It is deeply disheartening that decades after Nigeria’s return to democracy, the foundational principle of leadership, service to the people, remains grossly misunderstood, if not outright ignored, by many of the country’s elected and appointed public officials. From the local government chairmen in rural communities to the lawmakers and array of political appointees strutting in Abuja and all the local and state government capitals, a shameful number of these officeholders see public office not as a call to serve but as a golden opportunity to enrich themselves, their cronies, and their extended families.

The rot is systemic. Public office in Nigeria has, unfortunately, become synonymous with access to wealth. Instead of being custodians of public trust, many politicians have turned into custodians of private fortunes. The disturbing truth is that some of them run for office not to solve problems or advance national development, but to gain proximity to power, public funds, and prestige. They crave the status and privileges of political office but show little or no concern for the obligations and sacrifices it demands.

Take a cursory look at the lifestyle of many Nigerian politicians. Their ostentatious displays of wealth, exotic cars, sprawling mansions, lavish parties, first-class travels, and foreign medical tourism, are in stark contrast to the poverty-stricken communities they represent. While millions of Nigerians are struggling to eat one decent meal a day, their supposed representatives are signing multi-million naira allowances, awarding bloated contracts to themselves or proxies, and shamelessly defending their excesses on national television.

Even more infuriating is the culture of impunity that enables this behavior. How many public officials are truly held accountable? How many have been jailed for looting public funds? The few cases that make headlines are often marred by prolonged court drama, technicalities, and eventual silence. Corruption cases are frequently reduced to political witch-hunts or mere distractions, and the looters often return to the same political system with renewed vigor and even higher ambitions. The political recycling of corrupt leaders has become a national embarrassment.

The concept of leadership in Nigeria has been bastardized. Leadership should be about vision, responsibility, humility, and service. It should be about providing infrastructure, creating opportunities, improving healthcare, reforming education, and ensuring justice. But in Nigeria, leadership has been reduced to control over allocations, signing off contracts, patronage politics, and feathering personal nests.

Many of our so-called leaders lack the most basic understanding of public service ethics. The moment they are elected or appointed, they forget the people who voted for them. They isolate themselves behind high walls, siren-blaring convoys, and layers of protocol. Their promises to fix roads, build hospitals, improve schools, and fight poverty become distant memories.

The late Dora Akunyili, one of Nigeria’s few public servants who understood the essence of leadership, once said, “The good name you leave behind is better than the billions you looted.” But today, such voices are few and far between. Most Nigerian politicians are obsessed with the next election rather than the next generation. They think in terms of four-year terms, not forty-year legacies.

It is not uncommon to hear stories of a local government chairman who within two years becomes a real estate mogul, or a senator who suddenly owns choice properties in Dubai, London, or South Africa. These are not coincidences; they are clear signs that leadership, as presently practiced by many, is nothing but an enterprise. This enterprise mindset has led to the monetization of every aspect of governance, from civil service recruitment to contract approvals, and even judicial rulings.

This get-rich-quick mentality has damaged the soul of our democracy. Young Nigerians no longer aspire to public office for noble reasons. The narrative on the streets is clear: politics is the shortest route to sudden wealth. As long as this mentality persists, Nigeria will continue to recycle mediocrity, suffer under-development, and lose its brightest minds to “Japa” (mass exodus) syndrome. A nation that rewards impunity and punishes integrity will always struggle to rise.

This is the reason why credible professionals, intellectuals, and technocrats often stay away from politics. They fear being lumped together with the corrupt political class. Until we make politics unattractive to thieves and attractive to patriots, nothing will change. Governance must be redefined in Nigeria to reflect the true essence of service and accountability.

But this tragedy is not irreversible. The tide can change if citizens begin to demand accountability with louder voices and stronger resolve. If the same energy used to support entertainers and football teams can be channeled into civic responsibility, such as asking tough questions, attending town hall meetings, voting wisely, rejecting vote buying, and demanding transparency, we can begin to reclaim the essence of leadership. It starts with awareness and builds into action. Silence in the face of leadership failure is complicity.

It is high time Nigerian politicians learned that leadership is not about privilege but responsibility. They must understand that every naira stolen is a school not built, a hospital not equipped, a road not repaired, a job not created, a stomach left empty, and a dream cut short. Leadership is a sacred trust, and every betrayal of that trust weakens the foundation of our democracy.

The fight to restore the dignity of leadership must be collective. Religious leaders must preach accountability, not just prosperity. Traditional rulers must call out the failings of their political subjects. Civil society organizations must keep pressing, and journalists must continue to expose rot with facts and courage. Most importantly, the Nigerian electorate must rise above tribalism, religion, and handouts, and vote with conscience.

It is also essential that anti-corruption institutions are truly independent and empowered to act without fear or favor. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), and the Code of Conduct Bureau must be shielded from political interference. Until the sacred cows are brought to book, the message will always be clear: stealing in Nigeria is profitable if you have the right political backing.

Public office should be a sacrifice, not a source of luxury. Until Nigerian leaders realize this, and act accordingly, the country will continue to groan under the weight of failed promises and broken systems. The sooner they learn this lesson, the better for the country they swore to serve.

In conclusion, the time has come to rewrite the narrative. Nigerians must begin to insist on a new breed of leaders, those who see office as a responsibility, not an entitlement. Those who understand that leadership is about impact, not income. Those who prioritize nation-building over self-aggrandizement. Until this becomes the standard, our democracy will remain in chains, and the promise of Nigeria will continue to fade.

IS democratization feasible in Africa? That is the million dollars question that I wish to address. In this “recent wave of liberation” across the continent, Africa is rediscovering itself through intensifying struggles for DEMOCRACY. Thus, an over view of DEMOCRACY and good governance in Africa with regards to transparency, inclusiveness, and the fight against corruption.

DEMOCRACY in Africa presents a complex picture, with both progress and setbacks. It is interconnected, with progress in one area often influencing the other. The quality of Africa’s democracies is, however, uneven; despite political changes, the entrenchment of democratic values remains shallow and compromised. However, some progress has been made: around one-quarter of African states are now ‘free’.

To a reasonable extent, there Is Hope For DEMOCRACY In Africa; although part of the questions that agitates the mind most often are: “can DEMOCRACY work in Africa?” and “is Africa becoming more democratic?”. Unarguably, DEMOCRACY is taking root in Africa. But that doesn’t mean it works all the time.

Additionally,
DEMOCRACY in Africa is a complex and multifaceted issue, with a mix of progress and setbacks. DEMOCRACY is more than just a system; it is a promise. A promise of freedom, accountability, and a government that truly serves its people.

Furthermore, I daresay that DEMOCRACY is actually more than a promise. It is a COVENANT. It is a contractual agreement between the electorate and the elected. After being elected, refusing to deliver is a violation, morally and legally! Hence, the need for reflecting on the desirability of DEMOCRACY as a COVENANT rather than just a promise which elevates it beyond rhetoric to a binding relationship–one built on trust, accountability, and shared responsibility.

The Immutable truth, is that, at the heart of DEMOCRACY lies a trio of virtues: courage, integrity and devotion to democratic principles. Simply put, DEMOCRACY is a system of government where power is held by the people, either directly or through elected representatives. It’s a concept rooted in the idea of “rule by the people”, where individuals have a say in shaping their society and government. In summary, DEMOCRACY is not just about voting; it’s about stewardship. And when that stewardship falters, the very fabric of democratic legitimacy begins to dwindle.

Following from the above, I’d like to affirm the desirability and that, there’s hope for DEMOCRACY in Africa. Particularly, in Nigeria, as both a historical achievement and an ongoing national commitment. We urges policymakers to view DEMOCRACY not merely as a political framework but as a living system of governance anchored in service, integrity, and inclusive development.

Ironically, glorying in one’s anomalies will ultimately precipitate a cacophony of contemptuous applause. As such, this contribution emphasizes the moral and civic responsibility of leaders to deepen democratic practice by upholding the rule of law, ensuring citizen participation, and delivering on the promise of equitable progress.

Therefore, as we continue on the anticipated success on this trajectory, it is our strong believe that, this can be followed by some policy *RECOMMENDATIONS:*

1) Strengthening Institutional Accountability
Bolstering the independence and capacity of oversight bodies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission.(ICPC) and the Auditor-General’s Office.
Enforcing open budgeting and procurement transparency at federal, state, and local levels.

2) Enhancing Civic Participation
Institutionalizing regular citizen consultations in policymaking (e.g., town halls, policy dialogues, participatory budgeting).
Expanding civic education, especially among youth and rural populations, to promote democratic values and informed engagement.

3) Reforming Electoral Processes
Fully implementing and funding the Electoral Act reforms to ensure transparent, credible, and violence-free elections.
Supporting Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), with technology, logistics, and capacity-building to maintain electoral integrity.

4) Promoting Inclusive Governance
Ensuring gender and youth representation in appointments and elected offices.
Mainstreaming policies that address regional disparities and minority rights to foster national cohesion.

5) Investing in Rule of Law and Justice Sector Reform
Decongesting and modernizing the judiciary to deliver timely and impartial justice.
Providing resources and autonomy to human rights institutions and legal aid schemes to protect citizens’ rights.

6) Delivering Tangible Development Outcomes
Prioritizing policies that improve public service delivery—healthcare, education, water, and infrastructure—as a democratic dividend.
Ensuring implementation of the National Development Plan with clear performance indicators and public reporting.

Essentially, as a political operative, a social reformer and an advocate of social justice; I believe the above view may credence better democratic governance by benchmarking a minimum standard of political culture and behaviour.

In conclusion, this accentuate the profound reality of HOPE in our DEMOCRACY and, it is heartwarming that many African countries are on a path to participatory DEMOCRACY. Though there have been significant progress, some democracies remain on rocky path. Finally, it is firmly posited that, there is HOPE for DEMOCRACY in Africa with consistent efforts to confront the challenges.

In the face of escalating poverty, mounting insecurity, and a spiraling economy, the Nigerian government continues to feed its people the same worn-out excuses about why critical investments in education remain elusive. This is why recent developments in Burkina Faso, a relatively poor and conflict-prone West African country, should shake the conscience of every Nigerian policymaker. In a bold and people-oriented move, the Burkinabe military-led government announced a sweeping policy to provide free scholarships from primary school through university for all its citizens. For a country whose GDP is cannot be said to be sustainable compared to Nigeria’s,  and whose economy is constantly under siege from both terrorism and climate shocks, this is nothing short of revolutionary.

In fact, when comparing the economic strengths of Burkina Faso and Nigeria, the contrast is stark and largely influenced by scale, natural resources, and regional dominance. Nigeria stands as Africa’s largest economy by GDP, driven by its vast oil and gas reserves, a large population exceeding 200 million, and a relatively diversified economy that includes agriculture, telecommunications, and services. In contrast, Burkina Faso, a landlocked West African nation with a population of about 22 million, has a much smaller and agrarian-based economy. Its main economic activities are cotton farming and gold mining, and its GDP is significantly lower, hovering around $20 billion, compared to Nigeria’s over $450 billion.

Despite Nigeria’s apparent economic might, the strength of an economy is not determined by size alone. Burkina Faso, though poorer, has made some strides in improving public financial management, maintaining relative stability in inflation, and expanding access to mobile banking. Its gold mining sector has also grown steadily, contributing significantly to its foreign earnings. However, political instability, insecurity from extremist insurgencies, and limited infrastructure continue to choke economic progress. Nigeria faces similar issues but on a much larger scale, chronic corruption, fluctuating oil prices, poor power supply, and a weak manufacturing base all undermine its vast potential. Moreover, the gains from its oil wealth have not translated into broad-based development for the majority of its citizens.

In a head-to-head judgment of which country has the better economic strength, Nigeria clearly has the upper hand in terms of resources, GDP size, and regional influence. However, if judged by how effectively economic resources are managed and how evenly economic benefits are distributed, neither country performs well. Nigeria’s economy is stronger on paper, but it is plagued by deep inefficiencies and mismanagement. Burkina Faso may have a smaller economy, but its simplicity allows for potentially quicker gains if reforms are sustained. Ultimately, Nigeria is economically stronger, but whether that strength is meaningful to its citizens is still up for debate.

The question, therefore, arises: if Burkina Faso can afford to educate its people for free from cradle to career, what exactly is Nigeria’s excuse?

Let us be honest, Burkina Faso is not an economic powerhouse. It is a country with a comparative low per capita income compared to Nigeria’s, and it is also a nation battling insurgents across more than 40% of its territory, and one that relies heavily on international aid. Yet, despite these limitations, it has shown that political will, not economic might, is the real driver of inclusive policies. The leadership in Ouagadougou has made it clear that investing in its human capital is a non-negotiable priority, even in times of uncertainty. They understand that an educated citizenry is their best bet for long-term peace, economic resilience, and national unity.

Nigeria, on the other hand, with all its wealth and resources, remains stuck in a loop of misplaced priorities. While children in Burkina Faso are being told that their future is worth investing in, millions of Nigerian children roam the streets hawking pure water, washing windshields in traffic, or forced into child labor because their parents cannot afford basic school fees. The out-of-school children population in Nigeria is estimated at over 10 million, the highest in the world. This is a national disgrace for a country that proudly calls itself the “Giant of Africa.”

The problem in Nigeria is not the lack of money; it is the deliberate mismanagement of resources and an embarrassing lack of empathy by those in power. While universities rot and teachers go unpaid, lawmakers receive some of the highest salaries and allowances in the world. Governors build vanity projects, state-of-the-art flyovers, and glass-domed government houses, yet cannot allocate meaningful budgets to education. The federal budget consistently underfunds the sector, often allocating less than 7%, far below the UNESCO-recommended 15–20%. Meanwhile, ghost schools, budget padding, and bloated payrolls remain the order of the day.

It is not just about funding, it is about policy direction. While Burkina Faso is scrapping tuition fees and investing in school infrastructure, Nigeria is doing the opposite. The introduction of student loans under the Student Loan Act, while seemingly progressive on the surface, is a veiled admission that the government is shifting its educational responsibility to already impoverished citizens. Students are being asked to borrow their way through school in a country where jobs are not guaranteed after graduation and interest rates are high. This is not empowerment; it’s systemic punishment.

Some may argue that Nigeria is too large or too complex to replicate Burkina Faso’s model. But that is a lazy argument. Countries like Ghana and Rwanda, also smaller than Nigeria, have implemented free secondary education and are rapidly expanding access to tertiary education. Ghana’s Free SHS (Senior High School) policy has seen increased enrollment across the country, while Rwanda’s government has heavily subsidized education and linked it to digital skills. These are countries with fewer resources but a clear understanding that human capital development is the bedrock of national development.

Nigeria should stop looking at its size and start looking at its will, or lack thereof. The truth is that there are enough resources within the Nigerian economy to fund free education at all levels, if only the leakages can be plugged. If billions can be spent on fuel subsidies, luxury convoys, and unproductive international trips, then billions can also be allocated to fund education. What is lacking is visionary leadership that is willing to make sacrifices and put the people first.

There is also the moral angle to this. A country that refuses to educate its youth is condemning itself to a future of chaos, dependency, and stagnation. Insecurity, unemployment, and underdevelopment are all directly linked to the lack of education. Every Nigerian child kept out of school today is a potential recruit for criminality tomorrow. Investing in education is not just an economic decision, it is a national security strategy.

Nigerian leaders must remove their heads from the sand and begin to look around them. Inspiration does not always have to come from the West. It is high time they drew lessons from smaller, poorer African nations that are doing big things with little means. Burkina Faso’s bold scholarship policy is a clear challenge to Nigeria: if we, with our meager economy, can do this, what’s stopping you?

As a journalist, I believe leadership is not just about wielding power; it is about using power to build a legacy. Nigeria needs a leadership class that is inspired by the right things, by the hunger for social justice, by the urgency of equitable development, and by the moral obligation to uplift the masses. The leaders must begin to look beyond party interests and embrace people-centered governance. What is happening in Burkina Faso should not be ridiculed or dismissed simply because of its political context. It should be studied, adapted, and if possible, improved upon.

In conclusion, Nigeria must stop punching below its weight. With all our resources, intellect, and economic advantage, we have no business being outclassed by smaller economies when it comes to basic human development goals. If Burkina Faso can give its children a fighting chance at a better future through free education, then so can Nigeria. The only thing standing in the way is our unwillingness to do the right thing. Let Burkina Faso’s bold move serve as a wake-up call.

Against the backdrop of the foregoing views, it is expedient to ask at this juncture: “If Burkina Faso can offer scholarships from primary to university, what is Nigeria’s excuse?”

Nigeria, the time to act is now.

I know not what qualifies me to be your choice of speaker at this maiden event but believe me, I am here with delight because my recollections of, and my interactions with the Body of Benchers fill me with nostalgia.

As a young law graduate applying to the Nigerian Law School, the fear of the Body of Benchers, was the beginning of wisdom, back in the 1980s, when I had cause to interact with the body.

It was not “fear” represented by “dread”. On the contrary, it was “awe inspiring fear” of the achievements of the members in and out of law practice and their stature as giants of our profession and society; men and women of high repute and integrity.

Indulge me by allowing to recall 3 (three) of them and thus, set the stage for the focus of my intervention today.

THE PAST

The first is the late Chief Debo Akande, SAN, who was my late father’s friend, who gladly accepted to have me undertake my compulsory law office chambers attachment in his office at the Western House. Having supervised me for several weeks it was easy to make a personal reference and recommendation about my suitability for the call to bar.

And the fundamental question is this: How many benchers today have had the personal experience and observation of the persons they sponsor for call to the bar?

And this takes me to my second Bencher, T.A.B OKI, SAN also of blessed memory. He was my second sponsor. He did not know me, but had known my father and grandparents for many years. He was a very reluctant sponsor and made me know it. 

He refused to sign my form when my father presented it to him. He insisted I must come to his office on Kofo Abayomi in Victoria Island which I did. At his office, he interviewed me as if I was seeking employment with him. 

He made it very clear that he was gambling on me only because he knew my father very well and extracted an undertaking from me to always try to be of good behaviour, according to him, “like my father.” I readily gave the undertaking in writing and the experience has never left me.

How many Benchers today sponsor candidates for call to the Bar that they have never interacted with?

The third Bencher on focus is Mr. Webber George Egbe, QC, SAN, also now of blessed memory. He was the chairman of the Body for 1988 – 1989. He presided at my call to bar on the 2nd of November 1988.

In the speech he delivered, he said many things that I do not now remember. But he said one thing which I have never forgotten and it has remained with me as a useful tool of life.

He spoke about the power of self-discipline. The core of the message was that from primary school through to that night of our call to bar, we had been under some form of imposed discipline by parents, guardians, teachers, lecturers and persons who stood in loco parentis.

On that night of our call to bar, he said the “yoke” of imposed discipline had been lifted but that we needed to remain disciplined to progress in life and that the hardest discipline was self-imposed discipline, which each of us must now find.

I have chosen to start my intervention today by these stories in an effort to graphically illustrate the profundity and importance of one of the statutory functions of the Body of Benchers, which is to regulate the admission of persons into the legal profession and to exercise disciplinary jurisdiction over legal practitionersas prescribed in the Legal Practitioners Act (LPA), Cap L11, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.

It is a big responsibility of Human Capital Development and nation-building that is not to be undertaken lightly or with levity. If anyone of unsuitable quality, character, integrity, or competence slips through the cracks, a poor-quality lawyer has been made, a potentially poor-quality Law Teacher, Prosecutor, Judge, Legal adviser or Law Officer. 

A grave danger would have been created for the system of Administration of Justice where the stakes are very high in terms of Lives and Livelihoods.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the events I have recalled about the three gentlemen about whom I have spoken relate to an era around 1988 (37 years ago) a whole generation. At the time when I enrolled at the Supreme Court which was then in Lagos on the 3rd of November 1988, I was No. 10,550 on the roll of the Supreme Court.

From my enquiry, the Nominal Roll of the Supreme Court now has 146,255 lawyers.

The theme of this lecture is: “Half A Century of The Body of Benchers, The Past, The Present, And The Future of Maintaining The Ethics of The Legal Profession in Nigeria.”

Permit me, therefore, to adopt my short stories as representative of the past in the discussion of the past, present and future of the Body of Benchers.

Inherent in those 3 (three) stories are practical illustrations of the work of the Body of Benchers through its members, manifestly concerned about issues of integrity and character of persons, who pass through them to be admitted to the Nigerian Bar and unleashed unto the larger society.  

But the pertinent question to ask the layman is who are these people who call themselves the Body of Benchers and what do they do? These are questions the Body must consciously attempt to answer by engaging in what I call Street Level conversation.

Given the quality of the audience here today it will serve no useful purpose for me to attempt that answer in any detail in view of the constraints of my time.

For the Layman, who uses a search engine to look for the Body of Benchers, one would come across a site named bob.goo.ng. That site relates the history of the Body to the work of the Unsworth Commission constituted by Prime Minister Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. 

This would give the impression that the Body came into being in the 1960s and should be commemorating its sixth decade of existence. This is in stark contrast to the notice of the body at this event to review its past, present and future in Half a century. 

It suffices to say, as a reminder to all who are present that this body is the Regulator and quality controller of the legal profession. If quality control fails the society is in trouble.

I believe it was in the popular case of LPC v. Abuah, which we are all familiar with that the pioneer Chairman of the Body of Benchers, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, restated the onerous responsibility of those charged with admission of new lawyers when His Lordship said: “By enrolling them, we present them to the public as men the public can, with confidence, employ to carry out the duties and responsibilities appertaining to their all-important office. We, therefore, owe it to the public to see that members of the public are not exposed to risks in their dealings with these men.”

It is of course important to mention that the body did not always exist. Prior to its establishment, applicants who had qualified and had been called to the Bar in other jurisdictions were enrolled in the Supreme Court. 

This is the reason our first-generation lawyers had two dates: the date of Call to Bar and the date of Enrolment in the Supreme Court. It was in the late 1960s, after the establishment of the Nigerian Law School, that the idea was conceived to establish a body to be responsible for admission of applicants to the Bar in Nigeria before their enrolment by the Supreme Court. 

This led to the promulgation of the Legal Practitioners (Amendment) Decree No. 45 of 1971, which formally established the Body of Benchers fifty-four years ago under the leadership of the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Adetokunbo Ademola. 

But many things have changed.

THE PRESENT

As we move from the past to the present, we must acknowledge that the Supreme Court in which I registered in Lagos, is now in Abuja, the Nigerian Law School which was only in Lagos now has schools in Abuja, Bayelsa, Kano, Enugu, Yola, and Port Harcourt in addition to the Lagos School.

The world itself has changed and a survey will reveal to us that our Law School is now graduating about 5,000 students averagely per annum. This is now about half of the 10,550 lawyers, who registered in Nigeria when I enrolled in 1988. 

There are now 146,255 lawyers on the nominal roll. There is also good reason for us to be concerned about public perception of our administration of justice system in which lawyers produced from the Law School and admitted to the Bar by the Body of Benchers play a prominent role.

If this is a fair picture of the present, what should we do about the future. From where will reformists like those who spearheaded the Birth of the Council of Legal Education, The Nigerian Law School and the Body of Benchers come; one might ask?

THE FUTURE

My answer is that many more of them are in this audience and so this lecture provides a unique opportunity to start the conversation. Therefore, within the framework of the theme past, present and future selected for this conversation, I wish to ask the reform minded persons in our midst whether the time has not come to re-think and re-make how we train lawyers in Nigeria?

Given the public concerns about the administration of justice, has the time not come upon us to separate and specialise the training of solicitors from Barristers or advocates. The focus on Benchers/Advocates is particularly important because it is the output of their work in the courtrooms that the public is overtly concerned about.

Is this not the time to also look in the mirror and at the current Law School curriculum and ask ourselves what kind of advocate we can train in 1(one) year with a theoretical outlook and insufficient time or infrastructure for Court Room practice and exposure.

Put differently, can the current theoretical exposure and limited court and chambers attachment deliver the “…intangible attitudes of a Lawyer…” that Justice Orojo spoke about as the reason for the establishment of the Body of Benchers. 

Permit me to tell you yet another story. 

It is a story that hugs the controversy of whether law practice is a trade or a profession. That debate has been had by many intellectuals, and the “profession” appears to have overcome “trade.”

What is undeniable is that the law profession, especially the Barrister’s work, is rooted in norms, usages, traditions, and culture, all of which are best learned in practice rather than in a classroom. 

The story of Owoblow is empirical proof of the point. It is the story of a graduate not of law who, for lack of employment, took up the job of a law clerk back in the 1990s. His job was to file and serve court processes. He was trained to draft affidavits of service and to depose to them and get court processes into file. 

From time to time, he accompanied lawyers to court. In no time, he knew the names, citations and locations in the office library of all the major cases on injunctions, stay of Execution, summary judgment and the major legal issues that dominated headlines in the 1990s. 

On one occasion as senior associate, when l reviewed the work done by law students on chamber attachment and asked why he had drafted a document in a particular way, the response I got was that it was Owoblow that taught him to draft it that way.

I was outraged that a law graduate under training in the Nigerian Law School was taking instructions from a non-law graduate, who had not been to law school. But the reality was that Owoblow was training by daily practice. He knew the Bailiffs Section, Probate Section, and had become comfortable with completing the forms for Lawyers in chambers to sign. 

In the event, the chamber advised Owoblow to return to university, where he got a law degree and from there to law school. I can say that he is now one of us, and was very well trained. 

Given this story, the question to ask is how many of the over 5,000 lawyers were ready for courtroom work the following day. Some of the best lawyers and Judges of repute produced in this country walked paths similar to that of Owoblow, by serving as court clerks or Registrars, before embarking on formal training as lawyers. 

Clearly, there is a lot to learn from this about the gaps in our training of lawyers. What we seemed to have focused on is the academic part. The Bar Standards Board which regulates the profession in England and Wales, moves beyond this by stipulating vocational training and pupillage (after the academic training) before a barrister can appear in court.

We must ask ourselves whether those who just want a law degree to proceed to other occupations should bother to go to the law school. We must also question the continued relevance of the law school as a training institution and its efficacy to train over 5,000 students into proficient advocates.

I would recommend that post-university training of solicitors and advocates be left now and in the future to law firms to be accredited nationwide for that purpose, while the Law School under the aegis of the Council of Legal Education remains an examining and certification body, separating Solicitors examinations from that of Barristers.

In the latter case that is where the scrutiny of the Body of Benchers should be focused – those Barristers to be admitted to the Bar. My suggestions are not perfect, but I believe that the time for change and reform was yesterday. If we are to remake the system of administration of justice, we must start with the people who get to operate the system.

Competence is key and it is from competence that we can set standards. When we set standards, non-compliance is easily detectable and sanctionable. I regret to say that today one is hard put to see the “wood from the trees” in the difference between incompetence and misconduct in some judicial outcomes.

The skill of Barristers and those of them who become Judges and their level of competence must account in part for why cases based largely on documents still take several years to try and decide in spite of many fast-track efforts.

Before I conclude, I must be on record to state for those who do not know that in addition to its recommendation of persons to be called to the bar, the Body of Benchers also has responsibility for discipline of legal practitioners who are not judges.

This is a very important responsibility and the future of the profession and by extension the Body of Benchers depends on how this responsibility is discharged.

Put differently, when quality control fails and a bad product enters society, what is the power of recall or remediation that the Body of Benchers exercises to remedy the situation? I am aware that the Committee that discharges this responsibility on behalf of the Body – the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee – has tried and dispensed with some high-profile cases. 

I am glad to learn from the Chairman of the Body of Benchers, Asiwaju Adegboyega Awomolo, SAN that there is going to be a public presentation of the Reports of the Directions of the LPDC today immediately after this lecture. This is commendable. 

But the question to ask is whether the average Nigerian thinks that the Committee has done enough. The public space is full of reports of multiplicity of suits and suggestions of forum/fora shopping aided by legal practitioners in manifest abuse of the judicial process.

What does it take to bring these lawyers to book and what kind of consequences are they subject to? To the extent that public confidence is critical to the reputation of the system of administration of justice, l think these are matters that require serious consideration. 

Our judicial system which is one of the most revered judicial systems in the commonwealth, is facing scrutiny under a large microscope. The reasons for scrutiny are not far-fetched. Some of the outcomes from the legal system raise more than an eyebrow. 

If the outcomes raise concern, certainly we must interrogate the input, which is the quality of persons admitted to the Bar by the Body of Benchers.  

This meeting is our golden moment to start a new journey for the Nigerian Legal system by demonstrating that there are internal self-correcting mechanisms that ensure that the dispensation of justice is speedy, credible and reliable. 

By reforming the training process of persons called to the Bar (as distinct from Solicitors whose work is not so much public facing) we can secure a prosperous future for the legal profession that is anchored on sound ethical foundations of competence, character and integrity. 

This is the hard but necessary road of the journey to restoring public confidence in the Nigerian legal system and profession. 

*Above is an abridged version of a keynote speech by a former Minister of Works and Housing, Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN, on the theme: ‘Half-a-century of the body of benchers: the past, the present, and the future of maintaining the ethics of the legal profession in Nigeria’ delivered on Wednesday, March 26^th, 2025, at the main auditorium, Body of Benchers Complex, Abuja.

Suspected Boko Haram terrorists on Saturday attacked the 27 Task Force Brigade, Buni Yadi, Gujba LGA of Yobe State, killing at least four soldiers and destroying many operational equipment.

The attack happened less than 24 hours after the North East Governors Forum met in the state capital, Damaturu, and adopted a multidimensional approach to tackle insurgency in the region.

Buni Yadi is located about 65km from Yobe State capital and is the country home of the state governor, Mai Mala Buni.

A security source, who escaped the attack, told our correspondent that the assailants stormed their location around 2am on Saturday through the western direction.

He said the terrorists sacked the troops from the brigade and burnt down all the equipment that were deployed there.

“They ransacked the armory, looted what they could and burnt it down;  they set ablaze the artillery, five MRAPs, anti-aircraft carriers, and over 20 Hilux vans,” he said.

Earlier on Saturday, the Nigerian Army headquarters confirmed the attack via its verified Facebook page but didn’t give further details on the destruction recorded.

“Troops of Operation HADIN KAI are currently in a fierce battle against ISWAP attack at Buni Gari, Yobe State. Details later,” it stated.

However, another soldier, who escaped the early morning attack said the terrorists stormed the areas in large numbers through the western direction, hauling explosives and shooting sporadically.

“We were taken off guard by the heavy explosions and gunfire, but we stood our ground but were later overpowered. A lot of our fighting equipment was destroyed during the encounter.

“Yes, we lost four of our men, just as they also recorded casualties during the fierce battle that last for hours….,“ he said.

He lamented that the soldiers were gruesomely killed by the terrorists “They were beheaded.”

Six military formations attacked so far

With this attack, at least six military formations have been targeted by the terrorists in Goneri, Wajirko, Sabongari, Izge and Wulgo, where soldiers were killed and military equipment looted or destroyed.

According to newspaper reports, attacks which happened between January and April 2025, had claimed the lives of an army commander, a captain and 22 soldiers.

A local security expert told our correspondent that five of the military locations overran by the insurgents were located at the Tumbuktu triangle within Sambisa forest.

“Sadly, they succeeded in overrunning all these bases that were strategically located to block their illegal activities within the Sambisa Forest and Mandara Hills,” he said.

Locals flee Buni Yadi

Local source who fled to the local council headquarters, Buni Yadi, said many residents have fled their homes to areas they consider safe.

“The military had shut down vehicular movement on the busy road, which serves as a link between Yobe and Biu and other towns in southern Borno,” he said.

Two weeks ago, Boko Haram insurgents attacked a military location in the Chalie area, Buni Yadi, where three soldiers were reportedly killed during the attack.

Over the past months, communities in Borno have suffered relentless assaults with insurgents targeting villages and military formations, particularly in Sabon Gari, Wajirko and Wulgo were they dislodged troops and stole arms and ammunition, among others.

Zulum calls for deployment of more troops, equipment

Governor Zulum also called on the federal government and the military to take the battle to the terrorists in Lake Chad and Mandara Hills in Sambisa Forest.

He also advocated for increased troop deployment to areas such as the Timbuktu Triangle and for continuous and sustained military operations to prevent the reoccupation of previously reclaimed territories.

“There should be forces that will keep the ground, otherwise they will come back”, he said.

“What brought about the recent situation is we felt everything is OK, but they are regrouping now and I believe the Nigerian military will not allow them to regroup.”

The governor requested the deployment of more military hardware including Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected Vehicles (MRAPs), Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), and additional personnel to improve surveillance and fortify vulnerable zones.

While acknowledging the current operational burden on the military across the country, Zulum called for the deployment of more trained manpower and logistics to the North East.

He highlighted the success of non-kinetic measures, revealing that over 300,000 repentant insurgents and their families had surrendered over the past three years.

Timeline of attacks on military formations

* On January 4, 2025,  Boko Haram attacked a military formation in Sabon Gari, Damboa LGA of Borno State where six soldiers were killed and 36 terrorists neutralised but the military repelled the attack.

* On January 26, an army commander and 19 soldiers were killed by Boko Haram/ISWAP at a military base in Malamfatori, the headquarters of Abadan LGA of Borno.

* On March 24, Boko Haram raided two military formations in Borno – Wajirko army formation in Damboa LGA and Wulgo village of Gamboru Ngala LGA in Borno – where many soldiers and Boko Haram attackers were killed.

* Two soldiers were also feared dead and others injured after the convoy of the newly deployed Brigade Commander ‘Operation Hadin Kai’ in Damboa LGA stepped on Improvised Explosive Devices/landmines planted by suspected terrorists along Maiduguri- Damboa-Biu road.

* On April 6, 2025, a captain,  soldier and scores of Boko Haram terrorists were killed in Izge village, Gwoza LGA of Borno.

* According to reports, the terrorists strike with Rocket Propelled Grenades (RPGs) targeting the Izge platoon formation of troops of ‘Operation Hadin Kai’ which led to a fierce battle and exchange of gunfire for hours, before resilient residents of the community with support from vigilantes and local hunters complemented efforts of the military to repel the attack. Izge is located in the heart of Sambisa forests, and is about 20km drive Southwest of Gwoza town.

* In another attack on April 17, 2025, two soldiers and some civilians were  killed in Yamtake village after Boko Haram invasion of a military base.

* The night invasion also led to the displacement of several people who were IDPs for many years before they were resettled in their ancestral homes by Borno State government.

* On April 18,2025, terrorists invaded Gwoza LGA of Borno. The infiltration, according to residents, started at about 11pm as troops of 26 Task Force Brigade engaged the attackers with no casualty close to the base.

* On April 26, 10 hunters on rescue mission were killed in gun battle in Kopire village, Hong LGA of Adamawa. Kopire shares a border with Hawul LGA of Borno.

* On April 29, two soldiers lost their lives along Maiduguri-Damboa road.

* On January 20, Boko Haram invaded Kawuri village of Konduga LGA of Borno, where three patrol vehicles of the Civilian Joint Task Force were destroyed and many villagers sustained injuries.

* On January 8, 2025, two policemen were killed by terrorists in Gajiram, council headquarters of Nganzai in Northern Borno.

Zulum, Shehu, lawmakers frown at attacks

Worried by the situation, Borno State governor, Babagana Umara Zulum, Shehu of Borno, Senator Ali Ndume and other federal and state lawmakers urged the federal government to take action.

Both Zulum and the Shehu, said when they spoke during an expanded security meeting at Government House in Maiduguri, that Abadam, Marte, Guzamala LGAs were under the control of Boko Haram.

They also raised concerns that Borno State and the North East share borders with three neighbouring countries, Chad, Cameroon and the Republic of Niger, emphasising on the security concerns in the Sahel region, especially the infiltration of foreign terrorists.

[DailyTrust]

Gunmen suspected to be herdsmen on Sunday night hijacked a commercial vehicle along the Otukpo-Adoka road in Benue State, killing the driver and abducting all passengers on board.

The incident occurred around 11 p.m. as the vehicle was en route to Otukpo from Abuja.

Eyewitnesses told DAILY POST that the attackers opened fire as soon as they sighted the vehicle, causing the driver to lose control and veer off the road into nearby bushes after being hit by a bullet.

The assailants subsequently abducted all the passengers before abandoning the vehicle at the scene.

The body of the slain driver, identified as a native of Adoka, has been recovered and taken to his hometown.

Meanwhile, military personnel have arrived at the scene and launched a manhunt for the attackers.

[DailyPost]

• Expert cautions against delayed fiscal execution, dependence on oil price

Despite headwinds, Budget 2025 will be implemented to achieve its objectives, Federal Government sources said yesterday.

A drastic drop in oil price and delayed take-off, among other factors, are threatening the N54.99 trillion Appropriation Act.

An official said there was no cause for worry because the government can easily adjust to the international oil price fluctuations.

Besides, the official said the lifespan of the capital component of last year’s budget was pro-actively extended till next month by the National Assembly to take care of such shocks.

A source said: “Critical steps are already in motion to ensure that the budget is not derailed. The National Assembly took proactive measures by extending the lifespan of the capital component of the 2024 budget until June. 

“This extension was aimed at ensuring continuity in funding for projects that are already underway. The idea was to focus on ongoing projects. So, there is no cause for alarm about 2025 Budget implementation.”

The Nation further learnt that implementation of budgets begins with the procurement process, which the source explained, could take four to five months before the award of contracts.

He said: “This timeline accounts for the perceived slow pace of the 2025 Budget rollout. Implementation is a process that begins with procurement. Usually, that takes averagely four to five months before the actual award of contract.”

On whether the government was paying attention to the capital expenditure side of the budget, the government insider pointed out that “the recurrent component of the 2025 Budget is in effect. This has kept essential government operations running smoothly.

“The recurrent component of the budget is being implemented. Otherwise, government operations would have been grounded to a halt. So, it’s incorrect to say that the 2025 Budget is not being implemented.”

There are concerns about oil price volatility. In the Budget 2025 Appropriation Act, oil price is pegged at $75 per barrel but as at yesterday, it was sold at $61.5 per barrel.

An official said there was no cause for alarm.

He dismissed such fluctuations as a familiar challenge.

According to the source, Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Atiku Bagudu, had explained that the budget remains an estimate that can be adjusted as conditions require.

“Oil price volatility is not a new phenomenon. The Minister of Budget and Economic Planning has responded several times to this issue. Budget is essentially an estimate that could be adjusted as the situation demands,” he explained.

Acknowledging that oil remains the dominant source of revenue, the official indicated that the government is taking aggressive steps to diversify and boost revenue collection.

A major focus, he revealed, is on increasing crude oil production, a responsibility now firmly placed on the shoulders of the newly appointed board and management of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL).

“Oil might be the major source of revenue, but there are other sources. The government’s response would be to ramp up production. This is one of the targets given to the new management of the NNPCL,” he stated.

He said that the President Bola Tinubu administration had from the outset prioritised increased production and lower production costs as twin goals for the petroleum sector.

The source explained: “The underlying objectives of the Bola Tinubu administration are to increase production and reduce the cost of production. The new board and management of the NNPCL have been saddled with this responsibility with timelines.

“Apart from oil, attention is now being shifted to non-oil sector as alternative sources of revenue. The government is actively working through the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) and various government-owned enterprises to step up revenue collection.

“Revenue collection is being ramped up to ensure the budget is funded appropriately. The FIRS and Customs Service, as well as government-owned enterprises, have been charged to up their game. There is nothing to panic about.”

 The tax reform due to come into place after passage by the Senate this month, in concurrence with the passage of the tax bills by the House of Representatives, will also widen the tax net and bring in more revenue without additional tax burden on the people.

This will enhance better funding for Budget 2025.

Managing Director,  Ambosit Capital Managers, Dr. Wahab Balogun, called for urgent fiscal reforms and accelerated implementation measures to avert economic stagnation.

He explained that for Nigeria to achieve inclusive growth, fiscal discipline must return to the center of public finance. “We cannot afford another year of delayed implementation and dependence on oil price ,” he warned.

Reacting to the government’s efforts to shore up revenue through the FIRS, NCS and  and various Government-Owned Enterprises (GOEs),  Balogun said the current oil price of $61.45 per barrel, which is significantly lower than the $75 benchmark in the 2025 budget, presents a serious fiscal challenge.

According to him, the government must now look beyond oil. He stressed the need to broaden the non-oil revenue base and enhance compliance across the tax system. He urged the FIRS to intensify digital tax administration and enforce the Finance Act provisions on tax remittance and withholding obligations.

He said: “The government must accelerate the implementation of the tax harmonization roadmap recommended by the Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee.”

He also noted that the Nigeria Customs Service must become more efficient in blocking leakages, curbing smuggling, and ensuring full implementation of border revenue policies.

He added: “Customs modernization is no longer optional; it’s a necessity. Streamlining duty waivers and enforcing compliance at all entry points will significantly boost collections.”

On the role of GOEs, Balogun argued that many of these enterprises underperform due to weak corporate governance. He stressed that the government must commercialize and hold GOEs accountable, pointing out that only a handful remit any meaningful surplus. “This is a missed opportunity in an economy trying to close a growing fiscal gap,” he said.

He further advised the government to aggressively pursue public-private partnerships (PPPs), asset monetization, and cost-cutting reforms. According to him, through agencies like the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) and the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), the administration can unlock significant value by concessioning dormant assets and scaling back non-essential expenditure.

On the delayed implementation of the 2025 budget, Balogun expressed concern that the extension of the capital component of the 2024 budget until June 2025 could undermine fiscal stability and policy coherence. While acknowledging that the extension is legally permitted, he argued that it distorts the budget cycle and hampers the timely execution of new projects.

“We’re already in May and no funds have been released for 2025 capital projects. This creates uncertainty for investors, contractors, and even states relying on federation account flows,” he noted.

Balogun called for the immediate release of 2025 recurrent funds and urged the Budget Office to publish the implementation framework without further delay. He also recommended a performance audit of the 2024 capital budget to identify dormant or slow-moving projects, which can then be reallocated to critical areas once the June deadline lapses.

He insisted on the need to harmonize budget approval, procurement, and project execution timelines to reduce the incidence of rollovers, while also urging the National Assembly to strengthen its oversight role to ensure that MDAs fully utilize their allocations within the budget year.

[TheNation]

The Niger Delta Development Commission has warned the public regarding the activities of fraudsters offering non-existent postgraduate scholarships to unsuspecting victims.

The Director of Corporate Affairs at the NDDC, Mrs Seledi Thompson-Wakama, issued the warning in a statement released in Port Harcourt on Sunday.

She disclosed that the scammers had been soliciting money from members of the public under the pretext of securing scholarship placements.

“The attention of the NDDC has been drawn to fraudulent emails and messages sent to applicants of the commission’s Postgraduate Foreign Scholarship Programme,” she said.

Thompson-Wakama revealed that the fraudulent emails, purportedly sent from This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and claiming to be from the NDDC’s ‘Board Registry,’ invite recipients to a fictitious document verification and authentication exercise.

According to her, the purported exercise is scheduled to take place from May 19 to May 21 at Bishop Oluwole Street, Victoria Island, Lagos.

“Members of the public are hereby advised that the NDDC has no affiliation with this fraudulent selection process,” she stressed.

She further clarified that all official communication concerning the commission’s scholarship programme is conducted exclusively through the official NDDC portal: www.scholarship.nddc.gov.ng.

“Applicants are strongly advised to disregard any unsolicited messages requesting money, invitation, sensitive information, or offering scholarship placements outside of the official NDDC procedures,” she added.

Thompson-Wakama urged anyone who receives such fraudulent emails to report them immediately to the appropriate law enforcement authorities for prompt investigation and action.

She encouraged Nigerians interested in the NDDC’s programmes to utilise only the official NDDC communication channels.

“We also advise former beneficiaries of the commission’s programmes and prospective applicants to verify all information through the NDDC’s official website: www.nddc.gov.ng,” she concluded.

NAN

With no official campaigning or list of candidates and the election process shrouded in secrecy, speculation about who will succeed Pope Francis after the conclave beginning this week remains just that — speculation.

But here are 15 cardinals who are among the potential favourites to succeed Pope Francis — so-called “papabili” — divided by region.

EUROPE

Pietro Parolin (Italy), 70, Francis’s number two at the Vatican

Parolin was secretary of state — the Vatican’s effective number two — for almost Francis’s entire pontificate, and its most visible exponent on the world stage. 

Known for his calm and subtle sense of humour, the polyglot also has a fine grasp of the intricacies of the Roman Curia, the Holy See’s central government, and was part of a group of cardinal advisers to Francis.

He is currently considered the frontrunner to become the next pope.

He played a key role in a landmark — and controversial — 2018 Vatican agreement with China on naming bishops.

Pierbattista Pizzaballa (Italy), 60, Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem

Pizzaballa is the top Catholic in the Middle East with an archdiocese encompassing Israel, the Palestinian territories, Jordan and Cyprus.

He was made a cardinal in September 2023, shortly before the war broke out between Israel and Hamas.

The Franciscan has appealed for peace from both sides, and at Christmas in 2024 led mass in both Gaza and Jerusalem.

Matteo Maria Zuppi (Italy), 69, Archbishop of Bologna

A member of the Roman community of Sant’Egidio, Zuppi has for more than three decades acted as a discreet diplomat for the Vatican including serving as Pope Francis’s special peace envoy for Ukraine.

Known for riding his bicycle around Bologna, Zuppi is a popular figure for his decades of work on behalf of the needy. He also advocates for welcoming migrants and gay Catholics into the Church.

He has been president of the Italian Episcopal Conference (CEI) since 2022.

Claudio Gugerotti (Italy), 69

An academic and multi-lingual diplomat from the Italian city of Verona, Gugerotti is an expert on the Eastern Churches.

He has served as nuncio — or ambassador of the Holy See — in several countries, including from 2002 in Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, later in Belarus, and then from 2015 to 2020 in Ukraine.

The author of several books, Gugerotti largely avoids commenting on controversial issues. He was named Prefect of the Dicastery for the Eastern Churches in 2022, and was made a cardinal in 2023.

Jean-Marc Aveline (France), 66, Archbishop of Marseille

Born in Algeria, Aveline has spent most of his life in the French port city of Marseille.

Like his close friend Pope Francis, he has been a voice for welcoming migrants and promoting interreligious dialogue.

Appreciated for his discretion, intellectual abilities and people skills, Aveline has carved out a reputation as a cardinal to watch since his elevation in 2022.

Anders Arborelius (Sweden), 75, Bishop of Stockholm

Appointed in 2017 as Sweden’s first cardinal, Arborelius is a convert to Catholicism in the overwhelmingly Protestant Scandinavian country, home to one of the world’s most secularised societies.

He is the first Swedish Catholic bishop since the Protestant Reformation and a staunch defender of Church doctrine, notably opposed to allowing women to be deacons or blessing same-sex couples.

Like Pope Francis, Arborelius advocates welcoming migrants to Europe, including Christians, Catholics and potential converts.

Mario Grech (Malta), 68, Bishop emeritus of Gozo

Born into a small village on the tiny Mediterranean archipelago of Malta, Grech is a peace broker and potential compromise candidate for the papacy.

He was secretary general of the Synod of Bishops, a body that gathers information from local churches on crucial issues for the Church — such as the place of women or remarried divorcees – and passes it onto the pope.

He had to perform a delicate balancing act, following Pope Francis’s lead on creating an open, attentive Church while acknowledging the concerns of conservatives.

Peter Erdo (Hungary), 72, Metropolitan Archbishop of Esztergom-Budapest

An intellectual and respected expert in canon law, Erdo speaks seven languages, has published more than 25 books and is recognised for his openness to other religions.

But he has faced criticism for his ties with the government of nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban, whose harsh views on migration clashed with those of the late Argentine pope.

Known for his enthusiasm for evangelism, Erdo — who grew up under Communism — is a conservative on such issues as gay marriage and divorcees who remarry.

Jean-Claude Hollerich, 66, Archbishop of Luxembourg

A Jesuit like Pope Francis, Hollerich spent more than 20 years in Japan, and is a specialist in European-Asian cultural relations as well as German literature.

Firm on dogma, the theologian is still open to the need for the Church to adapt to societal changes, much like the Argentine pope he was close to and for whom he served as an adviser on the Council of Cardinals.

Hollerich has advocated for the environment and has pushed for laypeople, especially young people, to have more involvement in the Church.

ASIA

Luis Antonio Tagle (Philippines), 67, Metropolitan Archbishop emeritus of Manila

Tagle, Asia’s frontrunner for the papacy, is a charismatic moderate who has not been afraid to criticise the Church for its shortcomings, including over the sexual abuse of minors.

Fluent in English and active on social media, he is an eloquent speaker with self-deprecating humour and, like Francis, is a leading advocate for the poor, migrants and marginalised people.

Nicknamed “Chito”, he was made a cardinal by Benedict XVI in 2012 and had already been considered a candidate for pope in the 2013 conclave in which Francis was elected.

Charles Maung Bo (Myanmar), 76, Archbishop of Yangon

Myanmar-born Bo became the Buddhist-majority country’s first and only cardinal in 2015, appointed by Pope Francis.

Bo has called for dialogue and reconciliation in conflict-ridden Myanmar, and after the military coup of 2021 appealed to opposition protesters to remain non-violent.

He has defended the mainly Muslim Rohingya, calling them victims of “ethnic cleansing”, and spoken out against human trafficking uprooting the lives of many young Burmese.

He was head of the Federation of Asians Bishops’ Conferences (FABC) between 2019 and 2024.

AFRICA

Peter Turkson (Ghana), 76, Archbishop emeritus of Cape Coast

One of the Church’s most influential cardinals from Africa, Turkson has for years been mentioned as a possible first black pope.

Made a cardinal by Pope John Paul II in 2003, the multi-lingual Turkson has been a papal envoy and mediator, including in South Sudan.

He also served between 2016 and 2021 as head of a top Vatican department, the Dicastery for Promoting Integral Human Development, which deals with human rights and migration among other issues.

Born into a humble family of 10 children, Turkson has criticised anti-gay legislation in Uganda, but defends Catholic sexual morality and has denied that homosexuality is a human rights issue.

Robert Sarah (Guinea), 79, former prefect of the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments

Had Pope Francis lived a few more months, conservative prelate Robert Sarah — who turns 80 on June 16 — would have been too old to join the conclave or to succeed him.

As it is, though, he has found himself championed by conservative Catholics in the French-speaking world as a candidate to turn the clock back on progressive reforms.

An ardent opponent of what he in 2015 called “Western ideologies on homosexuality and abortion and Islamic fanaticism”, he denounced a 2024 text that paved the way for the blessing of same-sex couples.

Experts believe his views make him too conservative to win a two-thirds majority at the conclave, but even a possible candidacy has boosted his profile.

Fridolin Ambongo Besungu (Democratic Republic of Congo), 65, Archbishop of Kinshasa

Ambongo was the only cardinal from Africa on Pope Francis’s advisory council of cardinals, and is the leader of the association of African bishops, SECAM.

Born in 1960, the year of DRC’s independence from Belgium, he has been a strong voice for peace in his conflict-ridden country — and is outspoken in his conservative views.

He notably signed a letter in January 2024 voicing opposition to the Vatican’s declaration allowing priests to carry out non-liturgical blessings of same-sex unions.

In a 2023 interview, Ambongo — who some believe could be his continent’s first pope — proclaimed that “Africa is the future of the Church, it’s obvious”.

AMERICAS

Robert Francis Prevost (United States), 69, Archbishop-Bishop emeritus of Chiclayo

A native of Chicago, Prevost was in 2023 appointed prefect of the powerful Dicastery for Bishops, which is charged with advising the pope on appointments of new bishops.

He spent years as a missionary in Peru and is the Archbishop-Bishop emeritus of Chiclayo in that South American country.

Made a cardinal by Pope Francis in 2023, he is also the president of the Pontifical Commission for Latin America.

Timothy Dolan (United States), 75, Archbishop of New York

A jovial, ruddy-faced extrovert with Irish-American roots, Dolan is a theological conservative, fiercely opposed to abortion.

The former archbishop of Milwaukee, he oversaw the fallout from a major sexual abuse scandal in the diocese.

In New York, amid shrinking Church membership, Dolan has reached out to embrace the growing Hispanic population, which is predominantly Catholic.