At the end of the 43rd meeting of the Federal Executive Council held on 30 December 1974, the President of the Council, General Gowon delivered a valecdictory speech to the out-going Civil Commissioners.

He observed that the life of the Council would come to an end at the conclusion of the meeting. As recorded by the Official Recorder: “He expressed the nation’s gratitude and his government’s appreciation for the services of the out-going civil commissioners” while recalling “the difficult times and anxious moments of the National Crisis and the Civil War during which they served loyally. He recalled that well over 3,000 memoranda were considered during the life of the present Council (which) dealt with high policy matters and issues of vital importance to the life of the nation. “It was now in the national interest that there should be a change”, he said.

I left the Federal Government on 30 December 1974, having served in the same post as the Federal Commissioner for Works and Housing from 27 May 1967. In January 1975, General Gowon appointed Brigadier Olu Obasanjo to succeed me. It was time for change! Looking back over the years, what was the legacy of the Gowon Governement? What were  our triumphs and our disasters?

I have already  discussed the following major triumphs or achievements by the Ministry of Works and Housing during the Gowon Era:

North-South

1. New two-lane dual carriage highways to make four. The two additional North- South Highways are: Warri – Sapele – Benin – Auchi – Koton Karfi – Abuja – Kaduna Highway; and Calabar -Yola – Maiduguri Highway. The existing two North-South roads (Lagos – Ibadan – Jebba – Kaduna – Kano – Daura; and Port Harcourt – Enugu – Makurdi – Jos) two-lane carriageways were to be reconstructed into two-lane dual carriageways to complement the two new highways.
2. The construction of two-lane dual carriageways of Lagos – Ibadan section of the  Lagos – Ibadan – Jebba – Kaduna – Kano – Daura highway was well under way before I left office. So was the Shagamu – Benin section of Shagamu – Benin – Asaba – Onitsha two-lane dual carriageway.
3. Works on the construction of a great number of roads – North-South or West-East in the 20,000 miles (from under 7,000 in 1967) of federal roads were either completed, or the works were in progress or planned by December, 1974.
4. Huge investment in public buildings, including the Federal Secretariat in Lagos and a federal secretariat in each state capital.
5. Huge investment in housing for civil servants especially the high-rise towers in Lagos to provide housing initally to host the All Africa Festival of Arts and Culture in 1976.
6. The National Housing Authority was set up under the Cabinet Office to provide housing units to the public after the festival. Festac Town was created in Lagos.
7. The establishment of the Federal Mortgage Bank, which took over the assets of the Nigerian Building Society after nationalising the Bntish interests in the latter.
8. Settlement of a well defined and permanent Nigeria/Dahomey (Benin) boundary. There has been no boundary dispute between our two countries ever since.
9. Charter for each of the professions of architecture, engineering, estate Surveying, building technology and land surveys.
10. Change over from Left-hand to Right-Hand Traffic.
11. Regional Centre for Training in Aerospace Survey at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. It admits students from several African countries. Other major projects or achievements initiated by the other ministries, or the Cabinet Office (which include Fetac Town) during the Gowon Era were:
12. Nigerian National Oil Corporation, now Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation.
13. Decimalization. Decimal currency – the introduction of the Naira.
14. The Metric System, or Metrication initiated by the Ministry of Works and Housing, but executed by the Ministry of Trade.
15. Universal Free Primary Education throughout Nigeria, 1974.
16. Membership of OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Producing Countries).
17. National Youth Service Corps (NYSC).
18. Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Act (Indigenisation Decree), 1972 which opened up commerce and industry to Nigerians.
19. Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
20. Motor Assembly Plants: – (a) Volkswagen in Lagos; (b) Leylands in Ibadan; (c) Peugeot in Kaduna; (d) DaimlerBenz in Enugu.
21. Agro – allied industries: (a) Edible salt; (b) Sugar plant at Jebba (c) Super phosphate fertilizer project.
22. Agricultural Research Institute – assumption of full funding for the Cocoa Research Institute of Nigeria (CRIN), the Nigeria Institute for Oil Palm Research, the Institute of Agricultural Research at Samaru and the Rubber Research Institute at lyanomo and Akwette.
23. Establishment of the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture, Ibadan. 24. Pulp and Paper Mills at Iwopin, Western State, and another in South Eastern State.
25. Development of Specialist Hospitals in the States which would also cater for development of and increase in medical manpower
26. Nigerian Bank for Commerce and Industry.
27. National Insurance Corporation.
28. Nigerian National Supply Company 29. The 2nd and 3rd Oil Refineries at Warri and Kaduna. There has been no new ones ever since.
30: Federal Revenue Court (now Federal High Court).
31. Federal Court of Appeal (now Court of Appeal).
32. The Industrial Court.
33. Settlement of Nigeria/Cameroon Boundary.  

The judgment of the International Court of Justice at the Hague in the matter of subsequent boundary dispute between Nigeria and the Cameroon 30 years later confirmed largely the legal position taken by the Gowon Government.
 I propose to discuss briefly other achievements of Gowon’s Government, the policies leading to winch were fully discussed in Council before gestation and decisions taken.
I took part in the process.

Closing the Educational Gap : Universal Free Primary Education

The Federal Commissioner for Education,  Chief A.Y. Eke, identified some educational gaps in the field of education. In a memorandum entitled “Closing the Education Gap” presented to Council at its 37th meeting in 1972, he urged the Council to pay attention to the areas of need and come to the rescue of the states.

He referred to the “gross uneven educational development”, especially between the northern and southern states. Although he conceded that there were gaps between Rivers and South Eastern states on the one hand and the Western and Mid-Western states on the other, he nonetheless produced figures to show the division between the north and the south in the field of education:  “In the primary schools, for every child in the northern states, there were four children in the southern states; for every student in the secondary school in the northern states there were five students in the southern states. And for every undergraduate in higher institutions in the northern states, there were six students in the southern States.”

For university education, Chief Eke recommended building “Schools of Basic Studies to enable students from backward areas of the country to have opportunity of higher education”. During discussion, the view was expressed that polarisation of educational development between the north and the south was untenable as there were also educationally backward southern states.  Some members recalled that the Council had in  1969 commissioned the Shomade Committee to study the issue of primary education in  Nigena and that the committee’s report submitted in 1970 recommended the introduction of Free Primary Education for all. The members of the committee included Chief Tayo Akpata, Dr. Mahmoud Tukur, and Professor Otonto (as he then was) Nduka Otonto. The Executice Council was yet to examine its recommendations. The proposals in Chief Eke’s memorandum were however approved by the Council.  

I was in full support of the memorandum on closing the educational gap. A policy of Free Primary Education throughout Nigeria would not only extend to the northern states a scheme initiated 20 years earlier by Chief Awolowo in the West but which failed due to inadequate funding in the East, the policy would also provide adequate funding for the scheme in the southern states. The proposal on establishing eight secondary schools in the less developed areas of the country and provision of funds for the expansion of existing schools in such areas was the answer to the Quota System of Admission of students to King’s College, Lagos, which the King’s College Old Boys Association had always opposed as it seemingly discriminated against merit. The new proposal by the federal ministry would in my view go a long way to bridge the educational gap and eliminate the discrimination and injustice embedded in the quota system of admission to King’s College and Queen’s College, Lagos,  as well as the federal government other colleges.

Formal Launching of the Universal Primary Education Scheme

I had just returned from Mecca and I found my name in the list of Federal Commissioners and officials to accompany the Head of State on his visit to the North-Western State. Another punishing tour, setting out at times at 8.00 a.m. in one part of the vast state like North-West and ending up in another part at 8.00 or 9.00p.m, with little time for lunch. There were receptions and cultural shows at provisional headquarters, visits to schools and army formations, and courtesy calls on the Sultan of Sokoto, Emir of Argungu and other Emirs. The convoy of cars ran at breath-taking speed. And I was yet to recover from the hectic schedule of the Holy Pilgrimage as Amir-ul-Hajj for Nigeria. There was, however, one event which made the North-West tour memorable: the declaration by General Gowon on 20 January 1974 at the Race Course, Sokoto of his Government’s intention to introduce Universal Free Primary Education throughout Nigeria in September 1976. The projection was to enrol 2.2 million children aged 5-6 years in 1976, rising to 2.6 million in 1981
In the words of Chief A.Y. Eke, the Federal Commissioner for Education, in his memorandum presented to Council on 16 January 1974: “The Universal Primary Education would provide an opportunity for the harmonisation of the  content of the educational programme throughout the Federation and facilitate the task of relating the content and direction of education to the social-economic needs of the various communities in the country and superimpose a national purpose on our educational endeavours. Ultimately, it would help to bridge the educational gap between the various states and between the sexes and make it possible to adapt our educational policies to suit our manpower development needs. It would also help to bridge the gap between the rich and the poo± and give democracy a fair chance of success in the country. It would become possible to set unified moral, cultural and spiritual values throughout the country and the task of eradicating corruption would become much easier.”

 The Cabinet Committee’s first meeting was held on 25 June 1974 when an outline of its work was discussed.
At its second meeting on 29 July 1974, we considered six papers, largely on teacher training, expansion of existing buildings and construction of new ones including classrooms, halls, laboratories and staff quarters, recurrent expenditure and funding and provision for teacher trainers.
The third meeting of the Cabinet Committee took place on 13 August 1974.The three papers considered included Revised 1974/75 Recurrent Estimate for Teacher Training College, Disbursement of Recurrent Funds and siting and building of 62 new Teacher Training Colleges for 1975/76 academic year.

The Council considered the First Progress Report of the Cabinet Committee  at its meeting on 21 August 1974 during which the Council among other decisions: (a) Approved an expenditure of N51.046m  expansion and provision of additional facilities for the existing 156 Teacher Training Colleges.

(b) Noted the need for 62 Teacher Training Colleges at an estimated cost of N162.75m.
(c) Approved the recruitment of 1,200 Teacher Educators in addition to 1,000 members of the National Youth Service Corps to be deployed to the Teacher Training Colleges.

Such was the tempo of General Gowon’s Government preparation for the commencement of the UPE Scheme by the Council and the Cabinet Comniittee till  30 December 1974 when I left the Federal Executive Council.
Such was the enthusiasm for laying a solid foundation for the future of Nigeria in the education sector.
It was the lot of the Murtala Mohammed/ Obasanjo regime to implement the Free Primary Education Scheme initiated by the Gowon regime as best as it could.
It is a sad commentary on the quality of political class and its leadership that fifty years after independence, there stifi exists educational gap between the north and the south, or one state and the other. Lack of consistency in pplicy is part of the problem.

Economic Community of West African States

The establishment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was another  feather in General Yakubu Gowon’s cap.
In the run-up to political independence, West Africa was dominated by two colonial powers: Great Britain and France. For some years after dependence, West Africa remained polarised: Anglophone and  Francophone.
The economies of the Francophone countries were tied to France much more than the economies of British West Africa to Britain’s economy. Several initiatives were made at forging one large grouping or the other: Lagos in 1963, the Niamey Conference in 1966, and Accra in 1967. The Senegal River States Conference of all states along the Senegal River, also in 1967 led to the first serious attempt at regional grouping in Monrovia in 1968. The Monrovia conference failed to germinate; even the protocol on customs was never signed. In April 1972 however, General Gowon and General Eyadema of Togo 1974 met to revive the effort at a regional economic grouping, cutting across linguistic lines. Following joint delegations of Nigeria and Togo to all the West African States, the Ministry of External Affairs conducted a discreet exploration through our missions in West Africa to find out which countries would be interested in the proposed West African Economic Community. As a result of the investigation, seven out of eleven replies received in August 1972 were referred back to the Mimstry for further clarification There was the problem of France which had been campaigning  vigourously for closer economic ties between French-speaking West African countries and the European Economic Commumty, and did everythmg possible to subvert the creation of the proposed West Africa Economic Community. A meeting of officials was scheduled for January 1973 in Lome. Due to various obstacles, the ministerial meeting which was to follow did not hold until 10 to 15 December, 1973 in Lome to consider the proposal to establish the community submitted jointly by the sponsors, Nigeria and Togo. All the fifteen countries in the West African sub-region (including the newly independent Guinea-Bissan) were represented at the meeting.
The report to Council noted the enthusiasm of member-countries of CEAO – a grouping of French-speaking states, some of whom had earlier on shown a great deal of antipathy towards the proposed community. They not only sent strong delegations but took active part in the deliberation throughout. That bore an eloquent testimony to the quiet diplomacy of the Nigerian and Togolese Governments. The next ministerial meeting was held in Niamey in March 1974 and the final draft Treaty establishing the Economic Community of West African States (ECO WAS) was approved by the Heads of State of all the countries in the West African region later in the year. Under the Treaty, decisions are based on the principle of unanimity of member-countries present at the meetings. Other major decisions taken at the inaugural conference were the establishment of a secretariat based in Lagos and an annual budget and creation of specialised commissions in the following areas:
(i)Trade, Customs, Immigration, Monetary and Payments;
(ii) Industry and Natural esources;
(iii) Transport, Communications and Energy;
(iv) Social and CulturalAffairs.

Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Act

Soon after the end of the 2nd World War (1939-1945), the Socialist Government in Britain extended socialism to the colonies. As a result, the colonial government in Lagos assumed total control of certain sectors of the economy like power generation and distribution (Electricity Corporation of Nigeria, later NEPA), airways and the major ports. The private ports at Sapele and Burutu were taken over by the Gowon Administration.

Commerce was largely dominated by foreign firms from Britain and some European countries Wholesale trade, super markets, sale of equipment and  machinery and the like were handled largely by these firms. Only petty trading was in indigenous hands.
It was this situation – the need “to raise the proportion of indigenous ownership of mdustnal and commercial mvestment I m Nigena” – that led to the promulgation of Nigerian Enterprises  Promotion Decree 1972.  

It was one of the primary objectives of the Admmistration in  its 1970-74 National Development Plan.  
Accordingly, the Federal Commissioner for Industries, Dr Tayo Adetoro brought two memoranda to the draft decree council for approval.
The Supreme Military Council made some minor amendments to the draft decree.
The highlights of the decree were the reservation of certain enterprises like advertising agencies, road haulage, newspaper publishing and printing  exclusively for Nigerians, listed as schedule I.

Those enterprises listed in schedule ll like beer brewing, soft drinks manufacture, construction industry. sundry manufacturing industries – were reserved for Nigerians (including non Nigerian Africans) exclusively where the paid-up share capital was 200,000 pounds or less or the annual turnover was 500,000 pounds or less.

Any enterprise in  schedule II with more than 200,000 pounds share capital or 500,000 in turnover but with less than 40% equity participation by Nigenans was also barred to aliens.

I participated fully in  the Council debates leading to the promulgation of the decree, and in  support of it. Total domination of our commerce and industry by non-Nigerians, especially in areas where the government could not intervene, was intolerable.  But I did intervene in  a public speech to denounce the attempt by Nigerian capitalists who planned to concentrate ownership of the enterprises in  schedules land II in  the hands of a few captains of industry and commerce. This was my reaction to a statement made by Chief Henry Fajemirokun, the President of the West African Chamber of Commerce, who was in support of concentration of shares in the enterprises in a few hands. My stand was this:  indigenisation for the benefit of many, not monopoly by the new Nigerian capitalists, the “nouveau riche”, the captains of commerce. There was an upper limit to the number of shares available to Nigerians in order to have a better spread of the neocapitalists.

National Youth Service Corps

One of the lessons of the Civil War was the need to build a nation of Nigerians  whose devotion and loyalty to the nation would transcend ethnic and social barriers There was the need also to encourage free movement of people and mobility of labour within the country. For these and other reasons, the Federal Govermnent promulgated the National Youth Service Corps Decree 1973. The objectives of the Corps, as stated in the Decree, are:
(a) “to inculcate discipline in Nigerian youths by instilling in them a tradition of industry at work, and of patriotic and loyal service to the nation in any situation they may find themselves;
(b) to raise their moral tone by giving them the opportunity to learn about higher ideals of national achievement and social and cultural improvement;
(c) to develop in them attitudes of mind, acquired through shared experience and suitable training, which will make them more amenable to mobilization in the national interest;
(d) to develop common ties among them and promote national unity by ensuring that – (i) as far as possible, youths are assigned to jobs in states other than their States of origin; (ii) each group, assigned to work together, is as representative of the country as possible; (iii) the youths are exposed to the modes of living of the people in different parts of the country with a view to removing prejudices, eliminating ignorance, and confirming at first hand the many similarities among Nigerians of all ethnic groups;
 (e) to encourage members of the service corps to seek, at the end of their corps service, career employment all over the country thus promoting the free movement of labour;
(f) to induce employers, partly through their experience with members of the service corps, to employ more readily qualified Nigerians irrespective of their States of origin; and
(g) to enable Nigerian youths to acquire the spirit of self-reliance”. The youth corps has helped to bridge the graduate employment gap in certain states in need of such employment, and has over the years given the opportunity to many young Nigerians to know and respect people from other parts of Nigeria, their culture and traditions.
In order to ensure the enduring nature of this institution in the polity, the National Youth Service Corps Act (or Decree No.24 of 1973) is the first of four Acts of the National Assembly preserved and protected under the Constitution of 1979 and of 1999. Its provisions “shall continue to apply and have full effect” like any other provision of the constitution, and “shall not be altered or repealed” except with a two-thirds majority vote of the members of the National Assembly and a similar two-thirds majority vote in eaèh of al least two-thirds of the State Assemblies.

Location of the Second Petroleum Refinery

This was one of the most controversial issues discussed by Council the Gowon regime.

In his memorandum brought to Council in November 1970, Dr. R.A.T Dikko, the Commissioner for Mines and Power admitted that all the serious  proposals received named Lagos as the best location.

The Finance at Economic Committee of officials of Government had recommended the  appointment of consultants to examine the proposals and made recommendation to the Government. He rejected both proposals. Without  any technical advice, he recommended a location in the northern states. This led to a lengthy debate in Council. The Federal Government policy of dispersal of industiies, and avoidance  of too many industries in Lagos for strategic and security reasons was strong  argument for a site in the northern part of Nigeria. A refinery in the north  would entail the construction of an oil pipe – line from the south  to the north for transportation of crude oil, but the possibility of sabotage would draw caution, just as a pipeline for transportation of refined oil from the south to the north. A strong security measure would be needed either way.

The view was strongly expressed that members should avoid planning down economic realities in favour of political expediency. The pattern in  consumption had a great bearing  on the location of the refinery. At this stage  it was also recalled that Council had appointed a committee of officials  to  examine the possibility of uniform prices for petroleum products throughout  the country. This. would of necessity invite the government to subsidise  the  industry.

The Federal Executive Council agreed that independent consultants be appointed to undertake techincal and economic studies on the second refinery, including its location. Early in 1973, the Commissioner for Mines and Power submitted another nemorandum on the subject matter. Members were given only a précis of the consultant’s report, not the report itself. I felt uncomfortable with the refusal to give us the consultant’s report. So did Prof. Bayo Adedeji. It was decided that the report should be circulated to members, and consideration for  the memorandum was therefore deferred.

In his memorandum, the Commissioner for Mines and Power had shifted grounds on location. He no  longer insisted on the location in the northern parts of the country. He was now in favour of Warri for the second refinery, and Kaduna for the third refinery.
In support of Warri instead of Lagos which was recommended by the consultants as the location for the second refinery, Dr. Dikko argued that a refinery should be more of a raw-material oriented industry rather than a market-oriented industry. He stressed the need to decongest Lagos and for even distribution of industries. His support for Kaduna as the location for the third refinery was merely in support of the consultant’s recommendation.

In their report, the consultants considered five major towns and cities – Lagos, Warri, Jebba, Kaduna and Kafanchan as possible locations, and gave a fairly detailed comparison of costs for the various sites. As Lagos consumed about 33% of the petroleum products in the country, and the combined Lagos, West and Mid-Western States consumed in total about 60% of those products, Lagos had a much greater cost advantage over Warri or any other location in the country.

Still on the issue of cost advantage, a refinery in Lagos would be able to produce up to 70,000 barrels of petroleum products per day, enough to meet our immediate domestic needs and also be able to export some quantity as recommended by the consultants. The Ministry of Mines and Power on the other hand recommended smaller refineries in Warri and  Kaduna with capacities of 42,000 barrels per day in Warri and between 20,000 and 30,000 barrels per day in Kaduna.

Finally on the issue of costs, Lagos had a clear advantage over Warri as Warri would require an enlarged port and other infrastructure to accommodate large shipping The view was expressed that if the Ministry of Mines and Power had made up its mind all along that the second and third refineries  should be in Warri and Kaduna respectively (and its memorandum made a case for both, and almost ignored the consultants’ case for Lagos), why appoint  the consultants  at all?

I was in full support of the consultants’ recommendation of Lagos, and I said so in very clear terms. So did Prof Bayo Adedeji.  The Head of State and President of Council, General Gowon, accused the consultants of thinking  in terms of what would be in the ultimate advantage of their own country which had lost grip of oil exploitation in Nigeria.  He counselled that Government decision should not be based on economic factors alone, we should bear in mind social and political factors as well.  He was in full support of the memorandum
The Council approved Warri as the location of the second refinery, with increased capacity as the first refinery in Port Harcourt that is about 3,000,000 tons per annum. It further decided that a lube oil and asphalt plant should be built and integrated with Warri refinery, but incorporated with Port Harcourt Refinery if based on imported crude oil. The Council also approved that the third refinery should be built in Kaduna, but the capacity was to be determined by market research in 1976/77. The atmosphere was tense and  almost throughout the debate, with a  little  humour interspersed occasionally.

Whatever the argument in Council, the Gowon’s regime gave Nigeria two more refineries. And he did not have to import petroleum products in the life of that administration as it  is today the norm. Thirty-four years since the termination of that regime, the oil-rich Nigeria is yet to establish new refineries.
She survives on imported oil products.

Development of Liquefied Natural Gas LNG) Projects

The Federal Commissioner for Mines and Power, Dr. Dilcko, presented four   memoranda to Council between 1972 and 1974 on the subject. The last memorandum was the most contentious, and one of the most controversial in the Gowon administration.  Dr. Dikko explained that pressures had been exerted on him, his officials and on Council members by “highly placed individuals” and that he had been offered money by lobbyists. One highly respected Nigerian who exerted tremendous pressure, but not money, Dr. Dikko emphasised, was Chief Obafemi Awolowo who presented “a very good case for a client which he (Chief Obafem Awolowo) represented as “the legal and economic adviser, consultant and representative. Chief Awolowo presented a proposal to the Ministry on LNG but declared that he was neither a shareholder nor a director in the company. What worried Dr. Dikko was that Chief Awolowo “extended his network of correspondence to his colleagues, some permanent secretaries and to members on the Petroleun Advisory Board, declaring his interest in the venture and soliciting their co-operation, Undoubtedly, Chief Awolowo was very much informed on every stage of the processing of the various bids, and he attacked the bid of a rival company well established in Nigeria”.

Dr. Dikko joined issues with Prof. Bayo Adedeji, the Federal Commissioner for Economic Development and Reconstruction, the contents of whose counter memorandum were “similar to the proposals” of Chief Awolowo. He felt his colleagues should have discussed his own proposals with him before resorting to the unusual action issuing a counter memorandum. In  his defence, Prof Adedeji said that Dr. Dikko did not wait for “clearance of his memorandum with his ministry” under the rules before forwarding it to the Cabinet Office for circulation; hence his counter memorandum (which was non-circulated). He assured his colleagues that he had not been offered any reward, monetary or otherwise, by any company as he had no direct dealing with any.

I was a recipient of Chief Awolowo’s proposal. We put the incident behind us, and proceeded to consider Dr, Dikko’s memorandum. On the main issue, there were twelve offers received from companies in Nigeria and abroad on the development of a viable LNG project in Nigeria. Comparative studies of the various proposals had been made by officials of the Ministry of Mines and Power, and were presented to Council. After an exhaustive debate on the ownership of gas, gas gathering system, the scope of the project, shipping of liquefied gas and selection of technical partners, the Council took a number of decisions, which included:

1. Re-affirmation that the Federal Government should own 55% to 60% equity in any gas-utilising project.
2. Agreement in principle to establish two LNG projects of 1,000 million cubic feet per day capacity.
3. Agreement that the Government should participate in the liquefaction phase in the Gas Gathering System on the basis of 60% ownership.
4. Agreement to take 50% ownership in shipping business.
5. Agreed to invite separately four companies already operating in Nigeria for detailed negotiations for the construction of the LNG plant and LNG tanker.
6. Appointment of consultants.

At a time when our only rival in Africa and Asia was Algeria with two LNG plants and plans to build more, with an advantage of direct shipping to Europe  by pipeline across the Mediterranean Sea, it was our hope that Nigeria’s  LNG project would take off by 1976. Indonesia (now with eight) a Malaysia (five) had not yet come to the stage.
That was forward planning the Gowon Administration for a great industrial power for Africa of today. It was not to be. Gowon’s government was toppled the following year, a that apparently ended the plan for Nigeria’s first LNG plant.
It took almost thirty years of dithering thereafter for Nigeria’s first LNG plant to take off.

Accountability

The issue of accountability has been discussed elsewhere in this book.  We just give a further example of Chief Awolowo ‘s tight hold on our finance.

In 1968, he brought a Council memorandum on Allocation of Funds for  Commissioners stating that Commissioners should be able to serve, matter of courtesy, only light refreshments like coffee, tea, biscuits and soft drinks to their visitors and no more. It was subject to budgetery control. The point was stressed that even that facility should not be abused! Expenses for overseas official tours by federal commissioners and their officials were matters for debate in Council by way of memoranda from the relevant ministry. There were several occasions memorandum on such expenses were brought to Council for approval where there were no provisions or sufficient provisions for the purpose in a ministry’s budget.

The Promise of Return to Civilian Rule and the July 1975 Coup

It has been suggested that a recent administration had an all-star cast of economic managers, perhaps, the best the country had ever seen: economic managers who failed to fix or provide power, telephones, railways or restore the old value of the naira. General Gowon had the best team of economic managers Nigeria has ever had in its almost 50 years history, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo who did not borrow during the war years. There were Abdul Attah, Allison Ayida, Phillip Asiodu, assisted by Prof. Tunji Aboyade and Prof Bola Onitiri. That was Nigeria’s finest hour.

Impressive as General Gowon’s record of governance was: successful battle for One Nigeria; Rehabilitation and Reconstruction after the Civil War; a new economic and social order and educational foundation for a New Nigeria, a new network of roads and other infrastructures, one element was lacking: a new political order.

A number of us, in the early 1972, held meetings in Lagos and Kaduna, to the knowledge of the military authorities, in preparation for return to civilian rule. Our membership included Civil Commissioners (Federal and State) across the old political spectrum, political leaders across the nation. Chief Awolowo and some of his close associates were not invited to the meeting. But Chief Anthony Enahoro and Mr. J. S. Tarka, Aihaji Aminu Kano and Alhaji Shehu Shagari were in attendance. But the military had other ideas. There was a deep division among the  leadership of the armed forces. There were the few on the one hand who were appointed into political offices since the July 1966 coup as military  governors of the states and whose colleagues perceived as enjoying the pomp of political power. Those happy, few, hardly visited the war front, Iet  alone to be directly involved in the civil war. There were on the other hand  the war heroes and veterans of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Divisions of the Nigeria Armed Forces who prosecuted the Civil War and bore the brunt of war. Four years after the war, the political officers remained in their posts, in the gilted cages, their political postings. General Gowon hesitated to redeploy  them to strictly military duties. This situation caused a great deal of resentment  among the officers on military duties. There was some unease in the army.
Earlier, towards the end of 1970, General Gowon launched his 9-point political programme which included return to civilian rule in 1976 and a review of the constitution.  The constitutional review hardly surfaced thereafter.

In his broadcast to the nation, however, on October 1 1974, General Gowon said that the political leaders had not learnt their lessons, and therefore civil in rule in 1976 was no longer realistic.

It has been alleged by many people that this new position of General Gowon was on the advice of the “Super Permanent Secretaries” who advised the Head of State on assumption of power in 1966 on political issues as well as performing  their traditional duties in  public administration This practice continued after the appointment of civilian Federal Commissioners in May 1967 until Mr. C. 0. Lawson became the Secretary to the Government on  the death of Mr. Abdul Attah in 1972. Mr. Lawson in his attempt to restore  the civil service to its traditional role told his colleagues that he would  lead them to General Gowon outside official duties only on the invitation of Head of State.
The senior officers in the armed forces held a meeting in 1974, and by majority vote decided to rescind the decision to return to civilian rule in 1976. It was not General Gowon’s decision alone to reverse the policy, but he had to carry the can as the Commander-in-Chief.
The general public received General Gowon’s announcement in silence, and  the political leaders in astonishment and with great disquiet. There was muted criticism in the press. The state of emergency proclaimed in January 1966 and renewed in August 1966, remained in force. So too, as a consequence, was the ban on political parties as well as on political activities. But the strain in the armed forces remained. Police intelligence gave General Gowon warnings of the planned putsch. So did other intelligence agencies. Colonel Joseph Garba, the Commander of the Brigade of Guards and a Gowon loyalist, assured General Gowon that there was no truth in the rumour of a planned coup. Some close public service aides of General Gowon urged him to announce the deployment of some of the long serving Military Governors back to the barracks and appoint new ones, but he dithered. If only he carried out the deployment. If only!

General Gowon left Lagos to attend an OAU Heads of State Conference in Uganda late in July 1975. On 29 July 1975, Colonel Garba, announced in a dawn broadcast: “In view of what has been happening in the past few months, the Nigeria Armed Forces have decided to effect a change in the leadership of the Federal Military Government.” Later in the day, Brigadier Murtala Muhammed emerged as the new Head of State. Brigadier Olusegun Obasanjo became the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, and Colonel Theophilus Danjuma was named the Chief of Staff, Army. Both Colonel Danjuma and Colonel Garba who later became the Federal Cormmissioner for External Affairs were very close to General Gowon. It was a palace coup, a bloodless coup. General Gowon flew from Uganda to Togo where his friend and cofounder of ECOWAS, General Eyadema, offered him an asylum. He soon after left Togo for Britain where he later entered Warwick University to study for his first degree, followed by a doctorate course.

This amiable man, who had no taint of corruption while in office, with some of the best of Nigeria’s political brains in his government, and some of  Nigeria’s finest crop of civil servants around him, left a legacy of public service delivery never witnessed in Nigeria, and is yet to be surpassed.  Some of government’s policies are still being executed by successive governments  till today.  Thirty years on, for an example, the Federal Ministry of Works and  Housing’s plan in his time for a coastal road from the Lagos Bar Beach  to Calabar is still being talked about in political circles as well as government  circles.  It may yet come to pass.

In his time, especially in the early 1970s, General Gowon used to be  greeted by the crowds while on his tours of the country with the slogan “Go  On With One Nigeria.”  For two decades after the 29 July 1975 coup, his political rating was so low that he was badly defeated in a primary election  somewhere in Kaduna State during General Babangida’s tenure. He is now regaining his gait as an elder statesman. He has enjoyed triumph and suffered  one major disaster, not heeding his own 1970 warning of a change. But General Gowon had a fine innings, and left his imprints on the sands of time.  He was, in cricket parlance, bowled out, middle stump. And  his economic  legacy lives on. General Gowon learnt the bitter lesson too late: Do not overstay God’s appointed time. When it is time to go, ‘Go’. Do not overstrain  God’s generosity. But his record in good governance is yet to be surpassed.

• Above are excerpts from the memoir of  Alhaji Okunnu, federal commissioner for Works  Housing  in the government of Gowon, entitled “In the Service of the Nation.”

If there wasn’t this global alliance of mostly English-speaking nations based on common law principles, there would be a need to create one.
Commonwealth leaders are meeting this week on the island of Samoa for our bi-annual summit. Intense discussion over free and fair trade, security, and climate action are occupying us 56 members – all friends and allies.

If an alliance of primarily English-speaking nations rooted in common law and shared commitment to global rules didn’t exist, one would need to be created. Like-minded countries would naturally come together to amplify their values while also providing a mechanism to lend collective heft to the individual economic and geopolitical interests of each member.

The world already has such an organisation, and its bi-annual leadership forum – the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) – is it. Yet, every two years like clockwork, the usual, ill-informed questions about the purpose and future of this oldest international organisation of partner nations appear: How can it survive its members becoming republics? What is the purpose of an institution that is neither a single market nor a regional political union?

The organisation’s demise has been predicted for decades, mostly because of the misunderstanding that becoming a republic means Commonwealth exit. Quite the opposite: it is in fact a path most members have trod.

History aside, today the Commonwealth is more relevant than it has been in decades. The world is moving beyond regional trade and governance blocs, shifting towards global networks of nations with shared interests across regions and hemispheres.

The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) – spanning the Americas and Asia, and with the accession of the UK, Europe and binding 12 countries in a trade-based pact – is one example; the Alliance for Small Island States (AOSIS), an intergovernmental organisation of low-lying coastal and small island countries, comprising 39 nations stretching across all corners of the globe is another. Though one is for trade, the other for political salience, both are based not on geography but on a common interest – the convening principle for which the Commonwealth is the original item.  

While multi-continental, global networks are back in favour, that doesn’t mean the Commonwealth could not benefit from a rethink. As President of the Commonwealth’s second most populous state, I believe more can and should be done together on economic cooperation and mutual political support.

Bi-lateral agreements between AfCFTA and leading Commonwealth economies such as the UK, India, and Australia would create a web of interlinked trade agreements among Commonwealth nations, driving closer cooperation and deeper integration across the Commonwealth. Britain has proposed a UK-AfCFTA trade agreement. Others should follow.

Nigeria urges larger Commonwealth economies to prioritise importing materials and foodstuffs from African Commonwealth nations.

Supported by bilateral trade agreements, there’s no reason why African coffee or fresh produce couldn’t be offered to Western Commonwealth members at preferential rates in exchange for investment in local processing industries. This would not only integrate our economies but also provide nations like Britain with affordable products they can’t grow while creating jobs in Africa – reducing the need for migration by offering better opportunities at home.

The Commonwealth has finally begun caucusing as a group at the United Nations, a development that surprisingly only became official a few years ago. While not every vote is or should be taken as a bloc, one thing is clear: securing an African seat on the UN Security Council with Commonwealth backing would supercharge the relevance of our 56-country family. This move would decisively prove the Commonwealth’s importance and silence doubts about its future.

Far from done, the Commonwealth’s time has come.  

•Bola Tinubu is the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

In the ever-evolving world of social media and pop culture, few personalities have captivated the Nigerian public like Bob Risky. Born Idris Okuneye, the controversial socialite has managed to build a platform that consistently keeps people talking. Whether through his bold cross-dressing, flamboyant lifestyle, or outspoken nature, Bob Risky is a name everyone knows. However, despite this widespread recognition, a fundamental question lingers: Is Bob Risky a genuine celebrity, or does he fit into the category of a “yeyebrity”, a term used in describing individuals who seek fame without any discernible talent or contribution to the nation’s economic growth?

To answer this question, it is important to define what it means to be a celebrity in today’s social media-driven world. Traditionally, celebrities are individuals who attain fame through their accomplishments, whether in music, acting, sports, or other forms of entertainment. A celebrity, by this standard, earns their place in the limelight through hard work, skill, and talent.

However, with the rise of platforms like Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok, fame has taken on a new dimension. Social media has democratized celebrity culture, allowing anyone with an internet connection and a smartphone to build a following and become “famous.” This new breed of public figures includes influencers, YouTubers, and socialites, many of whom have no apparent talent beyond their ability to stir conversation, spark controversy, or share parts of their life that the public finds intriguing.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to opine that Bob Risky’s fame is largely a product of this new dynamic. With over five million Instagram followers, the socialite’s influence is undeniable. But is this enough to classify him as a true celebrity?
The reason for the foregoing misgiving cannot be farfetched as Bob Risky first burst onto the scene in 2016, when his bold decision to openly embrace cross-dressing drew widespread attention. In a conservative country like Nigeria, where discussions about gender and sexuality are often taboo, Bob Risky’s decision to flaunt his feminine appearance was revolutionary, and controversial.

Unfortunately, this controversy only helped to increase his fame. Bob Risky’s social media posts, which often feature him wearing elaborate makeup, designer clothes, and expensive accessories, attract millions of views and comments. He has become a fixture of Nigerian pop culture, regularly making headlines for his outspoken opinions and lavish lifestyle.

In many ways, Bob Risky embodies the modern influencer. He has successfully leveraged his platform to promote products, mainly skin-lightening creams and other beauty items, and to establish himself as a businessperson. His ability to monetize his online presence is impressive and demonstrates a level of business acumen that few “yeyebrities” possess.

Supporters of Bob Risky argue that his fame is a reflection of his ingenuity and boldness in the face of societal judgment. In a country where many people are afraid to express their true selves, Bob Risky has used his platform to promote self-expression and individuality. By pushing boundaries and breaking cultural taboos, he has paved the way for conversations about identity, acceptance, and non-conformity.
For many young Nigerians, particularly those within the LGBTQ+ community, Bob Risky is seen as a symbol of liberation. His refusal to be silenced in a society that largely rejects him has earned him a loyal following. In this sense, Bob Risky’s fame is not just about controversy; it is also about the role he plays in challenging the status quo.

Additionally, Bob Risky’s business ventures cannot be overlooked. He has turned his online fame into a source of income, endorsing brands, selling beauty products, and promoting his lifestyle. In a world where social media has become a key marketing tool, Bob Risky’s ability to capitalize on his influence is a mark of his entrepreneurial spirit.

Despite Bob Risky’s undeniable fame and financial success, many Nigerians are not convinced that he is a true celebrity. Critics argue that his rise to prominence is more about shock value than genuine talent or contribution to society. The term “yeyebrity” refers to people who are famous for being famous; individuals who attain attention through controversy or outrageous behavior but lack the substance to back it up.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to opine that for these critics that Bob Risky fits squarely into this category. His claim to fame is based largely on his ability to provoke reactions, whether through his cross-dressing, his lavish displays of wealth, or his outspoken personality. Unlike actors, musicians, or athletes who are celebrated for their craft, Bob Risky’s fame does not appear to be tied to any particular skill or talent.

Moreover, some Nigerians feel that Bob Risky’s influence is damaging. His promotion of skin-lightening creams, for instance, has sparked concern among health professionals, who warn that such products can have harmful effects.

Again, Bob Risky’s tendency to flaunt material wealth in a country where many struggle with poverty has also drawn criticism. For these reasons, many Nigerians believe that Bob Risky’s fame is shallow and undeserved.
The debate about whether Bob Risky is a celebrity or “yeyebrity” speaks to a larger issue in Nigeria and across the world: the changing definition of fame. In an era where social media has blurred the lines between celebrity and influencer, the criteria for what makes someone a public figure have evolved.

In the past, being a celebrity meant excelling in a specific field, whether it was music, film, or sports. Today, fame can be achieved simply by having a large online following and staying in the public eye. This shift has created room for individuals like Bob Risky to rise to prominence, even if their fame is not rooted in traditional notions of talent.

So, is Bob Risky a celebrity or a “yeyebrity”? The answer ultimately depends on how one defines fame. If we adhere to the traditional definition of celebrity, fame earned through talent and contribution, then Bob Risky might not fit the bill. His rise is more a product of controversy and self-promotion than any particular skill.

However, if we accept the modern view of celebrity, where social media influence and online presence are enough to build a brand and create a following, then Bob Risky is undeniably a celebrity. He has mastered the art of staying relevant, and in today’s world, that is often all it takes to become a star.

Whether you love him or hate him, Bob Risky has made an indelible mark on Nigerian pop culture. His fame may be unconventional, but it is real. As the debate continues about the nature of his celebrity status, one thing is certain: Bob Risky is not going anywhere, and for better or worse, he will remain a fixture in Nigeria’s social media landscape for years to come. So, given the foregoing argument, the question still begs for answer, “Is Bob Risky a Celebrity or “Yeyebrity”? As you ponder over the arguments made in this context, your answer to the question is as good as mine.

The title of the highest-paid soccer player goes to stars who not only shine on the field but also know how to market themselves. Big names like Cristiano Ronaldo, Lionel Messi, and Kylian Mbappé have recently led the pack in earnings. 

Their huge contracts with clubs, including moves to leagues like the Saudi Pro League, and major endorsement deals with top brands, have made them some of the wealthiest athletes in the world. These players’ success comes from both their incredible soccer skills and their ability to attract sponsorships, showing how sports and business can come together in modern football.

Here are five world highest-paid footballer in 2024 according to Forbes news you should know:

1. $285 million – Cristiano Ronaldo

Cristiano Ronaldo, the famous Portuguese soccer star, is once again the highest-paid player in the world. His huge income comes from his salary and big endorsement deals. In 2023, Ronaldo’s move to the Saudi Arabian club Al-Nassr gave him a major pay boost, with reports saying his contract is worth hundreds of millions per year. Besides his success on the field, Ronaldo’s global brand, including deals with Nike and his own CR7 products, adds to his massive earnings. His ability to stay at the top shows both his talent and his strong appeal to fans and companies alike.

2. $135 million – Lionel Messi

Lionel Messi, one of the best soccer players in the world, is always among the highest-paid athletes. After leaving Barcelona in 2021, Messi signed a big contract with Paris Saint-Germain (PSG). His earnings are also boosted by endorsements with major brands like Adidas and Pepsi, along with his business ventures, like the Messi Store. In 2023, Messi made a big move to Inter Miami in the MLS, increasing his income even more with a special deal that includes sharing revenue with Apple and Adidas. This move helped cement Messi as one of the top earners in sports.

3. $110 million – Neymar Jr.

Neymar Jr., the Brazilian soccer star, is still one of the highest-paid players in the world. His 2017 transfer to Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) was the most expensive in soccer history, and it came with a huge salary that kept him among the top earners. In 2023, Neymar made another big move, joining the Saudi Arabian club Al-Hilal with a contract that greatly increased his income. Besides his club earnings, Neymar has major endorsements with brands like Puma and Red Bull, making him a global soccer icon and one of the richest athletes in the world.

4. $104 million – Karim Benzema

Karim Benzema, the French football star and former Real Madrid captain, became one of the highest-paid soccer players in the world following his 2023 move to Al-Ittihad in Saudi Arabia. His contract with the Saudi Pro League club includes a significant financial package, placing him among the top earners in football. Prior to this, Benzema enjoyed a successful career at Real Madrid, where he earned multiple titles, including the Ballon d’Or in 2022. In addition to his salary, Benzema’s earnings are supplemented by endorsement deals, making him a prominent figure in the global football landscape.

5. $90 million – Kylian Mbappé

Kylian Mbappé, the French soccer star, is one of the highest-paid players in the world, thanks to his huge contract with Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) and valuable endorsement deals. In 2022, Mbappé signed a record-breaking contract extension with PSG, giving him a large salary and big bonuses. His earnings are also boosted by partnerships with well-known brands like Nike and Hublot. Known for his incredible speed and goal-scoring skills, Mbappé is one of the most marketable athletes globally. His financial success matches his quick rise to fame, making him a major figure in both soccer and business.

[TheNation]

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) has confirmed the tragic loss of five personnel in a road accident on Tuesday near Hawan Kibo along the Jos-Akwanga Expressway. The incident was disclosed in a statement issued by the Director of Public Relations and Information for NAF, Air Commodore Olusola Akinboyewa, in Abuja.

According to Akinboyewa, the personnel were en route to a sporting event in Abuja when their vehicle collided with an oncoming truck. In response, the NAF has activated necessary administrative protocols to provide support and comfort to the bereaved families.

Akinboyewa urged the public to respect the privacy of the victims’ families during this challenging time and to avoid spreading unverified information. “May their souls rest in perfect peace,” he said, adding that further updates will be provided as appropriate.

[Nigerian Tribune]

Nigeria is a country blessed with an abundance of natural resources, geographical diversity, and a youthful population. From the moment of its creation, the signs of divine favor were evident in the land. The nation was endowed with fertile soil that could yield crops all year round, a coastline teeming with marine resources, and a rich reserve of oil and gas that would shape its destiny as a global economic player. In His boundless mercy, God baked a “National Cake”, a figurative blessing, a wealth of resources meant for all Nigerians to partake in. However, despite the prosperity this metaphorical cake symbolizes, today it seems that only a few are eating it, leaving the rest of the population to suffer in want. The critical question is: why should only a few be eating the cake God baked for all Nigerians?

From the Niger Delta’s oil reserves to the vast agricultural plains that spread across the north and the entire south, God’s generosity to Nigeria is unmatched. By some estimates, Nigeria holds Africa’s largest oil and gas reserves, while the country also ranks among the top producers of cocoa, cassava, and groundnuts globally. Nigeria’s diversity does not stop with its natural resources; the nation is also blessed with a vibrant, resilient population, over 200 million people, the majority of whom are young, ambitious, and ready to build a prosperous future.

In addition, Nigeria’s geographical position is strategic for international trade. Its coastline connects West Africa to global shipping routes, enabling the export of goods and resources to other parts of the world. The blessings extend beyond oil and agriculture. Nigeria is home to a rich cultural heritage, a vast expanse of arable land, and, perhaps most importantly, an enterprising people. From these riches, God baked a metaphorical cake, large enough to feed every Nigerian.

However, what should have been shared equitably among the population has become the exclusive preserve of a few, mostly political elites, their families, and close associates. The “National Cake,” baked by God for every citizen of this nation, has been monopolized by a fraction of the population, while the vast majority are left to survive on crumbs, if even that.

The post-independence optimism that filled Nigeria in 1960 was based on the hope that the nation’s vast resources would be harnessed for the benefit of all Nigerians. There was a dream that, through hard work, everyone would have a fair shot at prosperity. Public institutions were designed to promote equality, and state-owned enterprises were meant to provide job opportunities for millions. The cake that God baked for Nigeria was supposed to be sliced and shared, ensuring that each citizen got their piece.

Yet, as the decades rolled on, it became evident that something had gone terribly wrong. The political class; those entrusted with distributing this cake, began to claim disproportionately large portions for themselves. They appointed their families, friends, and loyalists to key positions, making sure that the lion’s share of Nigeria’s resources ended up in their bank accounts, while ordinary citizens were left to fight over the meager leftovers.

Corruption soon became the hallmark of governance in Nigeria. Oil revenues that could have funded national development projects were siphoned off by politicians and their cronies. Contracts meant to build infrastructure were inflated, and money that should have been used to improve public services was embezzled. As the ruling class grew wealthier, the masses were driven into deeper poverty. This betrayal of the public trust is akin to a few individuals hoarding a cake that was meant to be shared by all.

As Nigeria’s wealth concentrated in the hands of the political elite, the gap between the rich and the poor widened dramatically. Today, Nigeria has one of the highest levels of inequality in the world. The few who have access to the “National Cake” live in opulence, enjoying luxurious lifestyles and stashing billions in foreign accounts, while the majority struggle to afford basic necessities like food, shelter, and healthcare. The cake that God baked for all is now feeding only a small fraction of the population, and millions of Nigerians are paying the price.

The most glaring consequence of this unequal distribution of wealth is the rising poverty level in Nigeria. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, over 130 million Nigerians live in multidimensional poverty. This means that more than half of the population lacks access to basic needs such as food, education, healthcare, and sanitation. These are not just numbers; they represent real human suffering. Nigerians, from Lagos to Kano, are feeling the pain of a broken system where only a few enjoy the blessings that were meant for all.

In rural areas, farmers can no longer afford to plant and harvest their crops because of skyrocketing costs of inputs and insecurity across farmlands. In urban centers, young graduates roam the streets without job opportunities, even as their dreams of contributing to the nation’s prosperity dashed. Everywhere you look, there is a sense of despair. Nigerians are watching the cake that God baked for them being devoured by a small group of elites, while they struggle to survive.

The situation has reached a critical point, with hunger spreading across the land. In recent times, there have been reports of parents skipping meals so their children can eat. Stories of desperation, like mothers begging for food at markets or children dropping out of school because their families cannot afford the fees, are becoming alarmingly common. It is a cruel irony that in a nation so richly blessed, people are dying of hunger.

A critical factor behind this inequality is poor leadership. For decades, Nigeria has been governed by leaders who prioritize their personal interests over the welfare of the people. Many politicians enter public office with the singular goal of enriching themselves, not serving the public. They see the “National Cake” as a prize to be claimed, not as a resource to be distributed.

Instead of using the nation’s oil wealth to build schools, hospitals, and roads, the political class funnels money into projects that benefit only a select few. Billions of dollars have been spent on so-called “development” projects that never materialize, while millions of Nigerians lack access to clean water and electricity. Public services are in a state of decay because those who are supposed to maintain them are more interested in eating their share of the cake than in serving the people.

The family and friends of politicians also get their share of the cake. Nepotism is rampant in Nigeria, with political leaders appointing their relatives to key positions in government and business. These individuals, often unqualified for the roles they hold, further perpetuate the unequal distribution of resources. The circle of those who have access to the cake grows smaller and smaller, while the masses continue to suffer.

It is time for Nigerians to demand a change. The “National Cake” belongs to every citizen of this country, not just a privileged few. God did not bless Nigeria with such abundance so that a small group of people could monopolize it. He blessed this nation so that all its people could flourish and prosper together.

To reclaim the cake for all Nigerians, there must be a collective effort to hold leaders accountable. Citizens must demand transparency in the management of the nation’s resources, insisting that public officials are held to the highest standards of integrity. Anti-corruption agencies must be empowered to investigate and prosecute those who steal from the nation’s wealth. Equally, Nigerians must insist on leadership that prioritizes the welfare of the people over personal gain.

It is also essential to build systems that promote equal access to resources. Public institutions must be reformed to ensure that every Nigerian, regardless of his or her background, has a fair chance to benefit from the nation’s wealth. Social programs that provide education, healthcare, and job opportunities should be strengthened and expanded, ensuring that no one is left behind.

Without a doubt, Nigeria is at a crossroads. The blessings that God baked into this nation are still abundant, but they must be shared. It is time to end the era of a few gorging themselves on the “National Cake” while the rest starve. Only by doing so can Nigeria live up to its potential as a land of prosperity, where every citizen enjoys the benefits of the divine blessings bestowed upon this nation. In fact, let us remember: the cake was baked for all, not just for a few.

In the realm of broadcast journalism, few names shine as brightly as John Momoh’s. Like an alchemist transforming base metals into gold, Momoh has taken the raw ore of Nigerian media and forged it into a gleaming beacon of excellence that illuminates the entire African continent.

With an unwavering vision and a voice that resonates with truth, Momoh didn’t just change the narrative of broadcast journalism—he rewrote its very DNA. Where once there was a cacophony of voices, he orchestrated a symphony of professionalism. In a landscape often marred by sensationalism, he cultivated a garden of integrity and factual reporting.

As the founder of Channels Television, Momoh established an institution that transcends the typical parameters of a media network. Hardly any television station in Nigeria can escape the indelible influence of Channels TV; its former staff and proteges now illuminate the screens of various competitors and channels. This phenomenon speaks volumes about Momoh’s profound impact on the industry and highlights how his commitment to excellence has fostered a new generation of talented journalists.

Many of those who cut their teeth at Channels TV have gone on to excel in global media networks across the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States, and with international organizations. They carry with them the ethos of journalistic rigor instilled in them by Momoh, amplifying African narratives on a global scale. Whether through investigative reporting or international coverage, these former Channels staff not only uphold the standards set by their mentor but also expand the influence of Nigerian journalism worldwide, creating ripples that challenge stereotypes and broaden perspectives.

What sets John Momoh apart is not just his professional achievements, but also his dedication to those he mentors. At every turn, whenever I have reached out to him, he has responded. He has been more than just a boss—he has been a mentor. One particularly significant moment for me was when I served as the Head of Media at Eko Disco, one of Africa’s leading electricity distribution companies. When asked to provide a reference letter, Dr. Momoh chose to personally write it instead of relying on the HR department. This gesture exemplifies his commitment to nurturing talent and supporting those he believes in, reinforcing the impact he has not just within the industry at large, but also on individual careers.

But Momoh’s true magic lies in his ability to see the stars hidden within rough diamonds. With an eye keener than an astronomer’s, he has discovered and nurtured a constellation of talents. Journalistic novices, under his tutelage, have blossomed into the industry’s most sought-after luminaries, lighting up screens across the nation. Their voices now carry the torch of quality journalism that Momoh himself ignited, paving the way for future storytellers to follow.

Through Channels TV, his brainchild, Momoh crafted more than just a network—he built a legacy. It stands as a testament to his belief that African stories deserve to be told with depth, dignity, and dedication. In doing so, he hasn’t just raised the bar for Nigerian broadcasting; he’s elevated the entire continent’s media landscape.

John Momoh is more than a broadcaster or a CEO. He is a visionary who dared to dream of an Africa where journalism serves as the fourth estate in its truest sense. His relentless pursuit of journalistic excellence transforms the media narrative, proving that integrity and professionalism are essential in a field often beset by challenges. Through his tireless efforts, that dream inches closer to reality with each passing day, each breaking story, and each new voice he brings to the forefront of African media.

In the annals of African journalism, John Momoh’s name will be written not in ink, but in light—a beacon guiding future generations towards the true north of journalistic excellence. His influence remains ever-present, shaping the future of journalism in Nigeria and beyond.

Thank you, sir.

My initial understanding was that I was to make remarks to open a general discussion on democratic elections. Then, a few days ago, I saw from the programme of activities that I am to speak on the topic “Elections, Democracy and Governance.” 

The change doesn’t bother me, but I have rearranged the terms for the topic to read “Elections, Governance, and Democracy” because I view democracy as the destination and elections and governance as the means, the way, to get there. The issue is: what type of elections and what type of governance? So, I wish to lay out a broad framework of elections and follow up with some considerations relating to governance and democracy.

I would like to begin with an observation that it has taken the mature democracies of the world a long time and a long way to get to wherever they are today. Still, none of them will say that it has reached the end of the road to democracy if there is ever such an endpoint.

Indeed, the journey to democracy is always long and we can even lose our way as we go along. In that journey, every election represents an important stage, because it provides an opportunity to select new leaders if we think the old ones are not taking us on the correct path to democracy.

But, to serve that useful purpose, the election must be of a specific kind, branded as a democratic election, because its features must accord with the principles that underpin democracy. We can sum up those principles by saying that the power to govern comes from the people. So, we can define a democratic election, in simple terms, as a contest among candidates, mediated by an electoral commission, and decided by the voters.

The most important implication to draw from this definition is that in a democratic election, voters are pre-eminent, and their valid votes are inviolable for determining the winners and for settling disputes over election results. This makes the polling station results form, which has come to be popularly known in Ghana as the pink sheet, a precious commodity in our elections. This requires candidates to appoint knowledgeable agents to represent them at the polling stations because an agent’s work is essentially a brainy task.

Let us also note that Ghana has chosen a multiparty democracy as its brand of democracy. A multiparty democracy does not necessarily mean that there are many political parties. But how many parties are there in Britain, the United States of America, Germany, France or any functional multiparty democracy you know of? Most likely, only a few in each country.

A multiparty democracy means that one political party does not dominate elections so much that all the other parties combined do not make a difference. If one party dominates to such an extent, the country is a one-party state, irrespective of the number of parties.

So, what is important in a multiparty democracy is that there are political parties that make elections truly competitive. On that score, currently, Ghana is a multiparty democracy because of the NPP and the NDC. With a collective score of less than 10% of the total votes in previous elections and no representation in parliament, all the other parties combined have had virtually no impact on how our country is governed.

Be that as it may, to pass the test of being a democratic election, the results of elections must be credible. That means the results are worthy of acceptance as a basis for forming a legitimate government, a government, respected at home and abroad. To determine that the results of an election are credible, we need to step back a bit and talk about the essential features of an electoral system. Some processes characterise the electoral systems of all democracies, and all the processes are based on broadly the same principles. What differentiates the systems is how they try to actualise the principles and the formulas for winning elections, such as first-past-the-post for MPs and 50%+1 for the president in Ghana.

The salient processes are voter registration, campaigning, voting, vote counting, tabulation/collation of results, transmission of results, and announcement of results. I will proceed to highlight the key features of these processes with indications of who is responsible for doing what under our electoral system.

Voter Registration: Every eligible person must be accorded a reasonable opportunity to register as a voter, and a person can register only once. These features must be reflected in the voter register used for elections. This is the responsibility of the electoral commission.

Campaigning: Candidates should be free to campaign wherever they are contesting elections, so there should be no no-go areas. However, the campaigns must be peaceful and clean. Here, the basic responsibility lies with the political parties, candidates, and the police.

However, individuals and groups can publicly condemn any infractions, and widespread condemnation usually impacts the candidates for fear of losing votes.

Voting: There is a wide distribution of responsibilities when it comes to voting. Only a registered voter can vote in an election, and a person can vote only once in the same election. The responsibility falls mainly on the electoral commission and its officials.  A person must be free to exercise his/her vote: it is the responsibility of the police to ensure general peace and secure an election devoid of violence. A voter must, in turn, allow other voters to vote freely: a responsibility is placed on all voters. Every candidate can appoint an agent to verify the voting activities at every polling station on his/her behalf. This is an important responsibility of every candidate.

Vote Counting: The procedure for vote counting must be clearly outlined and known well ahead of time. What constitutes a valid or invalid vote must be specified. Only valid votes are counted when calculating the results. Every vote must be accurately counted in the active presence of candidates’ agents. A valid vote must be counted in favour of the candidate for whom it was cast. Proper documentation must be made of the results of the vote counting. Each agent must be given a true copy of the results, duly signed by the Presiding officer and the agents, right at the polling station. The Presiding officer and the agents at every polling station are responsible for ensuring that the measures normally indicated in the Election Manual, are adhered to.

Tabulation/Collation of Results: The Returning Officer has full control of the tabulation of results, but there are good practices that help to avoid controversy over the results (a) Let the place, procedures, and duration of the collation be known well ahead of time. (B) Make the tabulation of results a well-organised activity. (C) Do the tabulation in the active presence of the candidates, and/or their appointed agents. (D) Check the results thoroughly to ensure that they are correct. (E) Give the candidates/agents true copies of the tabulated results, duly signed by the returning officer (and preferably the candidates/agents), before they leave the place of collation.

Transmission of Results: A secure method agreed upon and/or acceptable to the political parties/candidates/agents should be used to transmit the results. Presiding officers and Returning officers have the responsibility for transmitting the results.

Announcement of Results: There are examples of good practice on this. Unless the election law has a provision for provisional results the results announced must be correct and final. If the results are provisional, not final, then say so, and give the reasons for announcing provisional results.

What matters is not how fast the results are released, but how accurate they are. In Ghana, this is the responsibility of the Returning Officers of the various constituencies in the case of parliamentary elections and the Chairman of the Electoral Commission, who is personally the Returning Officer for the presidential election.

Distribution of Responsibilities: I hope we can see the distribution of responsibilities in elections. In addition to what I have indicated, the government, the courts, the media, civil society organisations, and voters, all have roles to play in elections.

While the electoral commission is understandably the referee at the centre of the field, it is noteworthy that there are at least two other referees of elections. The courts must settle any disputes that arise over the elections at any time: and, to secure the general peace for elections, the police must also arrest and prosecute election offenders. It is critically important for the police to act as national police, not the government or political party police, and for the judiciary to see itself as an impartial arbiter in election cases.

In fact, in general, how the various actors in elections play their respective roles affects the credibility or otherwise of an election. Eventually, if we are satisfied that the actors have played their roles reasonably well, we can say that an election is credible, and the results are therefore, acceptable as a basis for forming a legitimate government.

With this background, I wish to emphasise the importance of three factors in elections: the election law, the use of technology in elections, and why our votes must count.

Importance of the Election Law: The collection of laws referred to as the election law comprises three components: (1) All the provisions in the Constitution that relate to elections (2) All the extant laws (statutes) on elections made by Parliament (3) Legislation on elections made by the Electoral Commission or some other authorised body.

The three categories constitute a hierarchy of laws, in that, in principle, legislation cannot infringe a provision in a statute, let alone the constitution, and a provision in a statute cannot infringe a provision in the constitution. Given this order of precedence, it is important to note that provisions of a validly enacted statute or subsidiary legislation derive from the Constitution. So, it makes sense to treat such provisions as constitutional provisions. I sometimes hear people say that something is not right because it is not in the constitution: but it is wrong to see the election law as only what is explicitly stated in the constitution. The election law is for the protection of the election official or any election stakeholder. This has two important implications. First, the general advice is to do as the election law says. If you don’t, you risk an action you take being declared illegal for not conforming to the law.

You may get away with something if you and the other concerned parties say the political parties, have reached an agreement on it and they don’t complain. Even so, such an agreement doesn’t clothe one with immunity because, under our law, some individual or organisation can take the matter to court.

The second implication is the need for a keen interest in the election law. Not only should Parliament always undertake proper scrutiny of every subsidiary legislation on elections, but election-related civil society organisations and knowledgeable individuals should show interest in the formulation of statutes and any subsidiary legislation on elections. Whether good or bad, the existing election law is what the people have given to themselves for their elections, and it remains binding on everyone.

The use of Technology in Elections: Examples abound on how technology has helped to improve the systems and processes of running elections. With technology we can do things quicker: we can keep a lot of material in a small space and retrieve it as and when it is needed: on Election Day, we can verify if the person who has come to vote is the same person who registered to vote, we can get results quicker, and so on. Given all this, we are easily tempted to talk of technology-driven elections. But the enigma of technology in elections is that it can bring things very close to you and equally make you lose total control over them.

No wonder these days political parties are often looking for illegal access to an electoral commission’s database. In the memorable and prophetic words of a former fellow electoral commissioner: “If they succeed, they can rummage in our databases to our embarrassment.”

Today by electronic means information in election databases can be tampered with and election results hacked locally or externally.

Why the Vote Must Count: Some people are disillusioned about elections saying that votes don’t count anymore, meaning that elections don’t express the will of the voters. There are many obstacles to free and fair elections, but the most worrisome situation is where politicians can buy leadership with money through plain fraud and vote-buying.

Apart from expressing the will of the people, which is the essence of a democratic election, there are practical and commonsensical reasons why votes must count. Where votes count, you have a peaceful transition of governments, legitimate leaders accepted at home and abroad, and genuine political opposition. Where votes don’t count, there can be no justification for spending enormous amounts of money and time on elections.

Politicians are unlikely to be responsive to the people’s needs or worried about good governance. Instead, corruption is likely the order of the day, often leading to a paradoxical situation of a rich country with poor people. Even worse, a civil war can break out over disputed election results.

Good Governance: Through elections, we choose people to lead us, on the path to democracy. We do so in the belief and hope that the persons so chosen will genuinely take us on the path and not lead us astray. To put us on the correct path to democracy, good elections must be followed with good governance. For me, good governance defies a clear-cut definition. However, if good governance, arrives in town, we can easily recognise it by the following characteristics which it brings along.

(A) It respects the civil liberties and the people’s political rights. (B) It is responsive to the needs of the people and promotes their socio-economic well-being. (C) It controls corruption. (D) The press and civil society organisations operate as guardians of the public interest. (E) The political opposition sees itself as complementary to good governance. (F) It helps the private sector to prosper.

But these developments don’t happen automatically. Just as there is a distribution of responsibilities in elections, there is also a distribution of responsibility towards achieving good governance. Key among the actors are the three branches of government - the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Let me say simply that each of these institutions must perform its functions well without encroaching on the jurisdiction of the other, thereby dislocating the arrangements laid out in the Constitution.

 Additionally, any other institution in the public sector, from the Council of State to the Forestry Commission, has been set up for a purpose. Good governance requires that all such institutions perform their functions creditably. Apart from these public sector institutions, civil society organisations are expected to act as watchdogs for the people’s interests in their respective areas of concern.

In addition to honest reportage, the media is expected to bring to public attention instances of corruption and the abuse of power by public officials. Individuals and groups can test the law in case of doubt about the propriety of official actions and conduct.

Democracy is a place where people enjoy basic rights and freedoms. But it is also a place where people have reasonable access to necessities such as food, good drinking water, decent housing, electricity, usable roads, good education, efficient health facilities and jobs, with responsibilities, including payment of taxes, maintaining law and order and obeying the law.

Free and fair elections don’t bring any of these things. But without free and fair elections, ordinary persons cannot hold their leaders accountable, whether they deliver the benefits of democracy or not. We must note that holding officials accountable through elections applies only to members of parliament and the president. Many important public officials, including judges and electoral commission members, may not be directly accountable to the people. How to hold such officials accountable is always problematic.

Conclusion: I wish to conclude by saying that good elections and good governance are the vehicles for a condition of democracy.

At its core, democracy refers to improvements in human conditions, it is not a fixed station where a journey ends. This is why the contents of human rights keep expanding. There are several rights today that were not rights in the past, and the ambit of rights will continue to expand according to the need for improvements to the human condition.

We should brace ourselves and prepare for a long journey, because, given a choice, I believe that people will prefer to live in a democracy, instead of other forms of government including authoritarian rule.

Presentation by Dr Afari-Gyan, former Chairman of Ghana Electoral Commission Men’s Fellowship of Ridge Church, Accra on 10th October 2024

The Israeli prime minister is unarguably the world’s most detested leader today, especially in the Middle East and Arab world, but he earns my respect for resolutely defending his nation against brutal and vile terrorists and taking steps to protect his people against annihilation. Benjamin Netanyahu is my idea of a strong and patriotic leader. He is firm, decisive and single minded in the pursuit of Hamas and Hezbollah, two of the world’s most brutal terror groups that had vowed to wipe Israel off the earth. Netanyahu is not afraid to go against popular opinions, even at the UN, and has, in several occasions, ignored suggestions from the White House and the Pentagon, to slow down. But for him, the survival of the only Jewish State, nestled in the most dangerous neighborhood in the world and surrounded by the vilest enemies, is the single most important thing, and for that, I admire the prime minister a lot. Netanyahu exemplifies what I have been looking for in Nigerian leaders: fearlessness; courage; patriotism and assertiveness. For decades, Nigeria has been steadily destroyed by terrorists from outside and inside the country. Thousands of Nigerians in the Middle Belt; North East and North West have either been murdered, maimed or driven away from their ancestral land by these foreign terrorists and their Nigerian collaborators.

Due to these persistent attacks, peasants and small scale farmers, the nation’s major food producers, no longer have access to their farms. They have lost their sources of income, and that means food production has plummeted significantly; with the nation has being gripped by unprecedentedly high levels of food inflation. Yet no Nigerian leader, from Goodluck Jonathan to Bola Tinubu, has been able to defeat these extremists. Of the three, Muhammadu Buhari appeared least interest in dealing with the problem. He was cold, aloof and detached from the senseless killings of Nigerians, especially the people of Benue and Plateau states, who were frequent victims of these attacks. More Nigerians were killed under his watch than at any other peace time in our history. He was more interested in appeasing the murderers. As I write, thousands of Nigerians are still living in IDPs in states like Adamawa; Borno; Niger; Katsina; Zamfara and other parts of Northern Nigeria, having been sacked from their home by terrorists. Many believe that Buhari was actually in support of these carnages.

In August, there were major terrorist attacks in a small town in Burkina Faso in which over 600 people were murdered. Militants from Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam (JNIM), an al Qaeda affiliate based in Mali and active in Burkina Faso, swept into the town on motor cycles and shot down the villagers, most of whom were women and children. Reports say the militants are marching southwards from the Sahel and are threatening to invade West African countries, beginning from Benin, Nigeria’s western neighbour. The terrorists are having a field day terrorizing the Sahel region, especially since the departure of French and US forces that were holding them in check. Neither AU nor ECOWAS has made a statement; and African leaders are behaving as if nothing happened. What a shame!

But look at how Netanyahu has ruthlessly dealt with Hamas and Hezbolla since October last year. Under him, the Israeli government and security forces have deployed the most sophisticated intelligence to take out the leaders of these two evil groups. The Israeli army, known as Israeli Defence Force (IDF), has shown gallantry, bravery and valor in taking the fight to Hamas in Gaza and Hezbolla in Lebanon. On October 18, Hamas leader, Yahaya Sinwar, the architect of the October 7, 2023 attacks in Israel, was killed by Israel in Gaza. Before Sinwar, Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas’ political leader was killed in a guest house in Teheran on July 31, 2024. His elimination by Israel marked a turning point in the war and sent out a strong signal that Israel meant business.

The killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the fearful and influential Hezbollah leader, on September 27, by an Israeli strike, sent shockwaves across the Middle East; so much so that Iranian President, Masoud Pezeshkian, had to go into hiding somewhere in Teheran! Other Hezbollah leaders like Fuad Shukr; Sami Taleb Abdallah and commanders like Mohammed Deif; and Saleh-al Aroura, among many others, have also been eliminated by Israeli strikes. As I write, Israel is extending its assaults to financial institutions that supports Hezbollah. Over 15 bank branches that provide financial services to this group in Lebanon have been destroyed, and Israel is boasting that the bombardments will continue until Hezbollah collapses. No doubt, both Hamas and Hezbollah have suffered debilitating attacks in the last one year, and they will never be the same. The greatest duty of a government is to protect its citizens from danger and harm, and provide for their welfare and wellbeing. Any government that fails in this sacred duty is not worth being in office. Mind you, Israel is a very tiny country (22, 145 square km) – slightly bigger than Cross River State (20, 156 sq.km) - with a population of only 9.4 million people. I salute this tiny Jewish State and I commend its Prime Minister for doing what every responsible leader should do!

Let me conclude with two things. First, I would be remiss in my duty as a patriotic Nigerian if I fail to acknowledge the sacrifices of our men and women in uniform who have fought hard in the last 15 years to keep us safe and protect our nation. In spite of the several inadequacies of our security services, the Nigerian army has fought the terrorists bravely and I am proud of their services and sacrifices. Second, I sympathize with the families of ordinary, innocent people who have been killed or impacted by wars in Gaza and Lebanon. I ask the IDF to take adequate steps to minimize civilian casualties and sufferings.

The national insult and danger Libya subjected Nigeria and the Super Eagles recently was hard to explain. The account of the Tunisian pilot who flew the Nigerian team to Libya on the circumstances that led to the unexpected diversion of their flight to a remote airport, Al-Abraq, instead of their intended destination, Benghazi, was eye-opening and shocking.

While most Nigerians focused on the insult the Libyan action meant to Nigeria and the footballers, few people focused on the danger and the close shave with death that diversion was. What if that plane had crashed during landing and killed all the Nigerian players?

In a video interview the pilot posted online, he exonerated himself from the decision and said that the decision to divert the plane came from Libyan authorities. He said: “The flight plan was to land at Benghazi, Benina, and we had the approval from the Libyan Civil Aviation Authority to do so. However, when we began our descent, they instructed us to divert to Al-Abraq, almost 150 miles away, around 300 kilometres east. It wasn’t even (listed as) our alternate airport, something which is not good.”

According to the report made by The PUNCH on the video, the pilot described the diversion as potentially risky, citing the fuel calculations made for the initial destination. Imagine if the aviation fuel was not enough to take the plane to an unplanned destination 300 kilometres away. But that was not all.

The pilot said he repeatedly questioned the directive because of the inherent dangers in it. “In aviation, we have our flight plan. We calculate the fuel to our destination; so we have to avoid this kind of thing because it may make a breach to safety,” he said.

“When I asked to land in Benghazi according to my flight plan and according to my authorisation, they said no, it’s from the highest authority, you have to land in Al-Abraq.”

“Everything is registered in aviation, we cannot hide anything, so I asked them several times, at least eight times, and I warned them, probably I will be in trouble for fuel; they said it’s from highest authority, you cannot land in Benghazi, you have to divert immediately to Al-Abraq.”

The pilot described at Al-Abraq airport as a poorly equipped domestic airport.

“There is no ILS (Instrument Landing System), no air navigation approach, no VHR (Very High Frequency Omnidirectional Range). We had to make a visual landing, which is particularly difficult by night with marginal weather.”

He explained that the airport’s lack of facilities left them with “no second chances” if something had gone wrong with the landing. Thankfully, the pilot was familiar with the region, having worked there for two years with a Tunisian company, which helped him to land safely.

Just think for a moment what could have happened if that plane had crashed with the full Nigerian team aboard. What would have been the explanation from Libya? That they wanted to frustrate the Nigerian team and make it easier to beat them in their return leg for the 2025 AFCON?

Why go to the extreme of placing lives in danger over a football match? It is even worse that football has never been the forte of Libya as it is rare to hear the name Libya in any football competition in Africa at whatever level or gender.

But Libya was not done. They technically placed the Super Eagles team under house arrest at the airport for over 20 hours. Members of the team were not allowed to step out of the airport. They were provided with no food or water. They slept in the airport lounge. The NFF eventually had to withdraw from the match and return home.

Curiously, Libya claimed that what happened to the Nigerian team is not unusual in aviation. It noted that something similar happened to its team a week earlier in Nigeria. The Libyan Football Federation condemned Nigeria’s decision to withdraw from the planned 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier in Libya, threatening to take legal action to protect its national team’s interests.

Ironically, some Nigerians – perhaps because of a desire to be non-parochial online or as a result of lack of information – made posts saying that Nigeria had been paid in its own coin. They shared photos of Libyans at Port Harcourt airport when they visited Nigeria for the first leg of the AFCON match. But that was gross misrepresentation of facts.

The first point was that it was not Nigeria that diverted the aeroplane of the Libyan national team to Port Harcourt, which is about 150 kilometres to Uyo Township Stadium, the venue of the match. The Nigerian Football Federation communicated the venue of the match to its Libyan counterpart. Uyo has an international airport which all foreign teams coming to play use.

Perhaps in its desire not to allow Nigeria to affect its team with juju, the Libyan FA did not disclose to its Nigerian counterpart its itinerary. Libyans made their planned visit to Nigeria without involving Nigeria. They were informed of the venue of the match. But they chose to fly to Port Harcourt instead of Uyo, the venue of the match. According to the NFF, the Libyan Football Federation informed the NFF that their contingent would be landing in Port Harcourt instead of Uyo merely two hours before the team arrived in Nigeria.

In spite of that, the NFF still quickly got the authorities to grant their aircraft movement permit from Port Harcourt to Uyo. However, the LFF rejected the charter flight arrangement from Port Harcourt to Uyo obviously because of the fee and chose to travel by road. The LFF rejected the buses hired by the NFF and chose to hire theirs. Furthermore, the LFF discountenanced the NFF’s advice not to travel by night due to insecurity. Because of their insistence to travel by night, the NFF provided security, knowing that if any harm came upon them, Nigeria would bear the bad name.

It is unfair for some Nigerians to try to rationalise what happened to the Super Eagles in Libya with what happened to Libyans in Nigeria. There are many things wrong with Nigerian leadership or sports management, but one thing nobody can ever accuse Nigerians of is trying to use underhand tactics to frustrate visiting sports teams.

Nigeria is the only country I have seen where the home fans can start booing the home team if it is not playing well while supporting the visiting team. I have never seen it anywhere else. If the Nigerian team does not play well and gets defeated, the fans will take their anger on their team and never on the visiting team. No visiting team has ever been attacked in Nigeria. But that is not the case with some other countries that Nigerian teams have visited.

But what happened to the Super Eagles in Libya was purely orchestrated by the Libyans. It was deliberate. It was shameful, disrespectful and hostile. But most importantly, it was dangerous. It could have ended tragically with the loss of the Nigerian contingent.

What Libya did was an embarrassment to Africa and African football. The Confederation of African Football gave the Libyan and Nigerian federations until October 20 to submit all necessary documentation concerning the incident. All eyes are on CAF to announce its ruling. But whatever CAF does, it should not treat this matter with levity. CAF needs to descend hard on Libya to send a warning to other countries which may be thinking of doing something similar to a visiting team with the hope of wearing them out and beating them easily.