Hundreds of Nigerian nurses are stranded following the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria, NMCN, continuous closure of its portal for verification of nurses’ certificates.

It was gathered that while many nurses are currently stranded in different countries abroad, others are on the verge of being deported.

Nursing boards in the US, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and the UK are said to have stopped accepting nursing certificates from Nigerian nurses because they can’t verify their authenticity.

DAILY POST reports that the National Assembly had twice urged the NMCN to open its site and commence verification of Nurses and Midwives based on its former guidelines pending the conclusion of an investigation by the House Committee on Health Institutions.

However, the council has yet to heed the resolution of the House.

The latest directive sighted by DAILY POST is a letter dated 13th August 2024, titled “Negative Portrayal of the House’s Resolution” and signed by the Clerk of the National Assembly, Mr. Sani Magaji Tambuwal, to the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria.

The letter came after Hon. Patrick Umoh had raised a motion of urgent national importance on the need to safeguard institutional integrity and address any misinterpretation of the previous House’s Resolution by the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria.

DAILY POST recalls that the House also had previously urged the NMCN through a resolution on Tuesday, 26th, February 2024, not to implement the revised Guidelines for Verification dated February 7, 2023, pending investigation by the House.

This came after some stakeholders in the health sector had raised their concerns over the new circular by the NMCN, revising the guidelines for requesting verification of certificates for nurses and midwives to foreign nursing boards or councils.

Many also called for a review of the circular’s contents to avoid a situation where nurses’ progress and development are subject to other professionals’ determination.

How it all started

In February 2024, the NMCN expressed worry that over 42,000 nurses left the country in the last three years to seek greener pastures in foreign countries.

According to the council, over 15,000 nurses left Nigeria in 2023 alone.

DAILY POST reports that the development is coming on the heels of poor healthcare infrastructure, inadequate funding, poor welfare, and working conditions in the health sector.

Seemingly worried by the imminent threat of brain drain in the nation’s health sector, the Council introduced revised guidelines for verifying nursing certificates to address the crisis.

DAILY POST reported that the NMCN, in the memo dated February 7, 2024, outlined the revised guidelines and requirements to be met by all applicants seeking the verification of certificate(s) to foreign nursing boards/councils.

It stated that applicants seeking verification of certificates to foreign nursing boards and councils must have two years of qualification experience and pay a non-refundable application fee.

The memo signed by the Registrar/Secretary General of NMCN, Dr. Faruk Umar Abubakar, was sent to the Commissioners/Secretary of Health Services; Chief Medical Directors/ Medical Directors; National President; Directors of Nursing Services; Heads of Department; Provosts & Principals; Coordinators; Zonal Officers; All States Ministry of Health & Federal Capital Territory, Abuja; University Teaching Hospitals/Specialist & Federal Medical Centre and National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives, National Headquarters, Abuja.

The circular was also sent to the Ministries of Health, Hospitals Management Boards, All States & Federal Capital Territory; All Universities Offering Nursing Programmes; Colleges of Nursing Sciences, Schools of Nursing & Midwifery, All Post-Basic Nursing Programmes; All Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria Zonal Offices.

It provided that, “Eligible applicants must have a minimum of two (2) years post qualification experience from the date of issuance of the permanent practising licence. Any application with a provisional licence shall be rejected outrightly.

“The Council shall request a letter of Good Standing from the Chief Executive Officer of the applicant’s place(s) of work and the last nursing training institution attended, and responses on these shall be addressed directly to the Registrar/CEO, Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria. Please note that the Council shall not accept such letter(s) through the applicant.

“Applicants must have an active practising licence with a minimum of six months to the expiration date. Applicants must upload Certificate(s) of Registration only. Notification of Registration is not acceptable.

“The applicant shall receive prompt notice via his/her email and dashboard on the status of the verification application.

“Please note: Processing of verification application takes a minimum of six (6) months. All applicants shall ensure that complete requirements are met before initiating verification application as incomplete documentation shall not be processed.”

Nurses kick against policy

However, nurses and other health workers kicked against the policy, insisting the guidelines and requirements were typical of a denial of human rights.

The health workers stressed that there had never been any occasion where regulatory bodies asked for work experience or mandated years of service as a condition for verification.

They are particularly uncomfortable with the provision in the guidelines which stated that a nurse seeking NMCN certification must have a minimum of two years post-qualification experience.

They are also opposed to the requirement that a nurse applying for NMCN’s certification must obtain a letter of good standing from the Chief Executive Officer of their place of work and the last training institution attended while the processing of application shall take a minimum of six months.

As a protest against the policy, the nurses, under the aegis of the National Association of Nigeria Nurses and Midwives, NANNM, Abuja, and Lagos chapters, took to the streets to express their disapproval of the new circular.

The nurses converged on the NMCN’s offices in Abuja and Lagos to express their dissatisfaction.

They also threatened a nationwide strike, describing the new guidelines as an effort to hamper their freedom.

Meanwhile, some others took to social networks to protest against the policy.

A group of nurses also took legal action against the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria and the Minister of Health, among others, challenging the recent revisions to certificate verification guidelines.

However, DAILY POST learnt that the litigation has since been withdrawn.

Reactions

A nurse in one of the nation’s foremost university teaching hospitals, who spoke anonymously to DAILY POST, for fear of victimisation, expressed worry that the controversy is taking so long to end despite the resolution of the House of Representatives on the matter.

“The portal is not yet open despite the order from the National Assembly that it should be opened.

“The excuse that the secretary of the NMCN is giving to us is that they are working with the IT people so that they can reset the portal to its previous setting.

“You know there’s a previous setting where you just did your verification with a few requirements until they brought this new policy that caused all those problems.

“We are also worried why it’s taking so long. The information I have just given you is what I saw on our platform. The secretary admitted he has received the letter from the clerk of the National Assembly, and that they are working with the IT people to reset the portal, that’s what he said.

“You know NMCN claimed that it was the National Assembly that told them to shut the portal, which was the controversy, but the lawmakers wrote back to the council saying that wasn’t their resolution.

“The lawmakers wrote clarifying that they asked NMCN to revert to the old verification guidelines, pending when all the parties involved will sit to look at the issue.

“Now it is just for them ( NMCN) to go back to the old verification guidelines but the secretary is claiming that they are working with the IT people,” she stated.

She said it was sad that health workers are leaving the country in droves, which according to her, was being caused by poor working conditions in Nigeria’s health sector.

The health worker urged the government to make a deliberate effort to fix the country’s health care system.

“We are not happy that people are leaving the country but the working conditions in Nigeria are crazy. I work in an institution where we are not sure of a 10-hour energy supply.

“In a teaching hospital, there’s no light, there’s no water, nothing to work with.

“Emergency comes and people just die like that. Not that you haven’t done your part but there’s nothing to work with. We are just stranded. Patients go out to buy everything that we use to work for them. And the hospital pharmacy doesn’t have everything that they need. So most of the time, the patients’ relatives go outside to buy what they need.

“I work in the maternity section. A mother may come to the hospital by 2am and she’s bleeding profusely. The laboratory people will be telling you there’s no light; of course there’s no light; they cannot work without light. They can’t do grouping and cross matching, they can’t give you blood.

“You go to the pharmacy, they will tell you they can’t work because there’s no light to power their system. You see patients’ relatives going outside the hospital at 2am, you just lose patients. It’s painful.

“It’s not that we are enjoying all these. Nigerian nurses are still overworking themselves outside the country but it’s still better.

“The working condition and the pay too is far higher than what we are receiving in Nigeria. In Nigeria, they only pay attention to one particular profession. Until they do something, people will keep traveling.

“Just like I have explained, the government should make a deliberate effort to fix our health care system. If you go to the rural areas you will see what people are passing through.

“The experience I have just shared with you is where I work. Nigeria is tough for everybody. If I tell you my salary, you will just smile. I can’t buy a bag of rice. Let them see how they can reduce inflation. Even if they increase our salary, things are so expensive, we can no longer meet up with our basic needs,” she lamented.

She also lamented the inability of the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives, NANNM, to fight for the interest of its members.

“Personally, I am so disappointed with the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives because they didn’t handle this matter the way they ought to.

“If this kind of thing happens in our sister organization, they won’t take it likely. NMCN infringed on our fundamental human rights and we were so pissed.

“That’s even what led to the young nurses taking the matter to the court. NANNM didn’t come up as an organization to fight for us. And by the time we went to court, just like the ‘Nigerian system’, they kept adjourning the case.

“Another group also went to the NANNM to find out why they weren’t doing anything about the matter, and they said they will meet the registrar and all that. At the end of the day, they said they can only intervene if we withdraw the case from the court. That’s what led to the withdrawal of the case from the court.

“You know a lot of Nigerian nurses are stuck because you can’t travel without verification, you can’t do anything. A lot of people were already on their way out before the portal was shut down,” the concerned nurse further stated.

Graduate Nurses Association of Nigeria – GNAN

Also speaking to DAILY POST about the matter, the President of Graduate Nurses Association of Nigeria, GNAN, Mr Ojo Opeyemi said his association has been working underground to ensure the issue is resolved amicably.

Opeyemi said the stalemate in verification of nurses’ certificates is having a serious effect on their members as some people are stranded abroad.

According to him, GNAN formed a coalition with other groups under the Director of nursing services in Abuja following the total shutdown of the portal to negotiate with the registrar of the nursing council.

He said he’s extremely positive they will have good feedback because the coalition had honoured its own part of the agreement earlier reached with the registrar.

Opeyemi said the deal saw the withdrawal of their case against NMCN and the registrar from the court.

He said: “When it was initially suspended, our association went to court to sue the NMCN, including the registrar. Then after the total shutdown of the portal, a coalition was formed when it was really having negative effects on our people.

“We decided to form a coalition under the Director of nursing services in Abuja. We formed a coalition that negotiated with the registrar.

“Well, last month, we had a meeting in his office in Abuja. And part of the agreement we reached from the meeting is to withdraw the case from the court. Then we will come back for another meeting, where those issues causing controversy will be sorted out in-house.

“We have played our own part. Fortunately during the time of withdrawing the case from the court, another group went to the National Assembly. The National Assembly deliberated upon it and said the NMCN should revert to the old guidelines for verification of nurses and open the portal.

“The letter has been sent to the nursing council as I read online and some people have also informed me that the letter has been delivered to the NMCN.

“Those at the nursing group administration, we are working together. We believe that we have honoured our own part in all honesty. As I speak to you, one of our representatives in Abuja is going to meet the registrar today to chart the way forward on our agreement.

“Actually the agreement wasn’t signed but we believe that they are the government and we are an association, so based on mutual understanding, we will resolve the issue in-house. We believe that the registrar will also honour his own part of the deal.

“So by the close of the day, (Tuesday) we are actually anxious to get feedback if we are going to go for a meeting or there will be automatic reopening of the portals, since the National Assembly has passed a resolution for them to reopen the portal.

“That’s why we ensured the complete withdrawal of the case from the court so that the House resolution would not be stepped down. We have done our own part.

“At the end of today, when our representative meets the registrar, we are going to know if our initial understanding and agreement is honoured or otherwise.

“I am extremely positive we will have good feedback being that we have been the one championing the coalition under the director of nursing services at the federal Ministry of health because she is the one mediating between the group, the registrar and the nursing council.

“I don’t want to say anything negative or be pessimistic. We are believing that today we shall have feedback. And I also believe that the registrar is making contact with necessary people at the Ministry of health for the portal to be reopened.

“Many of the people don’t know about these negotiations because they are extremely anxious. We are working underground to make sure that this thing gets resolved amicably so everybody could move forward. That is the position of things at the present.

“We are extremely worried. In fact, we had wanted to pursue the case to a logical conclusion, because of the excruciating pains on our people and the effects the total lockdown of the portal was having on our people.

“Let me correct one wrong impression, verification does not mean that everyone wants to ‘japa’ or seek greener pastures. We have people who want their certificates verified because they want to further their education.

“We also have people who are outside who want to move to other countries, they will still ask them to get verification from where they studied, where they originally practised or got their license to practice as a nurse. So they will also refer them back again to Nigeria.

“There are many that are stranded and I also have a report that next month, some people will be deported massively from Saudi Arabia, UK, Canada, etc.

“So because of this, it is having a serious effect on our members and we have decided after our SWOT analysis of the whole scenario to remove the case from the court and have a negotiation to solve the issue in-house.

“As I speak to you some people are already stranded in the US, UK and others.”

Efforts to hear from the NMCN, as well the President of the NANNM didn’t yield any result as they didn’t respond to calls put to them.

However, DAILY POST did contact the Rivers State chairman of the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives, Mr Madonna Wichendu.

Wichendu on getting to know the subject of the interview said he was in a meeting and not disposed to comment on the matter.

[DailyPost]

On Sunday, the police and the Shiite religious group had another violent encounter in Wuse district, the Federal Capital Territory. As is all too common to these their frequent confrontations, people died. The police confirmed the death of two of their officers, and three others were also reportedly hospitalised due to critical injuries they sustained. Three police patrol vehicles were also said to have been set ablaze. The police issued a press release stating the attack on them was “unprovoked,” while the Shiites, on their own part, maintained that they were going about their own business of peaceful procession when the police appeared and began shooting indiscriminately.

Definitely, one party—or both—is not telling the whole truth and nothing but the truth. I find it hard to accept that the Shiites attacked the police without any provocation whatsoever, and I doubt the police would be so crazy that they would instigate the attack that left their men dead for no reason. Something had to have happened, and whatever it was, certainly preceded their Sunday encounter. Since neither side will admit any fault, the truth remains locked up somewhere in the middle of both accounts, frustratingly unreachable. It would be a waste of time and effort trying to decide right and wrong between the two sides.

The story of both is always about the police suspecting the Shiites of being up to mischief and the Shiites pushing back. In April, the police claimed they received an “intelligence” warning that the “armed wing” of the Shiites movement was planning to attack police operatives at locations such as hotels, beer parlours, black spots, residences, and checkpoints, among other locations. The Shiites, of course, denied the intelligence of that “intelligence” report. Just a week before the intelligence was received, the Shiites had also alleged the police killed five of them and injured 25 others during their pro-Palestinian demonstration in Kaduna.

Also, in July, the police announced a ban on a planned procession by the Shiites to mark the 2024 Islamic Ashura day ceremony saying they would use the occasion to foment trouble. April last year too, another clash between them reportedly left 20 injured. A month before then, the Shiites had also accused the state government of killing five of their members. I could keep going on and on about the tension between the Shiites and the police, but you already understand.

But it is not only the police that have problems with the Shiites. In 2014, another deadly showdown with the military claimed the lives of 34 members of the group, including three of the sons of Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, the leader of the movement. Goodluck Jonathan was the president at the time, and he reportedly called to apologise to El-Zakzaky. In a country where people do not treat their laws as mere suggestions, murders are not resolved through futile apologies but through the justice system. But, this is Nigeria.

Compared to his successor, Muhammadu Buhari, Jonathan’s “sorry” at least demonstrated his humaneness. “Buhari” and “humane,” used in the same sentence, is oxymoronic. In 2015, months after his inauguration, the Shiites were attacked in their communities by soldiers after a confrontation where some of them blocked the then Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, from using a highway that runs through their Zaria headquarters. It was not enough that the soldiers dispersed them with gunshots at the scene, but they also returned to commit a massacre that left 347 people— please note these are official figures—dead.

El-Zakzaky was arrested following the invasion and incarcerated for a long time. The Army deployed heavily armed soldiers, bulldozers, and excavators to demolish the headquarters in an operation that lasted two days. Despite the result of the judicial panel that gave us the tally of 347 deaths, there was neither justice nor closure. One can only imagine the trauma that those who went through that incident still experience, and how it clouds their relationship with the police.

When Buhari was asked on national television about the incident, he did not think the killings warranted as much as compassion let alone justice. A subhuman mongrel, he not only dismissed the massacre, but also later made Buratai an ambassador. Meanwhile, following the massacre, Buratai embarked on various image-refurbishing projects to project himself as what he was not, to cleanse himself of the blood of the Shiites splattered across his face.

In dealing with the Shiites, Buhari allowed his religious prejudices to get in the way of his responsibility to them as the leader of a diverse and complex country. It is the same prejudice, still held by top-ranking officers in the various bureaucratic units of national administration, that percolates into the agencies that constantly clash with the Shiites.

In the wake of the Sunday incident, the Shiites are accusing the police of going to the hospitals to arrest and detain their members. That is a serious accusation, one that the police will likely never respond to, either out of professional haughtiness or simply because the structures of accountability that can compel a response are virtually non-existent. Either way, the Sunday incident and its aftermath are already setting out the basis of another round of violent encounters when next they meet. That is the unfortunate way people and institutions get caught in an unending loop of destructive behaviours to which they become so habituated that they cannot imagine any other possibility of being. There is a need for a rethink in their relationship and approach to each other.

It might sound radical—and even naïve—to suggest they come to a truce, but there are no better alternatives. Also, I do not think the endless cycles of killings and destruction exhaust the possibilities of the relationship between the police and the Shiites. Issues between them are seemingly intractable, but the deaths and destructions are unacceptable. From Kaduna to the FCT, there is hardly ever a time that they are not at loggerheads; their histories are complicated. Nonetheless, it is not so hopeless that this is all there can ever be. There must be a way Shiites can have their numerous processions in peace, and police lives and scarce resources are not needlessly expended. All it takes is moral imagination and the summoning of the right political will.

If there is anything to learn by now, it is that no amount of violence can stop the Shiites from doing their thing. Despite everything they have gone through, they are still not giving up on existing. They are extremely resolute people; nothing the Nigeria police or the military do will stop these people. Their resolve seems unbreakable, and the antagonism strengthens it. In that case, there must be another way beyond the constant clashes: a truce. Rather than the constant clashes that claim lives and property, they should be allowed to believe what they believe, express it as they want to express it, and do so without infringing on the rights of others to live and exist freely. There should be a way for both parties to get to that point—perhaps by seeking mediation. Like I said, given their complex history, it will take a lot of imagination and will to achieve a less tense situation, but it is not impossible.

Finally, this is not to say that the Shiites are guileless, or that they are always the innocent party in every encounter. Nothing is ever that uncomplicated, especially for a group who have had numerous brushes with enforcement agents—many of them which left the trademark “sorrow tears and blood” in its wake. There will be mutual suspicions, and their issues will not magically blow over, but at least there will be fewer deaths and destructions.

The Right Honourable Benjamin Kalu, the deputy speaker of the house of representatives, has recently blundered into one faux pas after another. These embarrassing social gaffes and transgressions are happening far too frequently. The latest ones give the impression that he is losing touch with the nature and psychology of his Igbo roots. Ndigbo are republicans and no one in authority at any level can sway them in any way against their will.

Simply because you are in a position of authority does not mean that you can dictate to Ndigbo, treat them shabbily, or force anything down their throat. When they do push back, they don’t take prisoners, and Honourable Kalu should avoid such a collision.

That was why when viewing the two most recent videos of Honourable Benjamin Kanu, in which he addressed Ndigbo both directly and indirectly or pledged allegiance to his political party or the president on their behalf, one had his heart in his mouth. With certain ethnic groups, it could be feasible to keep such pledges, but not with the Ndigbo. They will use their blood to resist it.

The first video was that Ndigbo shouldn’t participate in the End Hunger protest. Not only were the justifications he offered banal, but even more so, the method he delivered the message was demeaningly offensive. There was no appeal. It sounded more like an order or command as if he had the authority to choose when Ndigbo should protest and when not to.

The consensus was that Ndigbo should avoid the protest in the south-east and elsewhere before Kalu even spoke because some government officials and some e-rats had already labelled and gaslighted Ndigbo as the protest organisers thus setting them up to take the blame and they had to dodge the bullet.

So, it wasn’t really necessary for Deputy Speaker Kalu to speak at that moment, and he ostensibly did so in an attempt to claim credit for persuading Ndigbo not to get involved—which was untrue. This is a prime example of “eye service,” as we call it in local parlance, and a desperate attempt to appease the ‘Oga at the top’. A real Igbo leader does not yield, falter, or bow down to outside forces to appease their whims. True Igbo leaders speak truth to power and do not throw their people under the bus to get into any good book.

If there was any doubt about Benjamin Kalu’s true motivations and his desire to appease the Tinubu presidency, the second video dispelled it. Therein he warned Governor Alex Otti that he would be the final Labour Party governor of Abia state. He explained his strange and presumptuous reasons. According to Kalu, Tinubu provided the south-east with the South East Development Commission, and the president and the APC should get credit for it by winning control of the Abia government house in the next guber election. He didn’t explicitly announce that he wanted to conquer the entire south-east, but it was inferred that the president ought to be rewarded with control over all of the south-east’s states by the ruling party.

While warmly acknowledging that Governor Otti is doing a great job and “would do the needful at the appropriate time,” Kalu stated, “Monkey should not be working and baboons will be chopping.” The question then becomes: Given Kalu’s declaration that the Labour Party cannot survive past Otti’s current tenure, what must Otti do? In all logic, Otti has two options: he may either join the APC or lose the election by any means necessary, democratic or not, legal or extralegal.

It cannot be deemed a coincidence when one takes into account how Alex Otti became governor. The people of Abia state voted for change and succeeded in getting rid of the PDP’s bad governance in the state since 1999. Therefore, is the deputyspeaker saying that Abia cannot keep the Labour Party and Alex Otti in office even after he freely admitted that Otti is doing well?

The threat of Deputy Speaker Kalu simply means votes will no longer ensure the Abia people will keep Otti and the Labour Party in office come election time if they so desire. If so, it is a warning sign for democracy. Democracy is based on the majority’s right to rule while allowing the minority to express their opinions through vote. However, Kalu’s claim makes it quite evident that it won’t be the case this time since Otti’s hopes of using his good deeds to win back the governorship in the next governorship election cannot happen if he does not dump the Labour Party for the ruling party, the APC, as decreed by Kalu.

When Benjamin Kalu was chosen as deputy speaker, he held out so much promise. With the older Igbo leaders succumbing to the corrosion of time, many saw in him a new hope for producing a new generation of leaders. The Igbo people now need a great deal of new leaders with the deaths of men like Dr Chukwuemeka Ezeife, Dr Ogbonnaya Onu, and Dr Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu. Even the relatively young Arc Ferdinand Agu and Senator Ifeanyi Ubah have also joined their ancestors, leaving behind very large shoes.

The hope had been that Deputy Spreader Kalu, who is ranked sixth in the Nigerian polity’s hierarchy of protocol, has a great historical opportunity to emerge as one of the new Igbo leaders. However, the way he has been acting lately leaves a lot to be desired, which challenges the trust and optimism that people once reposed in him.

Kalu deserves praise for initiating the south-east security and development programme and for being instrumental in the passage and signing into law the South-East Development Commission legislation. He shouldn’t throw away his good works by undermining Ndigbo or believing that his position automatically grants him the authority to speak for the Igbo people. By the time he realises that he is mistaken, it will be too late.

Kalu is however free to make a case that the south-east needs to join the APC to have a bigger say in the party and the country, but he cannot insist that President Tinubu or the APC has the right to take over the south-east without working for it. Kalu also needs to remember that the mutual mistrust that existed between the Buhari government and Ndigbo could not be cured by his construction of the Second Niger Bridge or any other project of that nature.

A candid piece of advice would be that making sure the Igbo people receive their due share in Nigeria is the only way Kalu can win over the Igbo people’s hearts. Asking for this isn’t too much. Kalu’s current strategy is doing more harm than good because it is further alienating the south-east from himself and the Tinubu government.

The deputy speaker can, however, correct these errors by regaining perspective and by remembering that Ndigbo are republicans and will never yield to coercion or threat. Taa bu gbo, as Ndigbo would say, which means today is still early to begin retracing the missteps. For the wise, a word is sufficient.

Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.

To say that the administration of President Bola Tinubu is enmeshed in a crisis of credibility is to put the situation mildly. For a man who got to office with a statistically narrow mandate of 37 percent of total votes cast, many expected Tinubu to rise above himself in order to establish an enduring legacy. That expectation now appears misplaced. Even more worrisome is that despite being in a ditch, the president and his handlers continue to dig by displaying a behaviour the Yoruba would describe as “tani o mu mi”. As I once explained on this page, it is the kind of impunity that carries a certain sense of hubris, not only for the perpetrator(s) but also for the larger society.

It all began with a report in TheCable, which supplied the proof for what most already suspected or knew: The federal government has been spending trillions of Naira to pay for fuel subsidy even when officials continue to parrot the presidential deceit that “subsidy is gone.” Then, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar released a scathing statement that Nigeria “has been effectively mortgaged to President Bola Tinubu, his family, and associates,” citing how the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) allegedly put its retail arm under the control of OVH, which he claimed (it has been disputed by NNPC Ltd) is controlled by Wale Tinubu’s Oando.

These issues were still playing out when Nigerians got to know that a new presidential jet had been surreptitiously purchased by a government that has been doubling down on policies that make life difficult for the ordinary Nigerian. “The new plane, bought far below the market price, saves Nigeria huge maintenance and fuel costs, running into millions of dollars yearly,” was all the explanation from the villa, even when Nigerians still don’t know the cost of this plane and how it was acquired. And we probably would not have been informed about it had the Chinese firm, Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co Limited, not impounded three presidential aircraft in Paris, following the order of a French court on their dispute with Ogun State. It was the court that included one ACJ330-200, 5N-FGA (msn 1053), “recently bought from AMAC Corporate Jet (AMK, Zurich) and still stationed at Basel” while authorising the bailiffs “to go any place where the aircraft registered 5N-FGU, 5N-FGT and 5N-FGA are located and seize them.”

That was how Nigerians got to know that we have a new presidential jet. The aircraft, we would later learn, was released as an act of benevolence to our president by the Chinese company so that it would not affect his travel plans, including to China next week for the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit. Incidentally, I am currently in Chengdu, Sichuan Province of China for the 2024 Media Cooperation Forum on Belt and Road where I was among the speakers yesterday on the theme, ‘Enhancing media cooperation for common development.’ I will also be attending the 3rd Belt and Road News Network (BRNN) Council meeting today before heading back home on Sunday.

In his column last Sunday explaining how Tinubu’s fuel subsidy reform efforts unravelled, Waziri Adio concluded that for the administration, “an open acknowledgment” that subsidy is still very much with us “is a necessary starting point, for you cannot address what you haven’t even accepted exists or is a problem.” And “after coming clean, the government needs to level up with Nigerians about how it plans to manage the subsidy in a transparent and accountable way.” But that is precisely where the problem lies: This president is exhibiting a contempt for transparency and accountability in the conduct of government business. We saw that with the award of the contract for the multi trillion Naira Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road project and the manner several budgets are running concurrently.

So much has been said about Tinubu’s political acumen and the fact that he plotted his way to power without being beholden to any interest. That may well be true. But a leader must embody not only political skills to secure power but also the right values that would enable him to govern in the interest of the public good. When a president calls citizens to a greater national purpose or makes decisions that are broadly seen as driven by good impulses, according to Michael Hogue, they can drive extraordinary results. “He’ll have the public on his side, even when many people disagree with his policies if what he is pursuing is fair, instils pride in national action, or serves laudable goals.” While Hogue’s thesis may be on the American presidency, the moral authority he canvasses is indeed true of all presidencies.

Due to the policy choices being made by the Tinubu administration – which may not necessarily be wrong but have been implemented in a cavalier manner, Nigerians have had to bear an unprecedented hardship occasioned by astronomical costs of goods and services in the past 15 months. Effectively, local air travel has been placed beyond the reach of most Nigerians as can be glimpsed from industry statistics. We pay several times more at the pump than at any time in history. Electricity tariffs have gone through the roof, regardless of whether one is categorised under Band A, B or F. Parents have had to withdraw their children from schooling abroad following the collapse of the Naira. And any middle-class professional who doesn’t know the prices of basic foodstuffs like garri, rice, tomatoes etc. in the market must belong to the Godswill Akpabio exclusive club of those who are “eating”.

Unfortunately, the president believes he can continue to live like an emperor and revel in ostentatious lifestyle at a time millions of Nigerians are attempting to cope with harrowing times. I saw this quite early, in fact within the first month of the administration and I warned in a column, ‘My convoy is longer than yours’, following his first official visit to Lagos. “What was on display is a metaphor for profligacy and abuse of public resources that have come to define officialdom in Nigeria,” I wrote in response to the video of his long convoy of vehicles, which was posted on social media by a bragging supporter of the president. “The real issue is whether a government that preaches sacrifice can continue with such indulgence, especially at a period when many people are going through hard times.”  

I then stressed the need for President Tinubu and his handlers not to misread the public mood. “That he has used his honeymoon period to strike when the iron is still hot on two critical policy issues may have earned him momentary applause on decisive leadership. But there are no predictable outcomes for those choices in an environment where several variables are beyond his control. So, there is a need for caution,” I counselled in what has turned out to be prescient before I concluded: “While human nature predisposes people to act mostly in pursuit of self-interest, the essence of government is to subordinate the personal convenience of individuals to the imperatives of the common good. Yet, the crisis of present-day Nigeria is that there is little in our code of public conduct that encourages moderation or sacrifice. Rolling back conveniences, no matter how little, are usually some of the first steps public officials take when their country battle economic downturns.”

The times we are in call for a different leadership template than the one currently on display. Public expectations of leaders who seek sacrifice from the people are enormous and no president in contemporary history has demanded more from Nigerians than Tinubu with the policies he has initiated. He must therefore begin to embrace transparency if he wants to earn the trust and respect of Nigerians. He must also begin to set high standards for himself and take responsibility for mistakes. On that score, he should own up to the fact that we continue to commit enormous resources to paying fuel subsidies. Nigerians also want to know how much was paid for the newly acquired presidential jet and the process through which it was procured. When citizens see leaders being honest and open, trust and loyalty flourish. And that creates a sense of ownership without which no reform measures can succeed.

Meanwhile, it would seem the administration thrives on announcing policies by whims, with little thought to implementation. In February, an eight-man committee headed by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume was given a 12-week deadline for the full implementation of the Oronsaye Report through mergers, scrapings, and relocations of some agencies. That, of course, was after Tinubu had created more ministries than any previous administration. It is therefore no surprise that more than seven months after that sensational announcement, nothing has happened. Now, the Chief of Staff to the president, Femi Gbajabiamila, is saying there is no timeline for implementing the Oronsaye Report!

The president and his handlers must understand that public officials who believe in their invincibility are poor students of history. Malcom Gladwell, famous American journalist and author made that point rather poignantly in his book, ‘David and Goliath’. Power, according to Gladwell, has an important limitation. “It has to be seen as legitimate, or else its use has the opposite of its intended effect”, which may then come with dire consequences. I stated earlier that Tinubu has elevated himself to the status of ‘Ta ni o mu mi’. But the danger with ‘Tani o mu mi’—a strange place where both the codes of morality and the boundary between right and wrong have simply disappeared—is that it is a two-edged sword.

Having achieved presidential power and the unlimited privileges that go with it in Nigeria, the dominant school of thought is that Tinubu has reached the destination he longed for. That may well explain why he is courting authoritarianism with the acquiescence of a pliant National Assembly and the seeming resignation of a docile populace. But I still want to believe that we are misreading the president. He must know what he is doing, and I therefore expect he will end up on the right side of history. From 1992 when he was a Senator during the aborted Third Republic of General Ibrahim Babangida to his period as Lagos State Governor and then as a private citizen, with enormous political clout, I have had the privilege of close personal interactions with Tinubu. And if those experiences count for anything, it is that Tinubu is empathic and is interested in the welfare of the people and the broader good. But if I am wrong, and all his exertions in the last two decades were to become president of Nigeria as an end in itself, or simply to enjoy the trappings of the office, then there can be no greater tragedy. For him, as well as our beloved country.

• You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com  

We have been watching with trepidation, great angst and baited breath, the unfathonable macabre dance exhibited by the nation's Police Force against the leadership of Nigerian workers, most notably, the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress, Comrade Joe Ajaero.

Our seeming silence was observed in the hope that the Police would beat a hasty retreat from their actions and tread the path of caution and civility.

We have no bones to grind with the Police authorities and as citizens of this greatly beloved but much beleguered country, we are ever willing to cooperate with the authorities whenever demanded by national imperatives and exigencies, the Police included, but it must never be at the expense of our Union, our people and our country.

The importance of fighting for and defending our nation state, Nigeria, cannot be over-emphasized. We are patriots, we are Nigerians and we love our country, inspite of deeply inherent socio-economic contradictions that are threatening our very existence as a nation.

Let it be very clear to all, that the Nigeria Union of Journalists, NUJ, is in full solidary with the national President of Nigeria Labour Congress, its entire leadership structures and affiliates nationwide at all times, especially at these trying moments.

We urge the Police and security forces to exercise maximun restraint in their engagements and interactions with Nigerians, who hold views that are different from those of the status quo; free speech and the right to hold opinion are fundamental to our liberty as a free people.

We are in this wise, putting all our Councils and members across the federation on notice, over the unfortunate attacks on the labour leadership.

Be prepared!

The NUJ FCT Council is by this wise, especially enjoined and directed to fully mobilize in concert with other affiliates of the NLC to accompany the NLC President as he goes to honour the invitation of the Police by 8a.m. tomorrow, Thursday, August 29, 2024.

Achike Chude
National Secretary, NUJ.

The United Kingdom has increased the number of organisations licensed to sponsor workers on the worker and temporary worker immigration routes.  

Checks by The Nation, show that the list which was updated on Friday, August 23, has 119,195 approved companies.The approved updated list now contains 119,195 companies.  

Interested Nigerians are advised to visit the listed company’s website and search for available vacancies.

A breakdown shows that the approved companies are in technology, commerce, education, media and advertisement, and engineering sectors, among others.

According to the UK government, a Skilled Worker visa allows you to come to or stay in the UK for an eligible job with an approved employer.  

“You must have a job offer from an approved UK employer before you apply for a Skilled Worker visa.

Approved employers are also known as sponsors, because they are sponsoring you to come to or stay in the UK.”  

Here is a list of some of the approved companies: 

1. McMullan Shellfish
2. (IECC Care) Independent Excel Care Consortium Limited
3. *ABOUTCARE HASTINGS LTD
4. £ ESS LTD
5. @ Architect UK Ltd
6. @ Home Accommodation Services Ltd
7. @ Home Accommodation Services Ltd
8. @ Ur Eaz Ltd
9. @@@ FILER LIMITED
10. [AI] INFINITI LIMITED
11. `Brunswick Stores Limited
12. #NAME?
13. 003 Ltd
14. 007 Taxi Limited
15. 0086 Ltd
16. 00Nation Limited
17. 00Nation Limited
18. 01 ACCOUNTING SERVICES LTD
19. 012 Global Ltd
20. 023 LTD
21. 09 Care Limited
22. 0xA Technologies Ltd
23. 1 ACE TRAINING LIMITED
24. 1 ALS LIMITED
25. 1 AND 1 ROUGAMO LIMITED
26. 1 And 5 Tech Ltd
27. 1 Answer Insurance Services LTD.
28. 1 Bishops Avenue Limited
29. 1 Digitals Europe Limited
30. 1 Eclipse Care Solutions Limited
31. 1 Green Foods Ltd
32. 1 Homecare ltd
33. 1 Indus Limited
34. 1 Key Solution Limited
35. 1 Kings Dental Limited
36. 1 Life London Limited
37. 1 MODEL MANAGEMENT LONDON LIMITED
38. 1 Oak Home Care
39. 1 Oak Leisure Ireland Ltd
40. 1 PhysioUK Limited
41. 1 REPAIR LTD
42. 1 Stop Print Ltd
43. 1 STOP REC LIMITED
44. 10 Europe Limited
45. 10 Europe Limited
46. 10 Squared Ltd
47. 100 Percent Cornwall Ltd
48. 100 SHAPES LTD
49. 100% HALAL MEAT STORES LTD
50. 1000 Trades Limited
51. 1000heads Ltd
52. 100Starlings Ltd
53. 101 A+D Ltd.
54. 101 Harley Street LTD
55. 101 Healthcare ltd
56. 101 Ways Limited
57. 1010 Restaurant @ The Blacksmiths arms
58. 105 West Architects Ltd
59. 1066 PLUMBING AND HEATING LTD
60. 107 Cannon Street Limited

The full list of approved companies can be found here: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/66c84b0007733cc4df618245/2024-08-23_-_Worker_and_Temporary_Worker.csv

[TheNation]

A Texas judge on Monday ordered a temporary pause on a policy that would streamline the process for spouses of US citizens to obtain legal status in the country, a blow to one of US President Joe Biden’s biggest immigration reform policies.

Judge J. Campbell Barker granted a 14-day administrative stay in a case brought by the Republican attorneys general of 16 US states challenging the Biden administration’s policy.

In June, Biden announced the new policy, which streamlined a pathway to citizenship for an estimated half a million immigrants married to US nationals.

The 16 states bringing the lawsuit, however, say the policy is costing them millions of dollars in public services — including healthcare, education and law enforcement — used by the immigrants.

“The claims are substantial and warrant closer consideration than the court has been able to afford to date,” Judge Barker wrote in his order.

“This is just the first step. We are going to keep fighting for Texas, our country, and the rule of law,” said Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, whose state is party to the case, in a post on social media platform X after the order.

The Biden administration has been struggling to address immigration, a hugely divisive issue for many Americans ahead of November’s presidential election, which will see Vice President Kamala Harris take on Republican Donald Trump.

The Democratic Party is walking a fine line of seeking to be tougher on illegal migrants while also introducing reforms to the country’s inefficient immigration system.

Trump’s campaign for the White House has centred on portraying the United States as under assault by what he calls a migrant “invasion.”

• ‘Extreme measure’ –

The new rules would streamline the process for those who already qualify for permanent residence by removing a requirement that they leave the country as part of the application process.

The rules applied to those in the country for at least 10 years and married to a US citizen before June 17, 2024, and also applied to an estimated 50,000 stepchildren of US citizens.

Those approved would be granted work authorization and the right to stay in the United States for up to three years while they apply for a green card, which is a pathway to full citizenship.

Monday’s ruling suspends the granting of this “parole in place” status, but does not halt the government from continuing to accept applications for the status.

In a statement, US Citizenship and Immigration Services confirmed it would continue to take applications but would not grant any until the stay was lifted.

“The District Court’s administrative stay order does not affect any applications that were approved before the administrative stay order was issued,” USCIS said.

Immigrant rights group Justice Action Center said the order was an “extreme measure.”

“To halt a process for which Texas has not been able to provide an iota of evidence that it would harm the state is baffling,” said group founder Karen Tumlin.

“This is heartbreaking for our clients and the thousands of couples who hope to benefit from this process and be able to live without fear that their family will be separated.”

The Justice Action Center earlier Monday filed a motion seeking to intervene in the lawsuit to defend the programme.

Barker wrote that the court did not “express any ultimate conclusions about the success or likely success” of the plaintiffs’ case while the stay is in place.

The court announced an expedited hearing schedule in the case, but Barker noted that the two-week stay would likely be extended while proceedings are underway.

AFP.

BEYOND the protests, there are a number of issues the government should pay attention to:

One, though the protesters might have different motives, they seem all united by alienation from the government and even the state system. Rather than use blackmail and strong-arm tactics, government should use credible opinion polls to articulate and aggregate the various grievances against it and the state – and then evolve sustainable strategies on how to address as many of them as it can.

Boxing shadows or creating enemies where they do not exist will only exacerbate the legitimacy crisis around the government. It will be a mistake for the government to believe that it can successfully stifle speech using intimidation and blackmail. Our history shows that such a strategy has a very short shelf life – as Buhari, in his first coming as a military dictator, and Abacha – can testify to. In his second coming – as a civilian President- a coalition of those Buhari disdained as a dot in a circle and those Femi Adesina called ‘wailing wailers’, fought back in their own ways such that even before Buhari completed his eight-year tenure, he openly complained that he was tired, and would, on leaving office, want to be as far away as possible from Abuja and politics. 

The truth is that citizens, in the face of oppression by those who wield state power, often adopt asymmetric strategies to fight back. This can range from misinformation, caricature and outright fake news. In this age of social media where anyone who owns a mobile phone can be a publisher, citizens are especially empowered to fight back oppression. I believe that for a government which currently has a  low social capital owing to the harsh effects of its economic policies, its policy somersaults, propaganda and non-inclusive style of governance, what it needs is more friends and less enemies. It needs to find a way of winning over the hearts and minds of as many Nigerians as possible.

Two, while it is not unusual for a relatively new government to start on a wobbly note, the government, for now at least, seems confused on what it wants to achieve. For instance, while it said it wanted to implement the Oronsaye Report (which recommended the merging of ministries and departments and abrogation of some) it also runs the largest cabinet of 48 Ministries and recently created another – the Ministry of Livestock Development.

Similarly, while the Tinubu government initially seemed desirous of moving away from the cantankerous mode of public communication of the Buhari era, by appointing the very urbane and affable Mohamed Idris as the Minister of Information and Chief Ajuri Ngelari as the government’s Spokesman, it also contradicted this by appointing the self-confessed ethnic irredentist Bayo Onanuga as Special Adviser on information and strategy.

By so doing, it negated  what would have been a new and courteous approach to public communication  to complement the commendable bridge-building efforts by the wife of the President, Senator Remi Tinubu   and a few others in the government. Similarly, some of the policies of the government raise confusion on whether Tinubu wants to be remembered as a great Nigerian President or simply wants to be more popular than the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo in Yorubaland.

Three, President Tinubu should be mindful of two key features of Nigeria’s democracy since 1999 which has always backfired but which our politicians remain funnily crazily attracted to: these are god-fatherism and clannishness. With the exception of Tinubu in Lagos, nearly all political godfathers invariably fall out with their political godsons, raising questions of why politicians remain fixated on selecting and bankrolling their successors. For clannishness and ethnocentrism which Buhari took to a previously unseen level, and which Tinubu seems eager to match, if not better in the negative, this also usually boomerangs.

For instance, some of the most vicious critics of the Buhari government were Northern Muslims who were supposed to be the beneficiaries of his clannishness. Similarly, even before the protests started on August 1, many Yorubas, openly say the clannishness in Tinubu’s mode of appointments and governance  “does not represent who we are”. In fact, that many of the faces of the protests are from the Yoruba ethnic extraction is enough to warn the government that Yorubanisation of political life will not be enough to buy Yoruba adulation.  If anything, it will likely backfire because there is a spark of the divine in all of us which makes most people to abhor injustice. Besides, clannishness attracts odium to innocent members of an ethnic in-group even when they are opposed to the leader’s nepotism.

Four, the protest has now shown that no part of this country has a monopoly of providing poor leadership to the country. In fact, that the protest was organised under the banner of #EndBadGovernance is instructive. At least for now, there seems to be a consensus that the Tinubu government is grossly underperforming. And since most Nigerians appear to believe that the fundamental problem of the country is “squarely that of leadership” (apologies to Achebe), the use of innuendo to blame the North (which has produced most of the country’s leaders), has now come under critical scrutiny.

In this thinking, there is always the unproven assumption that the leadership problem of the country would be solved when the South, in particular, the “progressives” (a moniker appropriated by South-West politicians when they were in the opposition) come to power. So far it has not happened under the Tinubu presidency. Even the “reforms” embarked by the Tinubu government are mere uncritical rehash of the policies implemented by the Babangida government between 1986 and 1993 when the country adopted the IMF/World Bank supported structural Adjustment Programme, and which only succeeded in further impoverishing the country and emasculating the middle class.

Alan Greenspan, who served for five terms as chairman of the Board of Governors of the US Federal Reserve Bank (August 11 1987 to January 31 2006)   – the equivalent of our Central Bank- was famously quoted as saying that he owed his success during his tenure to the fact that he always did the opposite of the advice he received from the two Bretton Woods institutions (i.e. the IMF and the World Bank). President Tinubu should seriously consider that approach. It may amount to committing class suicide for him. But that would be the surest way of putting himself on the path of being a great Nigerian President.

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.

After reading the book, Stepping on Toes: My Odyssey at the Nigerian Ports Authority, written by the former Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Ms Hadiza Bala Usman, I could not help the nudging feeling of triumph at how, finally, sunshine emerges in the horizon of national rejuvenation.

In a country grappling with challenges of declining institutional memory and opaque governance, the book – chronicling her 60-month stewardship at the country’s top blue economy institution – is both an educational resource and timely   exposé with potential to trigger positive revolution in the country’s bureaucratic ecosystem.

Chronicled, step by step, in the seventeen chapters is the meandering path of a trailblazer, who found herself thrown into a world that was not kind to the feminine kind, as the first female Chief of Staff to the governor of Kaduna State, and then as the first MD of the NPA in its first 61 years of existence.

As the chapters unfold, we meet a battle-tested woman who was prepared for the task, especially through her experience at the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) when she was wrongfully accused by her former boss, Dr Aliyu Modibbo, then cleared by the Department of State Security (DSS) and eventually posted to the Abuja Enterprise Agency as the Chief Executive Officer – which became the ascending rung of her action-packed career trajectory.

Bala-Usman had one advantage going for her, which is her experience in partisan politics at the earlier years of her career when she contested for the House of Representatives seat representing the Musawa/Matazu Federal Constituency of her home state, Katsina.  Perhaps, this provided her an edge, as the political experience hones one’s instincts, and makes you able to think on your feet and to stand your ground when it mattered the most.

In my estimation, Stepping on Toes is a statement of defiance against a superior force that was intent on herding a zealous reformer into the wrong path. Hence, the takeaway, that as young people struggling to make a change, we must not be pushed to the wrong direction, even when these powers are the ones that gave us the privilege, the platform and the voice in the first place. We must stay true to what we believe is best for our nation despite the pressure from the sharks in the water.

The book documents many reforms and milestones which, ordinarily, would have gained accolades and promotion, for Bala-Usman in (former) President Muhammadu Buhari’s government known for anti-corruption; but which ironically became a thorn in the flesh to some vested interests, and eventually led to her witch-hunt and subsequent ‘sack’.

As she assumed office on July 18, 2016, the MD initiated a collaboration with BudgIT, the open governance technological platform, in order to ensure that key research, industry policies and innovations were effectively communicated, and that critical data was generated and made available to the public. A Revenue Invoice Management System aimed at improving service offering, partner, partner relationships, creating an efficient payment method, maximizing revenue and eradicating loss associated with fraud and revenue leakage was also launched.

She also immediately engaged in resolving a dysfunctional scaling system which resulted in junior officers on higher steps of their grade level earning more than their seniors by grade. “This irregularity meant that staff, especially those in positions considered lucrative, were prepared to do everything possible to stop their own promotion,” it expatiated.

Interestingly, chapter 6, entitled, “Apapa traffic congestion and Eto”, unveils the issue of an underground economy, reportedly worth over N12b annually, which was built around corrupt practices by officials of task forces around the Apapa ports. This depicts the failure of successive task forces set up by the federal and state governments to tackle the traffic congestion around the ports, especially at the Lagos axis; and a pointer to how people profiteered from the chaos at the ports.

The MD solved this knotty imbroglio with the development and deployment of the Electronic truck call-up software, known as Eto, which reduced human interaction in management of trucks, thereby tying off avenues for graft, and ultimately restored sanity to the ecosystem.

In chapter seven, “Dredging of Calabar channel”, the author revealed how the country was saved from paying $22Million USD to a company that made claims in a job it did not perform. According to the book, “The company claimed it carried out the dredging activities between November 14 and January 2015, but neither the Harbor Master nor the Port Hydrographer was aware of any dredging activity at the time. The company did not at any time communicate with the management of the NPA during these purported dredging activities.”

In chapter eleven, “Dismantling OMSL’s secure anchorage area”, the reader comes face to face with the reality of rent-seeking economy in Nigeria. A private company had set up and was operating a Secure Anchorage Area (SAA) within the Lagos Pilotage District for about four years without any legal relationship with the NPA, generating tens of millions of US dollars without remitting any to the coffers of the NPA or any government agency.

It is instructive to note that, regarding the supposed security the vessels using the SAA were being provided, it is the statutory responsibility of the Nigerian Navy and the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) to provide this service at no cost to vessel owners. When Bala-Usman finally pulled down the sham rentier edifice, she was accosted by hoodlums, who claimed she had “taken away food from them”, threatening to physically harm her.

Curiously, instead of her boss giving her accolades for her most intense efforts at sustaining the spirit of good governance and anti-corruption the Buhari government was known, hers became an albatross. Things came to a head in chapters 14 and 15, when Bala-Usman realized, to her utmost shock and dismay, that her own boss was not happy with her.

Integrated Logistics Limited, otherwise known as Intels, had a contract to monitor and collect revenues of the NPA, in the service boat management operations, since 1997 until 2020 when the contract expired. However, at the expiration of the contract, and as the NPA was about finalizing a tender’s process for a fresh contract tenure, the then Minister of Transportation, Hon. Rotimi Amaechi, directed Bala-Usman to stop, asking for “restoration of suspended contracts between Intels and the NPA”.

The letter from the Director General of the Bureau for Public Procurement, Mr Mamman Ahmadu, as he weighed in, was instructive: “the correct procedure is that contracts should be won through a proper procurement process that complies with the provisions of PPA, 2007. Furthermore, there is need to avoid the kind of monopoly being enjoyed by Messrs. Intels, which has cascaded into the entitlement mentality being demonstrated by the firm.”

Personally, Stepping on Toes inspires me to keep asking questions. Hadiza Bala Usman did not stop, even when the handwriting on the wall was clear. Eventually, she was told to ‘step aside’, a term that is a novelty in Nigeria’s public service rules.

However, even before the investigative panel finally cleared her of the trumped-up charges of non-remittance of $165millionUD into the Consolidated Revenue Fund, the court of public opinion had already set her free, having seen through the entire charade.

My organization, Connected Development (CODE) and its flagship project, Follow The Money, started by asking questions. Then, in 2012 when I first asked for monies voted to save the children of Bagega in Zamfara State, officials at the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Mines and Ministry of Environment, asked, “Who are you? Who sent you? Why are you asking?”

So, because no single kobo that was approved had got to this community, I started the online hashtag campaign #SaveBagega, which finally attracted the attention of the world, and made former President Goodluck Jonathan do the needful.

From that day, we never stopped helping the government to close leakages where the monies could have been wasted. For instance, in 2019 alone, we saved the Nigerian government N50 billion. This is why Stepping on Toes is a timely and indispensable resource for those who want to change the narrative, not only in my beloved country, but in the other twelve African countries where we operate, inspiring citizens to make a change, one community at a time.

Hamzat Lawal (Hamzy!) is a renowned activist and campaigning currently mobilizing, organizing and leading a group of young people in bringing needed changes across African communities using Follow The Money. He is currently the Chief Executive of Connected Development (CODE).

On Tuesday, August 9, 2022, Kenya held its general election during which the President, governors, senators and members of the National Assembly were elected. The results of the elections were announced on August 15, 2022. William Kipchirchir Samoei Arap Ruto (57) had 7,176,141 votes, that is 50.5% of the total votes while Mr. Raila Odinga (79) had 6,942,930 votes, that is 48.8%. The results were announced by Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (1EBC). 

On September 5, 2022, Kenya’s Supreme Court affirmed the election of Mr. William Ruto as President of Kenya. He was sworn in on September 13, 2022 as Kenya’s fifth post-independence President. 

On March 24 this year, Senegal, a country not too far from us with a population of 18million people held its Presidential election. A former tax Inspector, Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye (44), was elected President. His party had 54% of the total votes. He was sworn in on April 2 in Dakar.

On May 29 this year, South Africa had its Presidential election, the ruling party, African National Congress (ANC), won 159 of 400 seats—short of 201 seats needed to have a majority. After winning 40% of the total votes, the African National Congress was forced into coalition with Inkatha Freedom Party and the Democratic Alliance. 

On June 29, the ANC Leader, Mr Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa (71), a billionaire and the 13th richest man in South Africa, was sworn in as the President of the Republic. 

On February 25 last year, Nigeria had its Presidential election. On March 1, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) announced the results. Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu of APC scored 8,794,726 votes, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of PDP scored 6,984,520 votes, Mr. Peter Obi of Labour Party had 6,101,533 votes while Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso of NNPP scored 1,496,687 votes.

Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu scored 38.61% of the total votes cast, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar scored 29.07%, Mr. Peter Obi scored 25.4% while Rabiu Kwankwaso scored 6.40%. There were 93.4 million registered voters. The turn out was only 26.71 % in a country that is assumed to be over 200 million.  

Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu scored 25% of the votes cast in 30 states more than 24 states Constitutionally required. He was sworn in on May 29 last year as President of the Republic.

The election was not confirmed by the Supreme Court until October 26 last year. In short, President Tinubu GCFR waited for over five months as President, in suspense.

Definitely something fundamentally is wrong with our constitution. There are many defects in our 1999 constitution. My worry is that the constitution guarantees winner takes all. The constitution guarantees politics of exclusion. As it is now, unless you are very very close to the executives or you belong to a caucus of the ruling party in the centre or in the states, you can never be given an opportunity to serve however brilliant, competent or patriotic you are. Certainly, Nigeria’s problem did not start with the implementation of the 1999 Constitution but it had made worse our problems. 

Our journey in the Presidential system of government began on October 18, 1975, when the then Head of State, Brigadier General Murtala Mohammed GCFR (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976), inaugurated the Constitutional Drafting Committee, headed by Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams SAN (16 December 1920 – 26 March 2005) at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs, Victoria Island, Lagos. Professor Akinwande Bolaji Akinyemi (82) from Ilesha in Osun state, was then the Director General of the Institute. 

He declared the stand of the then Supreme Military Council on that day. 

The following were his declarations (a) unambiguous commitment to a federal system (b) Elimination of “cut-throat political competition based on a system or rule of winner-takes all,” characteristic of Nigeria’s political past. (c) De-emphasising of institutionalized opposition to the ground in power and development of “consensus politics and government” based on a community of all interests. (d) Decentralisation of power e) Evolution of a free fair electoral system to ensure adequate representation at the centre (f) Depoliticisation of the census (g) The formation of “genuine and truly national political parties.” However, because of the “harmful effects of a proliferation of national parties,” criteria were to be evolved whereby their number could be limited. Interestingly but in vain (echoes of Ghana’s “Union Government”, “the Supreme Military Council is of the opinion that if during the course of your deliberations, and having regard to our disillusion with party politics in the past, you should discover some means by which government can be formed without the involvement of political parties, you should feel free to recommend.” But this was to be as much a non-starter as the Constituent Assembly ‘s decision to insert a clause outlawing military coups. 

(H) Establishment of an executive presidential system, in which the President and the Vice-President would be elected and granted clearly defined powers. The method of their assumption of office would have to “reflect the federal character of the country.” So, too, would the choice of members of the Cabinet, who need not in future be drawn from the legislature alone.

(I) Constitutional restriction on the number of new States. 

On January 11, 1976, General Murtala Mohammed attended the Addis Abba extraordinary summit conference of the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.) on the liberation struggle in Africa. On that day he gave a speech titled “AFRICA HAS COME OF AGE”. The speech was a denouncement on America’s role in Angola. He declared “Mr. Chairman, Africa has come of age. It is no longer under the orbit of any extra continental power. It should no longer take orders from any country, however, powerful. The fortunes of Africa are in our hands to make or mar. For too long have we been kicked around; for too long we have been treated like adolescents who cannot discern their interests and act accordingly. For too long has it been presumed that the African needs outside “experts” to tell him who are his friends and who are his enemies. The time has come when we should make it clear that we can decide for ourselves; that we know our interests and how to protect those interests; that we are capable of resolving African problems without presumptuous lessons in ideological dangers, which more often than not have no relevance for us, not for the problem at hand.

Nigeria has come to this Assembly determined to co-operate with you, Mr. Chairman, and with all member States to put a stop to foreign interference in our Constitutional matters, As an African nationalist of distinction, I trust you will guide our deliberation to fruitful conclusions of which our people will be proud of. I thank you.”

To me the denouncement of America by General Murtala Mohammed looked contradictory when on October 18 1975 he has just forced on us without a referendum or a plebiscite, the American Presidential system of government. 

Maybe if he has not been assassinated, thirty-two days after his speech in Addis Ababa on February 13, 1976, we would not have adopted or retained the Presidential system of government today. His successor, General Olusegun Obasanjo carried on with that policy, without review.

On September 21, 1978, the then Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR, promulgated Decree Number 25 which proclaimed the 1979 Presidential Constitution. Twenty-four hours earlier, he dissolved the Constituent Assembly. 

In a broadcast to the nation on that day, General Obasanjo declared, “we have accepted the Presidential form of government and the supporting structures and institutions which go with the system. We have accepted the principle of separation of powers between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary and the clauses entrenching the powers, functions and the independence of each of these estates of the realm. We believe that the fundamental principles and directives of state, the provisions of safeguarding the rights and liberties of individual and such other provisions meant to ensure greater sense of accountability and probity in public life, are essential elements in giving a new and fresh sense of direction to our national life. 

In short, the Supreme Military Council saw the constitutional document as a most commendable framework within which party-political activities can be resumed. Indeed, in the light of our experience in government, we went further to make such minor adjustments as we believe necessary to ensure the effective and efficient functioning of government, come October, 1979.

We have also made some other amendments which we believe were necessary to strengthen the continued existence of a disciplined and just society as well as ensure consistency and continuity of national policy. I am sure, you are now all very conversant. Essentially, these amendments concern:

(a) The strengthening of the judiciary by relieving the judicial officers of the responsibility for mundane administrative matters which detracts them from the more important business of efficient and quick dispensation of justice (b) Bringing the conditions of service of judicial officers in line with those of other public officers, while bearing in mind the special nature of the judicial service (c) Consciously using certain institutions such as the Armed Forces, the Federal Courts as-vehicles to stress and promote the indivisible unity of the nation rather than the competitive aspect of a Federalism 

(d) Ensuring consistency and continuity of our national policy on such matters as the development of indigenous languages, the promotion of such notions as equal access to justice and maintaining a non-expansionist foreign policy based on co-operation and peaceful co-existence with our neighbours. 

We are, of course, aware, and I am sure that no member of the Constituent Assembly can claim that the constitution is a perfect document. Neither is the Supreme Military Council claiming that all the necessary adjustments which the general public may consider desirable or necessary have been made. But I believe that the essential thing has been done: that is to have a document which, despite all its imperfections, is capable of launching us in the right direction. 

Of course, the constitution as a living document, can be changed, as and when necessary, in the light of the experience gained in working it. This, I believe, is the most we can hope for, given all the circumstances including the short-time constraint, in which the constitutional issues were debated, discussed and approved.

The coming months would pose testing challenges not only to the participants in the ensuing political activities, but also to the mass media who have responsibility of interpreting and informing the public of the issues, as well as correctly conveying the public mood to those vying for political leadership. 

I am sure you will rise to the occasion and not let the nation down.”

It is left for all to judge whether the hopes of General Murtala Mohammed and General Olusegun Obasanjo had been met with the implementation of the Presidential System of Government. 

That is not to say that the process for the Presidential Constitution went unchallenged, of course it was challenged. I remember that two members of the Constitutional Drafting Committee wrote a minority report disengaging themselves from the Presidential System of Government. They were Dr. Y. Bala Usman, then Senior Lecturer in History at the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and Dr. Segun Osoba, then Senior Lecturer in History at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Their reports were not considered by the Constituent Assembly. The then Chairman of the Constituent Assembly, Mr. Justice Egbert Udo Udoma (21 June 1917 – 2 February 1998) made sure that their minority report did not see the light of the day. 

I remember three of my colleagues who covered the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly at that time, Femi Ogunsanwo of THE DAILY TIMES, Mohammed Haruna of THE NEW NIGERIA, Tunde Thompson of DAILY SKETCH and myself tried in vain to get a copy of the minority report. 

Since then, till today, there has been a clamour that the Presidential System of Government is not suitable for us. It is getting stronger these days. Let us take an example with the issue of our culture and tradition.

 In the third Schedule of the 1979 Constitution, the following were named as members of the Council of state. They were “the President, who shall be the Chairman; the Vice-President, who shall be the Deputy Chairman; all former Presidents of the federation and all former Heads of the Government of the Federation; all former Chief Justices of Nigeria are citizens of Nigeria; the President of the Senate; the Speaker of the House of Representatives; all the Governors of the States of the Federation; the Attorney-General of the Federation; and one person from each state, who shall as respects that State be appointed by the Council of Chiefs of the State from among themselves”. 

In part II Section 178 of the same 1979 Constitution declares that there shall be a State Council of Chiefs which shall comprise of “a Chairman and such number of persons as may be prescribed by Law of the House of Assembly of the State; the Council shall have power to advise the Governor on any matter relating to customary law or cultural affairs, intercommunal relations and chieftaincy matters; the Council shall also have power to advise the Governor whenever requested to do so on---(a) the maintenance of public order within the State or any part thereof and (b) such other matters as the Governor may direct”.  

If you look at the 1999 Constitution, one will notice the absence of the institution of traditional rulers. No institution represents our culture better than the institution of traditional rulers.

The Russian novelist Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn wrote that "to destroy a people you must sever their roots ". James Baldwin added that " know from whence you came, if you know from whence you came, there are absolutely no limitations to where you can go".

The Wikipedia tells us constantly that people without culture and tradition are a lost people yet our constitution has deleted that vital institution out of existence.

Traditions are a vital part of how we interact with the world around us. They provide a sense of identity and belonging that helps to shape our culture and our lives. Valuing your traditions is an important part of developing a strong sense of self and understanding the cultures that shape us.

At the core of traditions is a shared set of beliefs, values, customs, and rituals that are passed down from generation to generation. These traditions can be passed down through family, religion, or even communities. They serve as a reminder of who we are and our connection to the past. By valuing traditions, we honor the people who came before us and the struggles they faced in order to make our lives better.

Valuing your traditions also helps to connect you to your cultural roots. It allows us to appreciate and celebrate the unique qualities of our heritage. This can be done through learning about traditional foods, stories, and practices. Learning about these things can help us to understand our identity and how we fit into the larger cultural landscape. This can also help build bridges between generations and foster a sense of unity amongst family members and communities.

Traditions also provide a sense of purpose and can help guide us in making decisions about our future. They can provide us with a framework for making decisions that reflect our values, beliefs, and customs. Valuing our traditions helps us stay true to who we are and reminds us of the importance of preserving our culture for future generations.

Valuing your traditions is an important part of developing a strong sense of self and understanding the cultures that shape us. It allows us to appreciate and celebrate the unique qualities of our heritage, provides us with a framework for making decisions that reflect our values, beliefs, and customs, and helps create bridges between generations and cultures. Taking time to honor your traditions can bring immense joy and fulfillment in life, so don't forget to value them!

Traditions are an important part of our lives. They give us a sense of belonging and identity, provide us with a connection to our past, and help us to better understand our place in the world. In short, they are essential to our lives and the way we live them.

The importance of traditions lies in the fact that they provide continuity in our lives. They give us a sense of roots and belonging, as well as providing structure and stability. They also foster a sense of community, as we join together in celebrating and honoring our shared history. Traditions also provide us with important moral lessons and values, teaching us about respect for others, loyalty, responsibility and other important life skills.

Traditions are also important because they can help to preserve culture. By keeping the same customs, language and rituals alive, we ensure that our culture does not fade away with time. By celebrating holidays, attending special events or participating in traditional activities, we keep our culture alive and thriving.

Traditions also help to create a stronger bond between individuals or groups of people. Participating in traditions gives us an opportunity to come together and celebrate something special while connecting with each other on a deeper level. Many times, these connections can last long after the initial event ends. It is these connections that help to build strong communities and relationships throughout society.

 Traditions are an important part of life that allow us to connect with our past, build strong communities, teach valuable life skills, and help preserve our culture for future generations. It is important to value the positive aspects of our traditions while recognizing when it is time to let go of outdated ones. By doing this, we ensure that our traditions remain alive and relevant for many years to come.

Traditions are an integral part of any culture, providing a sense of identity, continuity, and community. Valuing your traditions is essential to preserve the shared values and practices that are unique to each cultural group. keeping traditions alive is essential for passing on knowledge and history from one generation to the next, helping to shape the future of that culture.

A clamour to change this Constitution today is being championed by so many people because they know that it is unworkable for us. 

Among the many who want this change are Ambassador Tunde Adeniran, Senator Uba Sani, Mr Femi Falana SAN, Chief Wole Olanipekun SAN, Senator Shehu Sani and many more including my boss, Chief Olusegun Osoba, two-time governor of Ogun state, whom I served as Oyo state Editor, when he was the Managing Director of Kwara state owned NIGERIAN HERALD forty-nine years ago. The name that strikes me most is that of Chief Eleazar Chukwuemeka Anyaoku (91) from Obosi in Anambra state. He married an Egba Princess, Ebunola Olubunmi Solanke in 1962. At ninety-one, the struggle to change our Presidential System of government may turn out to be his last struggle. He led a delegation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in THE VILLA recently in his crusade for a change of the constitution.

Chief Emeka Anyaoku had his education at the Merchants of Light School, Oba and the University of Ibadan. He attended courses in Cambridge, England, Institute of Public Administration, London, Cavillam Institute, France; management trainee, later regional assistant, Commonwealth Development Corporation, London and Lagos, 1959-1962, joined Nigerian Diplomatic Service, 1962, member, Nigeria Permanent Mission to the UN, New York, 1963-1966, assistant director, International Affairs Division, Commonwealth Secretariat, 1966-1971, director, International Affairs Division, 1971-1975, assistant, secretary-general, Commonwealth Secretariat, London, 1975-1977, deputy secretary-general, Commonwealth Secretariat, London, 1977-1983, Minister of External Affairs, November-December, re-appointed deputy secretary-general , Commonwealth Secretariat, 1989, assumed office July 1990; deputy chairman, later vice-president, Royal Commonwealth Society, London since 1972, member, Committee of Management, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, 1972, former director and chairman of the African Centre, London, member of the governing councils of the overseas Development Institute (ODI), The International Institute for Strategic Studies, London, and Save the Children Fund; secretary for the committee reviewing Commonwealth inter-governmental organisations, 1966, secretary for the Commonwealth Observers Team covering the Gibraltar Referendum, 1967, and secretary to the Commission to find a resolution to the 1969 Anguilla crisis, lead secretariat team accompanying Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group to Southern Africa, 1986. Dr. Emeka Anyaoku holds the Chieftaincy title of the Obosi of Nnanyelugo.  

When people like Chief Anyaoku talks, I am sure they know what they are talking about. He and his likes should be encouraged in their condemnation of the Presidential Constitution that we are operating.