Yoruba socio-politcal-cultural organisation, Afenifere, has disowned a group which claimed to be its faction calling for the suspension of Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume, from office.

This is contained in a statement signed by Mr Abagun Omololu, the Organising Secretary of Afenifere, and made available to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Thursday in Abuja.

Omololu described the statement, which he said was falsely attributed to Afenifere, as a mischievous, unauthorised communication, and categorically repudiated it.

According to him, Afenifere does not have factions, noting that there is only one Afenifere, which is under the leadership of Pa Reuben Fasoranti.

He said the authentic Afenifere leadership had never at any time authorised any of its officers, serving or retired, to issue what he called a prejudicial, defamatory or politically-motivated statement.

“The public is hereby advised to disregard the fraudulent individuals hiding under the name of Afenifere to pursue personal or partisan agendas.

“We are fully aware that certain members of the Labour Party in Yoruba land have continued to masquerade as speaking for Afenifere.

“These political opportunists, whose actions are driven by bitterness and selfish ambition, are hereby, sternly warned to desist from dragging the revered name of Afenifere into disrepute,” he said.

Omololu further said that the statement, which attempted to link the SGF to an EFCC investigation involving a private individual, was not only dishonest but a deliberate act of blackmail.

He said it was publicly knowledge that the said investigation was initiated on the strength of a complaint by Sen. Akume himself, upon observing some irregularities.

The Afenifere chieftain said that the attempt by the faceless group to twist available facts into an accusation of complicity was irresponsible, malicious and embarrassing to the Yoruba nation.

“We wish to reiterate that Afenifere stands firmly on the side of due process, justice and rule of law.

“The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) should be allowed to conduct its investigations without pressure, coercion or threats of orchestrated protests.

“Afenifere, as a non-partisan and principled socio-political-cultural body, will not be used as a vehicle for any political vendetta,” he further said.

Omololu emphasized that Afenifere would continue to defend the integrity of its name, the unity of Nigeria, and the dignity of Yoruba leadership.

NAN reports that one Andrew Uchi, initially thought to be an aide to the SGF, was arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission in March over alleged multibillion naira bribery and money laundering.

Uchi was accused of acquiring properties in Abuja; Jos, Plateau State; Makurdi, Gboko, and Tarka Local Government Area in Benue.

Additionally, two Bureau de Change operators are under investigation for their alleged involvement in the money laundering scheme linked to him.

However, the SGF’s office has since distanced itself from Uchi, saying he was never an aide to Akume.

The office urged the public not to speculate or draw conclusions as investigations were still ongoing, adding that it appreciated the understanding and support of the public on the issue.

“It is imperative to state categorically that the office’s leadership is not in any way involved in the alleged misconduct.

“It has always maintained a strong commitment to transparency, accountability, and integrity.

“We recognise the efforts of the EFCC to ensure that those found culpable are held accountable,” it said in a statement.

In spite of the clarification, the unknown ‘faction’ of Afenifere called on President Bola Tinubu to suspend Akume in order to mitigate his undue influence in the investigation.

The group gave EFCC a 7-day ultimatum to update the public on the status of the investigation or risk a massive nationwide protest, somehow portraying it as having a partisan political interest in the matter.

Reacting to the development, a coalition of civil society organisations described the attempt to link Akume to the alleged fraud by all means as prejudicial, devoid of evidence, and driven by malicious political motives.

“For the avoidance of doubt, the accused person, Mr Uchi, is not an appointee of Mr President, or on the payroll of the SGF, nor does he work in the office of the SGF, or is related to the SGF, beyond being an opportunistic hanger-on around, who specialises in name-dropping, as against the claims in their statement.

“It is also on record and noteworthy that the investigation being carried out by the EFCC is at the instance of His Excellency, Sen George Akume, after noticing the extravagant lifestyle of Mr Uchi, and has since publicly distanced himself from the suspect.

“The surreptitious coercive attempt by the so-called factional Afenifere group to manipulate the EFCC’s findings or incite public opinion to cast aspersions on the character and person of the SGF with the intent to sway public opinion against him is a direct affront, discriminatory, offensive, obnoxious, distasteful, and disrespectful,” the CSOs said.

The coalition added that it did not support or encourage any act of corruption from any quarters, but would resist any attempt to manipulatively slander or smear the nation’s leaders with unprofessional conduct.

(NAN)

JAMB undertook an early review of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) that uncovered how a major technical error compromised 379,997 results across 157 exam centres.

The board’s registrar, Ishaq Oloyede, delivered a speech on May 14 where he disclosed that the affected candidates will have the opportunity to retake the examination between May 16 and May 19, 2025.

Here is the full text of JAMB’s speech:

Press Conference Address on the Complaints about the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examinations (UTME) Results by the Registrar, Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), Prof. Is-haq Olanrewaju Oloyede, CON, FNAL, at the Boardroom of JAMB National Headquarters, Bwari, Abuja, on Wednesday, May 14, 2025

MAN PROPOSES, GOD DISPOSES

1.0 First of All

Gentlemen of the press, it is with deep feelings and a high sense of responsibility that I address you today on the subject of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results, which have generated some traction in public discourse and social space. I want to begin by appreciating you for gathering here today, especially the press, whose extensive coverage has highlighted the release of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results, formally announced on Friday, 9th May 2025. Similarly, we appreciate all those who have lent their voices to the strident complaints on the results we released because you all did so out of concern. I appreciate our critics immensely because they could have chosen to be indifferent. I agree with the person who said that the opposite of love isn’t hate, it is indifference; the opposite of art is not ugliness, it is indifference; the opposite of faith is not heresy, it is indifference; and the opposite of life is not death, it is indifference. By not being indifferent to JAMB, we are grateful.
Today marks a moment we shall not soon forget – a day that should have been filled with celebration for what was, until recently, regarded as our most successful UTME exercise. Regrettably, this joy has been overshadowed by an easily avoidable error by one or two persons.
Without equivocation, there has been a lot of hoopla since the results of the 2025 UTME were released last Friday, 9th May 2025. Despite the fact that JAMB is a responsive organisation, the unusual level of public concerns and loud complaints has prompted us to do an immediate audit or review of what happened, which we ordinarily would have done in June. I want to make it clear that our review and investigation reveal that there are grounds for the complaints about our 2025 UTME results, and this press conference is convened to unveil the bitter truth of our findings openly and objectively. We are all human after all but before any other thing, it is imperative that I shed light on the extent that JAMB goes to ensure quality in its processes and activities.

2.0 JAMB and Quality Assurance

Gentlemen of the press, quality assurance is cardinal to the operations of JAMB. I can assure you that we scale all heights, fathom all depths and traverse all horizons to ascertain that quality assurance mechanisms permeate all our operations from the take-off point to the finish line. We burn the midnight oil and we set our standards high. This is why we have guidelines, checklists and protocols guiding our activities right from the time of registration to the points of monitoring and supervision to the processing of results.

As we know, we cannot clap with our sole hand as a single entity, we have several committees in place that are part of our quality assurance system. There are Peace Monitors, of 41 women of substance who are or have been Principal Officers of Nigerian universities; we have Chief External Examiners (CEEs), who are Vice-Chancellors, Rectors and Provosts of universities, polytechnics and Colleges of Education. Each state also has Chief Technical Adviser, a reputable professor who is an expert in computing and cybersecurity. We have Peace Monitors, Civil Society Group, Equal Opportunity Group, the General Monitors Group, High-powered Opinion Leaders, the Roving Group, Technical Advisors Group and the Virtues Vanguards. All of these groups play critical roles and complement our staff in ensuring quality and troubleshooting challenges.

Furthermore, we also have an in-house consultant and expert in software development and cybersecurity. Besides, we have introduced mock examinations since 2017 as primarily a quality assurance measure to test our systems and intervene where necessary prior to the time of our examinations, knowing the nature of technology. Our Technical Officers annually take tests before the successful ones are deployed to the field so that at no point would incompetence set in. All our examination officials are profiled with their NINs to ensure efficiency and accountability. We also have a robust team of in-house electronic testing experts led by a renowned professor of Software Engineering.

We deploy our systems to the use of high-profile organisations within and outside Nigeria as part of the broader strategy of ensuring that everything works well when we need it to work. As part of our preparations for this year, we upgraded our system from form-based to the single item-based examination, the latter of which is the international standard now. We simulated this system, streamlined our Autobot and Autotest systems and still went ahead to develop our own JAMBTEST, a software innovated in-house by a small team led by own staff, Dubem. We improved on the examination system, simulated everything end-to-end before the examinations and we thought everything was perfect. All the layers, including using dummies, were deployed this year but despite that, an error happened. It is a classical manifestation of the axiom that man proposes but God disposes.

3.0 Between KAD and LAG

Let me disclose part of how we operate in JAMB for the first time in public. Conscious of the fault lines of Nigeria, we use two operational ‘vehicles’ to traverse Nigeria under the code names of KAD and LAG. The KAD vehicle contains the Northern states excluding Kano, Katsina, Jigawa, Niger, Kogi and FCT but it includes the six South South states. The LAG vehicle, on the other hand, consists of Southern states excluding the 6 South South states but it includes Kano, Katsina, Jigawa, Niger, Kogi and FCT. These ‘vehicles’ are deployed to serve Nigerians as a whole, the South being part of the North and the North being part of the South. So, there is no distinct North or South.
After the mock examinations this year, we reviewed our LAG (which includes South West and South East states as earlier indicated) and KAD examination engines. We realised that in the LAG category, options to the items of our examinations were not shuffled. We insisted that the shuffling must be effected. After this was done, we tested the update as usual and we were satisfied. We thereafter still did what we call dummy, a simulation, a day before the examinations and everything seemed to be okay. In other words, we believed we were ready to deploy the items after some layers of testing the processes.

However, on the second day of the examinations this year, which was Friday, April 25, 2025, we discovered that there was some omission in the items within the LAG category. An update for correction and grading adjustment was instantly made and it was tested on Saturday, Sunday and Monday. The update was applied after 12 a.m. on Tuesday morning and it was successful. That was why all the examinations from Tuesday till the end of UTME had no problem. To correct and re-upload the responses (i.e. results) from LAG for the pre-Tuesday glitch, the service providers concerned with LAG were deployed to effect the patch but there were patch errors in some centres (servers) for the first three or four days in only two locations. In simple terms, while 65 centres (206,610 candidates) were affected in Lagos zone (comprising only Lagos state), 92 centres (173,387 candidates) were affected in Owerri zone, which includes the South East states. In clear terms, in the process of rectifying the issue, the technical personnel deployed by the Service Provider for LAG (Lagos and South-East zones) inadvertently failed to update some of the delivery servers. Regrettably, this oversight went undetected prior to the release of the results.

Recall that last year, we overhauled our reporting system, which made obvious what has not caught much public attention and thus sparked significant backlash from the Nigerian public. In response to widespread concerns about what many referred to as a “failure rate,” we made adjustments this year. Only professional educators who know the difference between achievement test and selection test (which UTME ranking test is) were not concerned, we felt with adjustment made during the preparation, better performance of statistics will emerge. We were therefore not surprised when the best score in 2025 (374) was the best highest in the last one and half decades as shown below.

The examinations were concluded on Wednesday and the results were ready. By the time the results were generically analysed, they did not depart radically from the tradition of the previous 12 years except that we gladly noticed improvement in the highest scorer. But contrary to our prediction, there was none in the overall as the performance was sadly poorer than that of last year; yet everything fell within the range of the existing pattern.

Between Friday and Monday, the uproar could be said to have reached the highest decibel and it was coming from some respected voices in the society. Though JAMB usually responds to every complaint based on its merit, the nature of the clamour this time made us to fast-track the review process, a post-mortem analysis of the results that we would have done next month.

4.0 A Meeting of Minds

On the morning of Monday, May 12 2025, we issued a tentative press statement which includes “… If it is determined that there were indeed glitches, we will implement appropriate remedial measures promptly, as we do in the case of the examinations themselves.” Apart from officials of JAMB and other Government agencies, such as, Nigeria Education and Research Development Council (NERDC), we also summoned some experts and professionals who graciously responded to us, including a renowned professor of psychometrics and esteemed expert in Test and Measurement, who is from Imo state, Prof. Boniface Nworgu; a technical advisor and expert from the Computer Professionals Council of Nigeria (CPN), Prof. Adenike Osofisan; a CPN Representative, Mr Bayo Onimode; the President of the Nigerian Academy of Education, Prof. Kabiru Isyaku; the National Parent-Teacher Association of Nigeria, the National Association of Nigerian Students, among others. We immensely appreciate them for heeding our distress call.

Within 24 hours of rigorous work, we were able to isolate where the problem emanated from. It happened in 65 centres in Lagos and 92 centres in Owerri zone. In these centres, the patch was not properly applied in some centre servers by the service provider and that failure disrupted the upload of the candidates’ responses within the first three or four days, as applicable to Lagos and Owerri zones. The 2025 UTME that could have been our finest yet, were it not for the carelessness, negligence, and lack of concern exhibited by the agents entrusted with this crucial yet straightforward function. Immediately we realised this, we summoned the Chief External Examiners of Lagos, Imo, Anambra, Oyo, Abia and Ebonyi, the six states affected. Fortunately, they all swiftly responded to join the group. We also invited Prof. Bashir Galadanchi, a leading expert in Computer Science; the National Association of Proprietors of Private Schools (NAPSS), which was represented by a leading voice in public advocacy, Dr. (Mrs) Bukola Dosumu. A number of our vocal critics were also invited to the interaction such that we could jointly and sincerely examine the situation.

Despite being able to identify the source of the problem and the affected centres, we are conscious of the painful damage it has inflicted on the reputation of JAMB. As Registrar of JAMB, I hold myself personally responsible, including for the negligence of the service provider, and I unreservedly apologise for it and the trauma that it has subjected affected Nigerians to, directly and indirectly. Once again, we apologise and assure you that this incident represents a significant setback for the Board’s reputation. We remain committed to emerging stronger in our core values of transparency, fairness, and equity. It is our culture to admit error because we know that despite the best of our efforts, we are human, we are not perfect. The only consolation we have in this case is that it is just one of the two service providers that did not do well by uploading improperly, but it was not a case of glitches or sabotage.

By Tuesday morning, with the CEEs, the experts and Mr Osita Chidoka (a former Minister of Aviation) of Athena Centre, we selected samples of responses and reviewed. We compared the results and we are finding interesting correlations except in the 157 centres where distortions had occurred. We unanimously agreed that each state of the Federation be sampled. No sign of any abnormality so far has been detected in any centre outside the ones mentioned and the laborious exercise is ongoing.

5.0 No Problem without a Solution

We have decided that all the candidates affected in the 157 centres out of 882 centres will be contacted to retake their examinations starting from Friday, May 16, 2025. These candidates are to be contacted through text messages addressed to their registered phone numbers, their email addresses, their profiles and phone calls by JAMB. They are directed to reprint their Examination Slips for the rescheduled examination dates.

While not oblivious of the fact that WAEC examinations are ongoing, we have contacted WAEC and in an unprecedented show of solidarity, the Council has graciously decided to as much as possible accommodate us within the WAEC time slot. Any candidate with a clash of timetable, particularly for Agricultural Science on Friday, would be rescheduled. However, we have endeavoured to ensure that no such thing exists. Most, if not all, such candidates are scheduled for Saturday. Fortunately, the prescribed texts for SSCE are also the prescribed texts for UTME, apart from the reading text of the UTME, which carries just 10 marks in our Use of English test.

6.0 Appeal, Appreciation and Apology

I understand that there are three powerful expressions which contain one word, two words and three words respectively. They are please, thank you and I am sorry. So, I appeal to the candidates and those affected by the error of our system to accept this explanation as the truth of the matter without embellishment, PLEASE. I apologise and take full responsibility not just in words.
Then, I want to say a big THANK YOU to the Honourable Minister of Education for his unwavering belief in JAMB and what the Board stands for. I also appreciate all officers and officials who believe in us for their goodwill in the face of this challenge. We have vowed to uphold integrity as the abiding philosophy of JAMB, and we won’t waver or depart from it despite the fact that we are not infallible. I am equally grateful to all stakeholders who have lent us their support and expertise in arriving at the logical conclusion that we have arrived at. And for the inconveniences, once again, on behalf of JAMB, I say, I AM SORRY to all Nigerians.

Thank you, and I can now entertain your questions.

When I was ushered into his office at about 5pm on Monday after what had been a long day for him, President Maada Bio was still treating files on his table. But I was curious to know more about something I had seen in the documentary of his life that had been aired during the ceremony to mark his 61st birthday earlier in the day. That is, his meeting with Foday Sankoh, the late Sierra Leonean commander of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebel group who, together with Charles Taylor of Liberia, wreaked havoc on the subregion in the nineties. Bio’s recollections turned out to be another lesson in leadership, a continuation of the conversation begun at the colloquium.

But first the background. At age 27 in 1990, Bio and other Sierra Leonean military personnel, including then Captain Valentine Strasser and Lt Solomon Musa, were deployed to Liberia as part of the country’s contingent to the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). At that period, most of the Liberians fleeing from war in their country were trooping to the neighbouring Sierra Leone in a manner that exerted economic pressure and a serious security challenge that was being mismanaged by the civilian administration of President Joseph Saidu Momoh. It therefore came as no surprise that the ECOMOG returnees formed the nucleus of the military that toppled Momoh’s government on 29 April 1992. Strasser, then 25, was named Chairman of the National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) and Head of State. Bio started with the Information portfolio before becoming Deputy Chairman of the NPRC and de facto second in command in Sierra Leone. On 16 January 1996, following disagreements over how to handle the Sankoh-led RUF and the process of proceeding with the multi-party election then scheduled for March 1996, Bio upstaged Strasser in a bloodless palace coup.

As Head of State, Bio stayed true to his three-month deadline for the transition from military to civil rule in Sierra Leone. But from what he shared with me on Monday, the story was not as straight-forward as it seemed. Intent on ending the civil war before leaving office, Bio decided to meet Sankoh. By his account, two leaders played critical roles in that regard: Then Nigerian Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha and then President JJ Rawlings in Ghana. “I got along very well with General Abacha and President Rawlings, and both provided guidance for me on the politics of the subregion at the time. I remember Rawlings telling me that the person who could help in the peace process was President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso because he had access to Sankoh. But he also warned me to ‘prepare for disappointment because Compaoré is not a reliable person.’ And President Rawlings turned out to be right.”

Eventually, it was President Henri Konan Bedie of Cote D`Ivoire whose men brought Sankoh from the Sierra Leonean bush. A Red Cross helicopter lifted Sankoh to a chartered aircraft that flew him and his team through Guinea for the negotiations that preceded the one-on-one meeting with Bio in Yamoussoukro. By then, Bio had delivered on a credible multiparty election in Sierra Leone that produced a President-elect in Teejan Kabbah. But shortly before the duo were locked in for three hours, Sankoh questioned Bio’s commitment to ending the war in Sierra Leone in a rambling speech that lasted 16 minutes. “Why did you come in combat uniform?” Sankoh asked. “This was supposed to be a peace conference.”

Notwithstanding, Bio said he had a very candid session with the notorious rebel leader who warned him that the only way peace could be guaranteed in Sierra Leone was for him (Bio) to remain in power to execute the agreements. “I saw sense in many of the points Sankoh was making about the need to consolidate the agreements and I felt if we extended the transition programme, we could find lasting solutions to many of the issues. I recall my conversations with General Abacha who told me there was no point in any hasty arrangement to hand over power. But it was a delicate thing, as I didn’t want to be seen as wanting to hang on to power. That was not my intention. So, I decided to call a big conference of all stakeholders in Sierra Leone. I laid my cards on the table. I explained the dilemma of the moment and that I had no personal wish to stay in power beyond ensuring a lasting peace. The opposition was instant and vehement.”

Following the meeting, Bio decided to go with the consensus that he should hand over power and leave. But deep down, as he told me on Monday, he knew the peace he was leaving behind in Sierra Leone was that of the graveyard and that it would not endure. He felt that the political leaders at the time were too obsessed with the trappings of powers to see the dangers. Not surprisingly, the ‘Yamoussoukro Accord’ collapsed shortly after Bio left office and the country again descended into violence until the intervention of world powers in January 1999 which led to the ‘Lome Accord’ in Togo. That temporary truce resulted in Sankoh being offered the vice presidency and control of Sierra Leone’s diamond mines in return for a cessation of hostilities. But despite the deployment of a United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) peacekeeping force to monitor the disarmament process, the brutal war erupted again and did not end until 2002.

Although Bio’s decision not to renege on handing over power in 1996 as promised may have helped him when seeking the votes to be Sierra Leonean President two decades later, he believes the country paid a heavy price for it. With an estimated 2.5 million people displaced in a country that was then about five million in population and no fewer than 50,000 people killed, the ‘Diamond War’ in Sierra Leone remains one of the biggest humanitarian disasters on the continent. My Pastor, Evaristus Azodoh, a consultant urologist and retired army colonel, was Commander of the ECOMOG Task Force Field Hospital in Freetown between April 1998 and August 1999 and he has on several occasions shared gory stories of that war in which many Nigerian soldiers also perished.

After handing over power and leaving Sierra Leone, Bio spent the first six months in Paris learning French (he shared the reasons with me) before heading to the United States where he was offered political asylum. He did not return to his country until 2005. Eventually, Bio joined the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and in 2012 contested the presidential election. He was defeated by then incumbent President Ernest Bai Koroma. In a second attempt in 2018, Bio was elected President and was in 2023, re-elected for his second and final term.

Meanwhile, I arrived Sierra Leone on Sunday on the same flight from Abuja with former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, the Director General of the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Amara Nwankpa and former Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) chairman, Abdulrasheed Bawa. Osinbajo was the keynote speaker at the ‘Julius Maada Bio Leadership Colloquium’ with the theme, ‘From Vision to Impact: The People-Centered Leadership Model.’ Incidentally, as we milled around the hall on Monday, waiting for the colloquium to commence, Bawa dragged me to meet someone. “This is Francis Kaifala, head of the Sierra Leonean anti-corruption agency, a very good friend and former colleague.” Smiling, Kaifala said to me, “Yes, he was my colleague until he left me.” To this, Bawa interjected, “I didn’t leave you, I was sacked,” and we all laughed.

Bawa and I were seated together and that provided another story of its own. During the programme, Bawa nudged me to read a message he had just received on his phone. It’s the link to a news report where a group, ‘Citizens Forum for Transparency and Integrity (CFTI)’ alleged “a coordinated and sinister plot” by Bawa and others to derail the 2027 re-election bid of President Bola Tinubu. “See me, see trouble! How do I respond to this now?” asked Bawa, who had earlier told me he was working on his PhD. and soon to release a book on the downstream sector of the petroleum industry in Nigeria titled, ‘The Shadow of Loot and Losses: Uncovering Nigeria’s Petroleum Subsidy Fraud’.

On a lighter note, when introducing Osinbajo, Vice President Mohammed Jalloh of Sierra Leone joked that our former vice president attended the University of Lagos and not a ‘great’ Nigerian university like his. Jalloh obtained his master’s in political science from the University of Ibadan before his doctorate at the University of Bordeaux in France. In his keynote speech, Osinbajo said elections alone do not constitute democracy. “True democracy delivers dignity—food on the table, education for children, safety in our streets, and hope for the future,” said Osinbajo who urged African leaders to adopt people-centred governance, “a development paradigm that places the needs and voices of the vast majority—particularly those at the bottom of the pyramid—at the heart of policymaking.” This, he said, “is a call to reimagine leadership—not as the power to rule, but as the duty to serve.

Citing a 2023 perception survey by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) on the preferred option for governance on the continent, Osinbajo said about 89 percent opted for democracy. “So, the issue is not democracy, it is how the political practitioners of democracy can ensure that the government of the people by the people for the people does not forget the aches and pains of the people”, Osinbajo said. “To make people-centred governance work we must move decisively from top-down elite focused strategies to bottom-up, inclusive development.”

In his own address, Bio highlighted his primary goals in leadership to include improving human capital development, promoting gender equality, and strengthening democratic institutions. He also promised that the colloquium would be an annual event to provoke conversations on how to anchor leadership on good governance and the rule of law – not only in Sierra Leone but across the African continent. “As a young soldier answering the call to duty during one of the darkest chapters in our nation’s history, I learned that leadership might begin in crisis, but it must endure beyond it,” Bio said while drawing from his experiences both in the military as a ‘dictator’ and now as an elected civilian president. “Every negotiation with political and military leaders, and every conversation with concerned civilians, taught me one immutable truth: leadership is not conferred by rank or title, but by the bond of trust between those who lead and those they serve.”

Leadership that does not require a title or recognition is the one that counts the most, according to Bio. And they can be found in most places, especially on the continent: “In the midnight vigil of a nurse attending to sick people, in the steady hands of a miner delving into the earth’s depths, in the tireless journeys of a motorcyclist linking remote villages, in the patient guidance of a mother who gathers her children to read beneath a fading lamp light.” These men and women, Bio says, “are the silent heroes whose dedication sustains our daily lives.”

In his fireside chat with Kingsley Okeke, a brand and communication strategist, Bio shared insights as to why democracy remains the best option for governance. He also recounted what happened after he and other young soldiers toppled President Momoh on 29 April 1992. “We were young men, we didn’t know all the processes, we didn’t consider that when you remove a government, you had to replace it with something,” said Bio who admitted that their principal mission was to dismantle the one-party arrangement that had made democracy a joke in the country and remove from power a government they believed was not serving the interest of the people.

There are many lessons from my conversation with Bio that will serve us in Nigeria. But let me highlight just two. One, the contagious nature of crisis, as we saw in how the war in Liberia moved quickly to Sierra Leone—which is being replicated in the challenge of terrorism in the Sahel. This compels our leaders to adopt the motto of the Boys Scout by being always prepared. The inability of the political leadership in Sierra Leone to read the situation correctly in the early nineties led to the war that shattered their country. The second lesson is about Bio himself: The courage of conviction that led to the choices he made at the time, even when they were not necessarily cost-free. 

That precisely happened to be the Kernel of my point to Bawa about the ill-fated 2022/2023 Naira confiscation policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), in which he played a principal role as EFCC chairman. That decision was neither justified by the moment nor vindicated by its outcomes. The hardship it imposed on millions of Nigerians remains fresh. And yet, just like Bio’s experience has shown, history has a way of reconsidering its judgments. Depending on what may yet transpire, even that decision by Bawa and confederates might one day be viewed through a more forgiving lens.

Overall, the conversations in Freetown were candid but it is on the story of the Sierra Leonean war that I have had to reflect. Could it have been averted? Bio believes it could have, and I tend to agree with him. And that’s where leadership comes in. For, as Anders Eklung, a Swiss leadership mentor and coach reminds us, when we look at ‘war zones’, whether on the battlefield or in an office, “we can see the painful consequences of leadership falling short, missed opportunities, and big egos placed above improvement, empathy, and compassion.”

At the end, my main takeaway from the engagements during the colloquium to my private audience with Bio and informal chats with other stakeholders—including Osinbajo and immediate past ECOWAS Parliament Speaker, Dr Mohamed Sidie Tunis—is that the attention of African leadership discourse must shift from mere elections to the concerns of the ordinary people. Until those issues are constructively addressed, our continent will continue to project to the rest of the world an image of poverty, disease, ignorance, disasters and wars.

In Biblical times, the “City of Refuge” was a sacred place, a safe haven designated for those who had unintentionally committed manslaughter. These cities amalgamated into one, and known as City of Refuge were not established to protect the guilty, but to preserve justice and prevent mob vengeance before due process.

For the sake of clarity, it is germane to explain that as recorded in the Old Testament that the six designated cities of refuge were Golan, Ramoth, Bezer, Kedesh, Shechem, and Hebron. As earlier elucidated, these cities served as places of asylum for someone who had unintentionally killed another, allowing them to escape the avenger of blood.

They were temporary shelters, pending fair trial, not permanent hideouts from consequences. To buttress this view, kindly read Numbers 35:10-11 (NIV) which says, “When you cross the Jordan into Canaan, select some towns to be your cities of refuge, to which a person who has killed someone accidentally may flee.”

In Nigeria’s modern political theatre, however, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is increasingly being viewed by the public as a contemporary version of such cities, not for the innocent, but for political heavyweights with tainted records or waning relevance in their original parties.

When a politician’s sins begin to stink, whether through corruption allegations, electoral fraud, abuse of office, or public backlash, many find their way to the APC. And, like clockwork, the ruling party offers not only refuge but rehabilitation, often handing these political transgressors a microphone and a ministerial portfolio.

Aptly put, it is like the transformation of politicians found wanton from sinners to saints by mere party switch. It is not surprising as the former governor of Edo State and former APC national chairman, Senator Adams Oshiomhole once famously said; “Once you join APC, your sins are forgiven.”Though uttered half-jokingly, this comment reflects the dangerous truth that switching to the APC has become an unofficial ritual of absolution in Nigerian politics. Politicians who were previously roasted in the court of public opinion, or even formally charged, suddenly reappear in the limelight, rebranded, and praised, their pasts washed away under the banner of the party in power.

Take the case of former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, who was convicted of N7.65 billion fraud in 2019 and sentenced to 12 years in prison. Though his conviction was later nullified by the Supreme Court on technical grounds (not acquittal), Kalu not only retained his Senate seat but continues to enjoy prominence within the APC. Similarly, the list of political figures with EFCC or ICPC cases who defected to APC and saw those investigations slow down or vanish is lengthy and deeply troubling.

And now, former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike, once a fiery opposition figure, is comfortably serving as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under the APC-led government. The same Wike who vowed never to join the APC has become its most visible figure in Abuja. To crown it all, he recently praised his once-sworn political rival, Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa, the former PDP governor of Delta State, for allegedly “doing the needful” by aligning with APC interests.

The message this sends to the Nigerian public is stark: to escape judgment, switch jerseys. Integrity is negotiable; relevance is currency.

In fact, the unarguably retrogressive trend is nothing but politics without principles. This is as the wave of defections from opposition parties into the APC is not fueled by ideological realignment. Rather, it is driven by opportunism, survival instincts, and fear of retribution. Once a politician begins to lose grip on their political base, or when the EFCC knocks, they simply cross over to where power resides. In return, they are rewarded, not reprimanded.

Unfortunately, the APC leadership has embraced this trend. Instead of subjecting new members to a vetting process or insisting on internal reform, the party often celebrates these defectors with elaborate ceremonies, parading them as trophies. The moral implication of such open arms is damning as it puts Nigeria’s democracy at risk.

In fact, when political parties cease to function as vehicles for policy development and nation-building, and instead operate as shelters for the politically endangered, democracy loses its meaning. The electorate becomes confused. Young Nigerians, already disillusioned by the blatant hypocrisy in politics, withdraw further from civic engagement. Voter apathy grows. Trust in governance collapses.

Without a doubt, a political party should be a platform for service, not a safe house for the compromised. Ironically, the APC came to power on the promise of “change.” It accused the PDP of being corrupt and rudderless. But today, the very individuals it condemned have found a second home under its roof. In fact, many of those now leading the APC were once PDP stalwarts. The lines have blurred so completely that Nigerians no longer differentiate between the two parties, only between who is in power and who wants to be in power.

In fact, the concept of a “City of Refuge” was grounded in justice. But APC, as it stands, offers sanctuary without accountability. No repentance, no trial, no reform. Just a change of uniform. The result is a political culture where wrongdoing is recycled, not rejected.

Without any scintilla of hyperbole, this climate emboldens corruption. It demoralizes honest politicians. And it leaves Nigerians at the mercy of leaders whose only qualification is their willingness to serve the interests of the ruling class, not the people.

On the way forward, it is germane to opine that if the APC wants to salvage its image, it must begin to apply the same anti-corruption rhetoric it used to ride to power internally. Defection should not automatically confer political sainthood. The party must establish a mechanism for screening incoming members, particularly those with pending cases or a history of misconduct.

More broadly, Nigeria must reform its political structure to make defections less attractive. The National Assembly should revisit the laws around floor-crossing, party loyalty, and the role of ethics in public office. Political Education must also be prioritized, so that future leaders are guided by values, not vengeance.

Ultimately, the Nigerian people must become the ultimate “city of judgment.” Through civic activism, the ballot box, and constant public scrutiny, they must hold leaders accountable, no matter the party they belong to.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Is APC a City of Refuge for Nigerian politicians?” Right now, the answer seems to be yes, but not in the redemptive sense. Instead, it has become a shelter from justice, a comfort zone for the compromised, and a political hospice for those fleeing relevance and repercussions. Yet, no matter how long politicians hide behind party affiliations, the truth remains: “Be sure your sin will find you out.” Numbers 32:23 (KJV). And when that day of reckoning comes, no party flag will be strong enough to shield them from the judgment of history.

In what now seems like an absurd but strangely structured practice, attacking Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, has morphed into more than political opposition. It has become a specialized, almost institutionalized field. Let us call it Obilogy, the systematic study and targeted deconstruction of Peter Obi’s every word, action, and silence.

Just like a university course, Obilogy appears to have its curriculum, its faculty of self-appointed professors, and areas of specialization. From his time as governor of Anambra to how he made his money and even how he talks, traducers now claim mastery in various modules of this unofficial discipline.

Just like any academic field, Obilogy has clearly defined branches: Governance Historians specialize in analyzing Obi’s tenure as Anambra governor. They downplay his achievements, question his savings records, and reframe his governance as mediocrity wrapped in hype. They claim to know what boreholes he did not drill and what potholes he ignored, even more than 10 years after his exit.

Data Discreditors exist solely to counter every figure he presents. When Obi says “33% unemployment,” they respond with “fake news.” When he says “Nigerians are getting poorer,” they ask for peer-reviewed citations, but never request the same from politicians in power. These traducers behave like glorified statisticians trained to poke holes in Obi’s data regardless of its source.

Academic & Economic Forensics Experts dig into his education and wealth like forensic auditors. They question the source of his wealth, his degrees, and his business dealings. Meanwhile, the opaque riches of others in Nigeria’s political space never receive such “rigorous” inquiry.

Speech and Behavior Analysts assess his mannerisms, word choice, and pauses. His now-famous phrase “Go and verify” is often mocked. His simplicity is misinterpreted as dullness. For a man who is among the few that actually speaks to issues in a country of theatrical politicians, his critics focus more on his tone than the truth in his message.

In every academic field, there are giants. In Obilogy, two names dominate the space; Charles Soludo and Reno Omokri.

Charles Soludo, the current Anambra State governor and former CBN boss, seems hell-bent on undoing the glowing reputation Obi earned in the same state. He has dismissed Obi’s famed savings, belittled his governance legacy, and written essays that seem more emotionally driven than data-based.

Rather than carve a legacy of his own, Soludo appears trapped in an unending comparison with his predecessor. But leadership is not about tearing down the last man; it is about doing better. If Obi’s records were exaggerated, Soludo has every opportunity to surpass him, not compete in bitterness.

In a similar vein, Reno Omokri has turned Obi criticism into a full-time gig. A former presidential aide who once championed good governance, he now obsessively attacks Obi, from religion to region to resume. His Twitter page reads like an anti-Obi digest, constantly updated with spin, sarcasm, and selective memory.

Ironically, Reno never subjects other politicians, especially those in his preferred camp, to the same level of scrutiny. His attacks raise questions about motive and consistency more than they undermine Obi’s credibility.

Given the backdrop of the foregoing viewpoints, it is expedient to ask, “Why the Obsession?” and “What exactly is Obi’s sin? It seems his crime is being too clean in a dirty game”. He flies economy while others charter jets. He governed with prudence, saved public funds, and resisted the temptation to loot. He inspired millions of Nigerians, especially youths, without handing out cash or wrappers. This makes him a threat to the political establishment. Obi is not just a man, he represents disruption, a rejection of politics-as-usual. He calls out waste. He demands accountability. He exposes the rot. And for this, the system must find ways to discredit him.

It is not about whether he is lying or not. It is about making him appear like a liar. It is not about whether his achievements are real, but whether people can be confused enough to doubt them.

Let us be clear: Obi, like any public figure, must be scrutinized. But what he faces is far beyond scrutiny, it is obsession. It is a sustained attempt to drain his relevance, discredit his message, and exhaust his supporters with endless rebuttals.

And herein lies the danger: while the “professors” of Obilogy keep teaching their bitter syllabus, Nigeria keeps bleeding, inflation surges, insecurity spreads, poverty deepens, and institutions collapse. While they fact-check Obi’s inflation figures, fuel prices jump beyond N700 per litre and food becomes a luxury for the average Nigerian.

In this climate, Obilogy is not just ridiculous, it is dangerous. It diverts attention from the real issues. It forces national discourse to orbit around one man while those truly in power escape scrutiny.

Instead of destructive criticism, Nigeria needs a breed of thinkers committed to constructive opposition, those who will engage Obi’s ideas with intellectual honesty, challenge his proposals with alternative facts, and build counter-narratives rooted in truth, not tribalism or envy.

If Obilogy continues unchecked, it will not only damage Obi, it will damage the culture of dissent itself. Because if a politician as transparent as Obi becomes the most scrutinized, then the message is clear: honesty is a liability in Nigerian politics.

Despite the noise, Obi’s message remains alive. His relevance continues to grow. His movement is more than a moment, it is a generational awakening. Millions now believe they can demand better. They are not waiting for handouts; they are organizing, registering to vote, and asking hard questions.

Obi may not have won in 2023, but he redefined what political engagement means in Nigeria. He reminded us that campaigns can be issue-driven. He proved that youth participation matters. He inspired people to care.

Let Soludo write, let Reno tweet, let others speak in their echo chambers. The real exam will not be marked by Obilogy professors, it will be set and graded by Nigerians at the ballot box.

In fact, it is high time the duo are reminded that Obilogy cannot kill an idea whose time has come.

Without a doubt, the obsession with Peter Obi reveals more about Nigeria’s political insecurity than about Obi himself. His traducers may continue their coordinated attack, but they forget one thing: ideas do not die easily. Peter Obi has become an idea. And no matter how many professors lecture in the department of Obilogy, that idea will outlive the noise.

The University of Ibadan has achieved a remarkable milestone as two of its students emerged winners in the “Get Creative with Plastic” Challenge, a part of the French Embassy’s Plastic Free Campus Awareness Initiative. 

UI was one of the ten Nigerian universities selected to participate in the initiative which is funded by the French Embassy Fund (FEF) Project.

The initiative was championed by the Vice Chancellor, Prof. Kayode Adebowale and coordinated through the Office of the Deputy Vice Chancellor (Research, Innovation and Strategic Partnerships), Prof. Oluyemisi Bamgbose, with support from Prof. P. Olapegba (DVC Administration), Prof. Aderonke Baiyeroju (DVC Academics), and the Registrar, Mr. Ganiyi Saliu.

Prof. Aina Adeogun of the Department of Zoology served as the focal person for the UI-FEF Campus Wide Initiative. 

Working closely with the Students’ Union Executive Committee, Directirate of Public Communication, and Informatiom Technology and Media Services Unit, the team ensured robust student engagement and wide participation across the university community.

The University of Ibadan’s contribution stood out significantly with over 300 students actively participating and more than 100 creative submissions in the Challenge. UI recorded the highest level of engagement among all participating campuses, a feat that can only be from UI as the “First and the Best”.

Due to this extraordinary commitment, the university became the only university among the ten to have two winners in the Challenge:

The winners are: Paul Debbie – a 300 level student of the Department of Environmental Health Science, Faculty of Public Health – Music Category and Adekunle Julius Akorede – a 300 level student of the Department of Physiology, Faculty of Basic Medical Sciences – Writing Category.

This recognition confirms UI’s leadership and sustained excellence in addressing plastic pollution and environmental sustainability in Nigeria.

[TheNation]

Patrick Okedinachi Utomi, born in Kaduna but of Delta state extraction, is passionate about Nigeria. Perhaps the only other Nigerian whose passion for Nigeria rivals that of Utomi was another Kaduna-born Delta Nigerian nationalist, Chukwuma Nzeogwu, whose effort to rid Nigeria of “ten percenters and others that make us ashamed of being called Nigerians” was betrayed by some of his military colleagues including Ifeajuna, Ironsi and Ojukwu who sabotaged Nzeogwu’s revolution in Lagos, Enugu and Kano.

Prof. Pat Utomi, like Nzeogwu, has a vision of good society which became more elusive the closer they came towards it despite deploying all his talents and energy towards securing a better Nigeria for Nigerians since he started his crusade in the early eighties.

He first bewitched the Shehu Shagari administration with his in-depth newspaper analysis of the state of the economy, an endeavour that earned him a place in Shagari’s cabinet. Even after the collapse of the administration, he was given a chance to put into practice all his theoretical postulations at V/ Wagon Nigeria Limited which, under his control, suffered the same fate as other assembly plants of the period.

Utomi, a resourceful professor of political economy, is perhaps the face of Nigeria’s public intellectual home and abroad. He belongs to many professional bodies, including the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, (NIPR), Institute of Directors (IOD), Nigeria Economic Summit Group and Nigeria Economic Society. He has served in various private-sector associations, including the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), the National Council of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria, and the Nigeria Employers Consultative Association (NECA).

He has carried the crusade for a better Nigeria through intellectual debate beyond the shores of Nigeria, especially at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, and Chatham House in the UK. 

He has to his credit several books and journal articles on economic underdevelopment, including, ‘Nigeria as an Economic Power House,’ ‘Crafting the New Nigeria – Confronting the Challenges,’ Nigeria ‘Changes as Prospects,’ ‘Values and Economic Stagnation in Africa: A Paradox of Poverty in Nigeria,’ ‘Managing Uncertainty: Competition and Strategy in Emerging Economies,’ ‘Critical Perspectives in Political Economy and Management’ etc.

The labour of Utomi has not gone unacknowledged.  For his pains, it has been honours without end.  Numerous awards. He has been nominated and voted for by the public as one of Nigeria’s top ten Living Legends in the Vanguard/Silverbird Television Awards, Great Nigeria Lives of the 20th Century and Who is who in Africa.

Unfortunately, Utomi’s theories have not reflected positively on the state of our economy.

The record of his intervention in politics has, however, not been any less dismal. But this has not diminished his enthusiasm for a vision of a better society. Thus, he last week once again came up with his “Big Tent Coalition Shadow Government,” over which he declared himself ‘Leader of Opposition.’ The initiative, which is to serve as critique of the President Bola Tinubu’s administration, was, according to him, dictated by his desire to save Nigeria’s democracy following his inability to stop the gale of defections from Labour and PDP, where membership of his new coalition was selected.

The task before the group would be to regularly scrutinise government actions, identify policy failures, and propose alternative solutions in key areas- economy, education, healthcare, infrastructure, law and order, and constitutional reforms of the present government.

These are no doubt noble objectives except that the Information Minister, Mohammed Idris, has said, the idea of a so-called ‘shadow government’ is an aberration as “Nigeria is not a parliamentary system where such a system is practiced.” Many seem to agree with the minister that “Our bicameral legislature amply features members of the opposition, and it should be the right place to contest meaningful ideas for nation-building.”

Besides government opposition, Utomi’s current search for a vision of good society seems threatened by the choice of his crusading team drawn from opposition PDP democrats without democratic ethos and the ‘obidients,’ an unthinking mob Obi, as the falconer, cannot control.

For instance, Dele Farotimi, who will lead the Ombudsman and Good Governance portfolio, is a man many of his critics believe talks more than he thinks in order to prove his valour. Not too long ago, he was ready to publicly disrobe Chief Afe Babalola, an elder statesman, over unproven allegations, just as he, on account of some bad eggs, didn’t mind pulling down his own noble profession without which we all return to a state of nature where life is ’nasty, brutish, and short.’ And this was a self-confessed ‘obidient’ who, in search of ‘Obi’s imaginary ‘stolen mandate,’ recklessly declared without proof before his American audience, “in a few days’ time a convicted drug baron will be sworn in as the president of my country.”

Before Prof. Utomi’s latest gamble, most of his past efforts at building a coalition in pursuit of a new vision of good society failed. He contested the 2007 presidential election on the platform of the obscure African Democratic Party and failed. Following his initial setback, he formed another party, the Social Democratic Mega Party, on which platform he tried to contest the 2011 presidential elections before withdrawing at the last minute.

But in 2012, he joined the opposition Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) “because the progressive opposition in Nigeria has been unable to bring itself under one umbrella while the enemies of the progressive struggle are disciplined enough to coalesce under the conservative/retrogressive Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).”

Utomi is a rolling stone. His attempt at contesting a senatorial seat in Delta under PDP failed. I have heard him declare publicly that the APC manifesto was drafted on the dining table in his house. Indeed, Utomi was declared as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress for the 2019 general election in Delta State by a faction of the party until it was overturned by the national working committee of the party.

In January 2018, Utomi floated the Nigeria Intervention Movement (NIM), with former Cross River State governor, Donald Duke, former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Charles Soludo, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Olisa Agbakoba, Tafawa Balewa, former Education minister, Oby Ezekwesili, former Information minister, Frank Nweke Jnr, Col. Abubakar Umar (retd), Ayo Obe, Rabiu Ishyaku Rabiu, former presidential adviser, Akin Osuntokun as members.

The group described itself as a pro-democracy movement and pressure group of like-minded Nigerians, “Concerned that left to their schemes and antics, a class of entrenched leaders will lead Nigeria into a state of indescribable human misery, characterised by death, hunger, disease, illiteracy and manipulation.” They decided to create a third political force, a platform to mobilise all citizens of goodwill and conscience towards engendering a new political system and culture in Nigeria. The intervention movement brought no relief to Nigerians.

Restless Utomi in 2020 and Naaba formed a group to lead mass action against corruption and insecurity in Nigeria. They wanted Nigerians to rise up and put an end to the situation where the president was being caged and his office being run by some unelected proxies and power

traders operating without any form of mandate from the Nigerian people. Chasing out that clique of ruinous political cartels ravaging our commonwealth enabled by their self- serving capture of our Government and State. The result was not different.

Then ahead of the 2023 general elections, Utomi was among prominent Nigerians that established a third force, Rescue Nigeria Project (RNP), ostensibly to give Nigerians an alternative platform, other than the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic

Party (PDP). Other founding members of RNP included former governor of Kwara State, Ahmed Abdulfatai, Prof. Tunde Adeniran, former Governor of Cross River State, Donald Duke, Senator Lee Maeba, Usman Bugaje, Prof. Attahiru Jega, Amb. Nkoyo Toyo, Yomi Awoniyi, Dr. Rose Idi Danladi, Dr. Sadiq Gombe, among others. They set out to fight “the high level of nepotism and lack of inclusiveness” which had given rise to agitations by different ethnic groups.

“We want to salvage this country and see how we can fix the mess. We want to set a template and key criteria leaders must have before they can attain any political position.” Abdulfatai had hardly finished delivering this keynote address when Utomi was discovered to be gunning for the presidential ticket of the Labour Party, which he later ceded to Peter Obi.

While the closer we came towards Utomi’s vision of a good society, the more elusive it became, it has not been all doom for Nigeria’s foremost professor of political economy and management at a personal level. He is the chairman of close to two dozen Nigerian companies and a shareholder in many others.

President Bola Tinubu has eight-point priority areas as enunciated in his 80-page Renewed Hope Agenda. They are reforming the economy for sustained inclusive growth; strengthening national security for peace and prosperity; boosting agriculture to achieve food security; unlocking energy and natural resources for sustainable development; and enhancing infrastructure and transportation as enablers of growth. Others include a focus on education, health, and social investment as essential pillars of development; accelerate diversification through industrialisation, digitisation, creative arts, manufacturing & innovation and improve governance for effective service delivery. From the aforementioned, it is obvious that the President has a bias for the economy. Little wonder he prioritised what he called economic restructuring in the last two years. I call that ‘Tinubunomics’.

From the day of his inauguration on May 29, 2023, Tinubu left no one in doubt about the direction his government would go when he said, “Petrol subsidy is gone!”. He later followed that up with the floating of the naira, our national currency. To the best of my knowledge, Nigeria never had a cabinet that is as large as that of the incumbent President with about 50 ministers and the establishment of new ministries, departments and agencies some of which include the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, Ministry of Livestock Development, Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy and Ministry of Steel Development.

President Tinubu has recorded a lot of achievements in the area of the economy in the last two years. In terms of brick and mortar, there have been several completed roads and bridges, especially in the Federal Capital Territory and Lagos. Nairametrics, in its March 31, 2025, edition, reported that Tinubu’s administration had prioritised road infrastructure, accelerating existing projects and initiating new ones to enhance connectivity, trade, and regional development. Summary of 13 key road projects: Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano Road: Originally awarded in 2017, now revitalised with N740.79bn in funding. Completion set for 2026; Ninth Mile-Oturkpo-Makurdi Road; Sokoto-Badagry Highway: A 1,068km north-south link with a rail line in the median; construction began in October 2024; Abuja-Lokoja-Benin Road: Undergoing dualisation with concrete technology, re-awarded in 2024 with N305bn funding and Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway (Phase 1): A 47.7km section started in March 2024, integrating rail transport; the full highway spans 700km.

Others include Enugu-Onitsha Expressway being reconstructed under MTN’s Tax Credit Scheme; 50-70 per cent complete, with a May 2026 deadline; Benin-Asaba Superhighway: A PPP-funded 125km highway with solar lighting, launched in March 2025, with a 30-month timeline; Oyo-Ogbomoso Road: Re-awarded in February 2025 to JRB Construction for N147.89bn to boost regional connectivity; Bode Saadu-Kaima-Kosubosu Road: A 130km project in Kwara, funded by BUA Group, designed for long-term durability; Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway: Ongoing work on the 56.1km Umuahia-Aba section, with completion targeted for June 2025; Second Niger Bridge Access Road: A 17.55km road linking the bridge to key transport corridors, started in March 2025; Lagos-Ibadan Expressway nearing completion, with tolling planned after Phase 1 to ensure maintenance funding and Bodo-Bonny Road: Includes 13 bridges; cost revised to N280bn, now scheduled for completion.

Under this administration, all six geopolitical zones now have development commissions that are aimed at making development initiatives percolate to the grassroots through pro-people and pro-poor projects and programmes. Tinubu’s game changer is the four tax reform bills sent to the National Assembly in October 2024. They are the Nigeria Tax Bill, the Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill and the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill. The Senate passed the bill last week, and a conference committee to harmonise the versions passed by the Senate and the House of Representatives has been set up. I am sure a clean copy may be sent to the President for assent before May 29. There are said to be a lot of benefits inherent in the new tax laws.

It is reported that the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Investment, has established three funds totalling N200bn to support businesses across Nigeria: The Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme, The FGN MSME Intervention Fund, and the FGN Manufacturing Sector Fund. The Bank of Industry has been appointed as the executing agency of the funds, vested with responsibility for its day-to-day administration. An online source said BoI has disbursed N22bn of the N200bn support fund to MSMEs. The restreaming of Port Harcourt and Warri refineries in December 2024, as well as the Presidential Initiative on Compressed Natural Gas, are some of Tinubu’s economic achievements in the last two years. It is noteworthy that the national minimum wage has increased from N30,000 to N70,000 since July 2024.

On the flip side, much as the economic handlers of the country will want the citizens to laud them for the purported economic growth, it is noteworthy that the lives of average Nigerians have worsened under this government. Nigerians are experiencing a higher cost of living rather than a higher standard of living.

Inflation, unemployment and poverty are on the increase. Headline inflation in March 2025 is 24.23 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.

This newspaper, in its May 4, 2025 (online edition), reported that the World Bank had disclosed that the poverty rate among Nigeria’s rural population had reached an alarming 75.5 per cent, highlighting deepening inequality and widespread economic hardship across the country. According to the World Bank’s latest April 2025 Poverty and Equity Brief for Nigeria, rural dwellers are overwhelmingly bearing the brunt of economic stagnation, inflation, and structural challenges that have characterised the country’s growth trajectory in recent years. The data, derived from Nigeria’s most recent nationally representative surveys, shows that while 41.3 per cent of the urban population lives below the poverty line, the figure for rural Nigeria is almost double.

According to a development economist, Prof. Dudley Seers, in any country where poverty, unemployment and inflation are on the increase, there is no development. Imagine the cost of living crisis many Nigerians now face. Many of us are heavily indebted and find it extremely difficult to pay our bills.  Energy costs have hit the roof with petrol and electricity price hikes, as well as the recent increase in the telecommunications tariff. These price increases, coupled with over 40 per cent devaluation of the value of the naira, have made life unbearable for most Nigerians. This spike in the cost of living has made the new minimum wage of N70,00 worthless. It, therefore, behoves President Tinubu to find creative ways of ameliorating the suffering of the Nigerian masses.

Tennis fan Pope Leo XIV received men’s world number one Jannik Sinner, who is currently competing in the Italian Open in Rome, the Vatican said Wednesday.

“The Pope’s passion for tennis is well known,” the head of the Vatican’s press office said in a short statement.

Sinner was accompanied by members of his family and the president of the Italian Tennis Federation, Angelo Binaghi, during the visit, he said.

The 69-year-old Chicago-born pope likes not just to watch but also to play, according to reports.

In an interview after being made cardinal in 2023, the former missionary in Peru said, “I consider myself an amateur tennis player.

“Since I left Peru, I haven’t had many opportunities to play, but I can’t wait to get back on the court.”

Italian sports daily La Gazzetta dello Sport said that according to his friends, the Augustinian “has an excellent backhand and is a formidable competitor”.

On Monday during an audience with the international press, the pope was asked by a journalist to take part in a charity tennis tournament.

“Certainly,” replied the pope. “I’ll come with (Andre) Agassi,” he said.

“As long as it’s not Sinner,” he joked.

At a tournament press conference Monday following Sinner’s third round victory over Dutchman Jesper de Jong, journalists asked Sinner what he thought about having a tennis-loving pope.

“It’s great for tennis players to have a pope who follows us and who has played.” said Sinner.

Among one of the Vatican’s many amenities is an outdoor clay tennis court.

AFP