman who was never in on the joke.

She is ridiculed. Not for what she did—but for being human in a moment of deceit.

This Isn’t About Deeply Blaming One Man—But It Is a Demand for Accountability

Let this be understood:

This is not a personal witch-hunt. It is not an attack against Youngkong as an individual.

It is a demand for ethical boundaries, for creators to understand that not everything done for clout is harmless. It is a call to action for platforms, followers, and viewers to wake up and ask:

Who is really being hurt?

Who is laughing, and who is left crying?

It is also a call to lawmakers and digital rights advocates: where are the protections for those who never gave consent to be sexualized and posted to millions?

Final Word: She Is the One Left Holding the Shame

So the next time you scroll past one of these videos, ask yourself:

What if that was your daughter? Your wife? Your mother?

What if that moment cost her peace, her relationship, her family, her job, or her self-esteem?

What if her act of kindness was turned into a global joke?

Because when the prank is over, the camera packs up, and the video goes live—

he walks away with applause.

But she is the one left holding the shame.

And she must carry that shame in silence, while the world scrolls on.

This writer does not know any of the individuals involved; the focus is solely on upholding democracy, truth, and justice.

When Legitimacy Is Ignored, the People Respond with Psychological Rebellion

On Thursday, May 2nd, 2025, something deeper than a protest occurred at the EUI Centre in Port Harcourt, Rivers State. It was not merely a political rejection or a civil show of disapproval. It was a collective rupture—an emotional outburst from women who could no longer watch their dignity be paraded, manipulated, and substituted.

Videos shared widely on X by Port Harcourt Socials captured the moment with striking clarity: rows of seated women suddenly rising, turning their backs on the stage, and walking out of a government-sponsored event under the Renewed Hope Initiative. Their chant echoed like a thunderclap across the venue:

“We want SIM!”

“We want SIM!”

It was not just a slogan. It was a demand. A declaration. A correction. A psychological protest.

“Who is that impostor? Ibas’s wife is addressing Rivers’ women. Who is she? Come on, pack your load, Madam, we don’t want you!”

— Woman protester, EUI Centre, May 2, 2025

“We need Mrs. Oluremi Tinubu to come and address us. She is the one we have been waiting for. We don’t need a stranger. We want Sim right now. Sim should come today, not tomorrow.”

— Another protester, outside the venue

These weren’t rehearsed statements. These were spontaneous indictments of a state being governed like a military outpost, where local identity is replaced by federal command, and community voices are drowned by executive overreach.

Theresa Ibas Was Not Rejected for Who She Is, But for What She Represents

Theresa Ibas is not the villain in this story. She is not the architect of the Rivers crisis. But in the minds of the women gathered at that venue, she became the symbol of political intrusion, the face of a federal hand reaching too far into a state that never called for help.

This is a textbook example of symbolic displacement—a psychological condition where people reject not the individual, but what the individual represents. In this case, the women were not rejecting a woman named Theresa; they were rejecting the erasure of their own democratic memory.

Valerie Fubara, wife of the elected and now suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, remains the only First Lady the people recognize. No amount of federal logistics or orchestrated programs can substitute the bond between the people and their chosen representative. The Renewed Hope initiative might claim to empower women, but it failed to understand that women are not empowered by presence—they are empowered by recognition.

What Happened to the Culture of Political Restraint—The Sense of Shame?

This is where the larger question emerges:

What happened to the sense of shame in governance?

In a functioning democracy, shame acts as a regulator. It tells those in power when to pause. When to reflect. When not to proceed. When public sentiment clearly rejects a path, shame becomes the moral stop sign.

Yet here we are—after massive protests by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), condemnations by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), and increasing public outcry against the military-style occupation of Rivers State—and the federal government still proceeds to unveil Theresa Ibas like all is well.

It begs the question: Have Nigerian leaders grown so numb to public sentiment that even collective rejection no longer phases them? Or worse, are they so emboldened by impunity that they no longer care?

This isn’t governance. It’s psychological insult.

To drag out the wife of a federally imposed sole administrator—after discarding the elected governor and installing military-like control—is a level of political gaslighting that would be offensive in any society with a shred of democratic memory.

The Feminist Psychology of This Protest: When Women Say No, They Speak for Generations

Let us not reduce this protest to the actions of “angry women.” That would be not only dismissive but dangerous. These women are society’s stabilizers. Mothers. Grandmothers. Educators. Traders. Professionals. They are the ones who carry the emotional and cultural fabric of their communities.

And when they rise in collective anger, something foundational has been violated.

This event in Port Harcourt is a classic case of intergenerational resistance—a psychological act where the trauma of one political betrayal awakens the memory of others. These women were not just reacting to Theresa Ibas. They were reacting to:

The pain of being treated as voiceless.

The rage of watching democracy mocked.

The insult of being handed a new leader without consent.

And they did not just reject the speaker. They reclaimed the space.

This is what makes the walkout so significant: it was not a protest from outside. It was a revolt from within. They walked out not just of the hall—but out of the illusion that they are powerless.

“We Want Sim” Is More Than a Chant—It Is a Cry for Democratic Legitimacy

Let’s be clear: this protest is not just about political preference. “We Want Sim” is not a campaign slogan. It is a psychological cry for belonging. It is a defense of dignity. It is a reminder to the federal government that legitimacy cannot be forged by fiat.

Siminalayi Fubara, whether suspended or not, represents the last vestige of electoral choice. In a state suffocating under federal appointments and backdoor declarations, he is the psychological anchor of political identity.

To remove him without consent, install a Sole Administrator without consultation, and then parade the administrator’s wife before wounded citizens—is a deep, calculated act of erasure. But these women did not let it happen silently.

They spoke. They chanted. They walked.

They said: “We will not be gaslit.”

They said: “You cannot replace us with strangers.”

This Is the Real ‘Renewed Hope’—Resistance

Ironically, while the event was branded under the “Renewed Hope Initiative,” the only hope that was renewed that day was the hope in citizen resistance.

Because hope is not found in choreographed speeches. Hope is not in policy documents passed without consultation. Hope is in the fire that refuses to die, even when democracy is gagged and replaced with military-styled order.

Hope was in the voices of those women.

Hope was in the footsteps echoing as they left the hall.

Hope was in their insistence that Valerie Fubara remains their voice.

Final Reflection: Nigerians Are Watching, The World Is Watching

This event may seem like a localized protest to some, but it is not. It is a mirror of what is happening across Nigeria:

A people being governed without consent.

Women silenced, then expected to smile and clap.

Cultural memory being scrubbed and replaced with government branding.

Democratic betrayal wrapped in the language of national unity.

But the women of Rivers have issued a warning:

“If you cannot govern with our voice, you will not govern with our silence.”

A Final Message to Power: You Can Install a Stranger, But You Cannot Replace a People

The Psychological Cost of Being Treated as Nothing

In psychology, we call this betrayal trauma—a condition where those trusted to protect us become the source of our harm. And betrayal from government, unlike individual betrayal, affects entire communities.

In this case:

Women were told they had no right to decide who speaks for them.

Lawyers were told that their knowledge of the Constitution is irrelevant.

Citizens were told that their votes could be erased overnight—and replaced with uniforms and commands.

This is not just a political wound—it is a psychological crime.

How do you expect women to believe in empowerment when you dictate who empowers them?

How do you expect lawyers to believe in law when you openly reject the law in front of them?

How do you expect a people to feel like citizens, when every symbol of power tells them they are subjects?

From Resistance to Reckoning: The Birth of a New Political Consciousness

The walkout in Port Harcourt and the legal march in Abuja are not isolated acts. They are the birth pangs of a new consciousness.

These events have proven that:

Power can be challenged, even when surrounded by security.

Dignity can be reclaimed, even when taken for granted.

And most importantly, memory can fight back, even when the system tries to erase it.

This is how democratic resistance begins—not with bullets, but with walkouts, chants, and truths.

Lawyers in Black, Marching in Protest: A Nation’s Legal Conscience Takes to the Streets

Lawyers, dressed in their professional attire, stormed the American Embassy, protesting what they described as an “illegal occupation” of Rivers State. They held banners, submitted a formal petition, and demanded one thing:

The immediate reinstatement of Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

“This is not just a political crisis,” one lawyer declared into a microphone outside the embassy. “This is a constitutional assault on democracy.

Another said, “We are here because the courts have failed us. The rule of law is being mocked. The people’s mandate has been silenced. This is now a national embarrassment.”

That legal professionals—sworn officers of the court—would abandon their chambers to protest at the gates of a foreign embassy speaks volumes. It shows that Nigeria’s internal judicial mechanisms have lost credibility. That the rule of law is not just under threat—it is being trampled by those who should protect it.

Mr. President, let this moment be your mirror.

You forced a Sole Administrator on a people who never asked for one. You let his wife step into the place of a woman chosen by the people’s vote. You watched as the women of Rivers stood, rose, and walked out in defiance. You saw lawyers—men and women dressed in black—march to the gates of the American Embassy, rejecting your imposed order.

And still, you said nothing.

That silence? It screams. And it cuts deep.

This isn’t about politics anymore. It’s about dignity. About whether Nigerians still matter. About whether votes are anything more than shredded paper. About whether women are living, thinking citizens—or just silent chairs to be spoken at by strangers sent from Abuja.

This writer does not know any of the individuals involved; the focus is solely on upholding democracy, truth, and justice.

Each time I write glowingly about a public figure, be he or she a celebrity in politics or entertainment, some people start whispering about obsession or sycophancy. The moment I wield the pen to criticize another, they say I am out for revenge or trying to settle scores. But let us set the record straight: neither is true. What I do, and what responsible journalists everywhere do, is guided by professional judgment, public interest, and the moral obligation of the press. We are not here to massage egos or lash out. When we praise, it is for merit; when we criticize, it is for accountability. That is the essence of journalism, not sentiment, not vendetta, and certainly not patronage.

In the theater of news and public commentary, one question that constantly lingers is: why do journalists praise some public personalities, especially political leaders, while relentlessly criticizing others? Why does the media celebrate one governor as a reformer and another as a dictator, or hail one president’s policies as visionary while dismissing another’s as catastrophic?

At first glance, it may seem like bias, partisanship, or the influence of brown envelope journalism. In some cases, it is. But the full answer goes deeper, rooted in communication theory, media roles, social responsibility, and the evolving dynamics between power and the press.

This piece examines the reasons, both idealistic and problematic, why journalists lean toward eulogizing certain leaders and condemning others, and the lessons such editorial choices impart to the society.

To start with, journalism has always been more than the art of reporting facts. It plays the role of a watchdog, a public educator, and a moral barometer. Journalists are often tasked with holding the powerful accountable, giving voice to the voiceless, and setting standards for public conduct.

So, when a celebrity; whether in politics or in entertainment, is praised in the media, it is not just flattery. It often reflects the perceived alignment of that leader’s actions with societal progress or values. For instance, a journalist may praise a state governor who builds roads, pays salaries promptly, or invests in education, because those actions tangibly benefit the public.

Conversely, condemnation arises when a leader’s decisions result in public suffering, ike hoarding palliatives, mismanaging state funds, suppressing press freedom, or being indifferent to rising poverty. In such cases, condemnation becomes a journalistic duty, not a personal vendetta.

From a communication theory perspective, two critical concepts explain the praise-or-condemn dilemma: Agenda-Setting and Framing Theory.

Agenda-setting theory posits that the media does not tell people what to think, but it tells them what to think about. When journalists consistently spotlight a leader’s progressive policies, they are shaping national conversations in that direction. If they continually expose a leader’s incompetence, corruption, or arrogance, they are setting the public’s agenda around accountability.

Framing, on the other hand, is about how a story is told. A journalist’s choice of words, tone, headlines, and structure shapes public perception. A report titled “Governor “A” Launches N10 Billion Industrial Project to Empower Youths” frames the leader as forward-thinking. But a headline like “Governor “B” Splurges N1 Billion on Convoys Amid Hunger Crisis” paints another as wasteful. The facts may both be true, but framing defines perception.

Thus, praise or condemnation is often a function of how journalists frame the leader’s actions and why they choose to highlight them.

Ideally, journalists are guided by public interest. When they praise a political leader or an entertainer, it should be to showcase a model worth replicating. When they criticize, it should be to call attention to leadership failures that need urgent correction. In this role, the journalist is not just a reporter, but a societal referee, promoting excellence and calling out incompetence.

However, we must also acknowledge the ugly truth: not all praise is sincere, and not all condemnation is fair. The Nigerian media space, like many others globally, is not immune to influence-peddling, favoritism, or partisanship.

Against the forgoing backdrop, it is not out of place to opine in this context that some journalists praise leaders or celebrities because they are on their payroll. Some condemn out of spite, political affiliation, or personal grudge. Others write glowing tributes because they were promised contracts, appointments, or envelopes of cash. In such instances, journalism becomes a tool for propaganda or character assassination, not a platform for truth-telling.

This explains why two newspapers can carry two conflicting headlines on the same event. One might scream, “President Launches Historic Economic Reform,” while another claims, “Tinubu’s Policy Pushes More Nigerians into Poverty.” Both stories reflect the slant and agenda of the editors and reporters behind them.

A less discussed psychological factor that also drives this pattern is the “halo and horns effect.” The halo effect is the tendency to overpraise someone based on one positive trait or success. For example, a journalist who admires a leader for free education may overlook that same leader’s penchant for nepotism or media repression.

The horns effect, on the other hand, is the opposite, judging someone harshly based on one negative trait. A governor who mishandled a protest might continue to be written off by the press, even if he later initiates a sound healthcare reform.

These effects show how difficult it is, even for journalists, to remain neutral once a narrative about a leader is already cemented.

At its core, journalism is about shaping values. When journalists praise a governor for developing rural infrastructure, they are encouraging other leaders to emulate him. When they write damning articles about a senator caught in a bribery scandal, they are deterring others from following the same path.

In other words, journalism praises and condemns not merely to inform, but to influence. It sets moral boundaries. It says: “This is the kind of leadership we want” and “This behavior is unacceptable.”

That is why even critical writing should be constructive, not vengeful. And praise should be based on truth, not political loyalty.

Given all of the above, journalists must ask themselves critical questions before writing praise or condemnation: Am I informing the public or flattering power? Is this criticism backed by verified facts or driven by my political bias? Am I praising this leader to inspire better governance or to curry favor? A journalist who fails to answer these honestly is not doing journalism, rather he or she is doing damage.

Just as journalists must interrogate their motives, readers must also learn to read critically. Not every glowing editorial is gospel. Not every scathing article is truth. Readers must look out for signs of bias, verify facts independently, and consume news from multiple credible sources.

In this age of sponsored content and media polarization, blind trust in journalism can be dangerous.

In the final analysis, journalism is not about being a cheerleader or a hater. It is about being a truth-teller. A journalist’s job is not to always be on the side of power, or always against it, but always on the side of the people.

When journalists praise, it must be because the public has benefited. When they condemn, it must be because the people have suffered. Anything short of this is not journalism, it is manipulation.

So, when next you see a journalist hailing one leader and tearing down another, ask: Is this piece upholding truth and public good, or just doing someone’s bidding? The foregoing question is necessary because in a democracy, the pen must remain mightier than the pocket.

The woman advertised, the man bought. Willing buyer, willing seller principle is at play in Nigeria. Look. If you push the bosom of a full breasted woman in the face of a man, his first thought most likely would be to grab the succulent opportunity with both hands, whether he proceeds to the next stage to devour and ravage to his heart’s content depends on a few other factors. But most men will rise to the occasion. Indeed, if they don’t, won’t the woman offering feel insulted? I even think it is not right to devalue a woman like that. 

So why is the opposition harassing President Tinubu and All Progressive Congress (APC)? How is it Tinubu’s fault that Nigeria is drifting towards a one-party state? The opposition party in Nigeria, like a woman, saw a hot-blooded male, looking for a warm body and offered to warm his bed. With a full cleavage in the open, figure hugging dress  barely veiling promises thereunder, the woman twerked and twisted. The man  tapped her shoulder. She winked. He tickled her waist, counting the waist beads furtively. She smiled and rolled her tongue over her lips. He dragged her to sit beside him. She opted to sit on his lap. This is a man who had already had a few glasses of cognac. She continued to rub her leg against his legs under the table. Of course, the man asked for his bill quick and took her to the ….. em….em…. slaughter slab, sorry, a nice suite to check her goods out. Please note that not once did we hear a whimper or protest. Note also that no man showed up to claim this woman as his. No one accused the ‘toaster” that the bread being  harassed or pawed was his. Why then is the man, and not the woman, being accused of abduction and kidnapping because she is now being  vigorously worked on behind closed doors? The man, having landed the prize, has to give a good account of himself. Doesn’t he? 

Giving a good account of itself is all APC is guilty of. The opposition is succulent and willing to give its bosom softly and freely. Seriously, do we actually think APC will spit out the nipples PDP and LP were pushing into its mouth? Save for REAL men of God or the ones whose wives are sitting beside them or watching, how many men do you personally know who will turn down a curvy banging body? 

Delta State alone has 3,221,695 votes according to the INEC register. It most likely will increase by 2027 when more and younger Deltans will come into the voting fold. A woman’s banging body doesn’t come better than this. What Governor Oborevwori is bringing into APC’s inner chambers are firm breasts, voluptuous hips, very fertile womb. Why do you think PDP is reeling in pains and APC rolled out the drums on Monday? This beautiful bride is coming with promise. She is beautiful endowed. She will give APC plenty of children. She’s a major addition. Rivers state with 3,537, 190 votes in her bra is still straddling the fence but with the way PDP has focused on who occupies the office of National Secretary instead of closing ranks to shield Rivers state, APC will soon add her to the harem. One minute she’s wearing a mini skirt, the next, she’s flaunting her breasts and smooth thighs,  what’s a man supposed to do, just smack his lips and take a cold shower? Not a sustainable or fair option. 

Where was the man in the life of this woman that is now being ravished on the back seat of a limousine? Did he take care of the needs of the woman? Did he give her time and the energy of the other room? Where were the owners of the opposition parties when their critical members hit the streets to entice ‘the man’? Where was former Vice President Atiku Abubakar? Or is he no longer a major stakeholder and leader of PDP? My wicked friend said the woman escaped while her husband was in a meeting with his coalition partners. Ah, and he left the door ajar! Who does that? Women, like politicians, are attracted to success and power. What a curvy body does to men’s loins is what power and influence do to a politician’s head. The more influence the Labour Party and PDP lost, the less attractive it becomes to its members who are already looking at 2027. Their own jobs and bottom lines depend on who can secure another four years for them. 

Anybody with the sense God gave a goose knows the endless squabbles in the opposition parties could only lead them to Golgotha, the place of skulls. And what didn’t they fight over? PDP has not agreed on anything since 2022. They couldn’t agree on whether their Chairman, Senator Iyorchia Ayu, was bigger than their threatened electoral victory or not. The party threw the spanners in the works of its own presidential primaries in the middle of the event because the leaders couldn’t put the party first. For good measure, they hung the party’s major financier out to dry. When they couldn’t find any other thing to fight over, they started quarrelling over whose office was loyal to who until they started living on the premises of one court or the other. Nobody was big enough to call anybody to order. It was like the bug that bit Labour Party people assumed COVID-19 virus proportions in PDP. Nobody was listening to anybody. Nobody thought of the party. Soon, members of the opposition parties started living up to the ‘hook-up girl billing’. 

The hedge around them, they broke with their own hands. They have all now wandered out, freely tickling warm blooded APC. 

So, again I ask, how is this APC’s fault? Is it that we cannot see that politicians are incapable of loving anybody but themselves? Is it not obvious that the defection song and dance is all about a few men and the national cake they are stuffing their face with? They are not doing this for God or country.

Soon and very soon, APC will impregnate more stray brides, enlarge its harem and the rest will be history repeating itself all over again, if you get my drift.