Chelsea are looking to ramp up interest in Napoli striker Victor Osimhen after the Nigeria international handed in a transfer request over the weekend.

The Nigerian international has long been linked with a move away from the club, having joined them from Lille in the summer of 2020.

Chelsea have held a long-standing interest in Osimhen and have previously held talks with the Italian side over a potential swap deal involving Romelu Lukaku.

New Napoli manager Antonio Conte is keen to reunite with Lukaku after the pair won Serie A together at Inter Milan in 2021, with the Belgian striker having struggled since returning to Stamford Bridge later that year.
Paris Saint-Germain were previously thought to have been leading the race for Osimhen but their talks are believed to have stalled over a fee.

It remains to be seen whether or not Chelsea do eventually make a move, with the Blues having previously been unwilling to pay his release clause, believed to be worth over £100m.
Still, Osimhen is determined to leave Naples this summer and sporting director Giovanni Manna confirmed over the weekend: “Victor Osimhen has asked to leave the club. He wants to go.
“The situation is clear, there were already chances for his exit last summer. Victor wants to leave. We will see in the next 20 days.”

Meanwhile, Chelsea manager, Enzo Maresca, is looking to trim down his bloated squad as the new season approaches.

Maresca is preparing for his first season at Stamford Bridge, after replacing Mauricio Pochettino this summer.
Having inherited a large squad, Maresca now wants to cut it down to a manageable size.
It is believed Chelsea are hoping to have a first-team squad of around 23 or 24 outfield players.
The Blues have welcomed six new faces to Stamford Bridge under Enzo Maresca’s leadership, as the club continues its rapid evolution under BlueCo’s ownership. The new signings are getting acquainted during a pre-season tour of the United States, with a significant number of players left behind in London.

There are several players that Chelsea hopes to offload, some of whom were also on the selling block last summer. Malang Sarr has already had his contract terminated to facilitate his move to RC Lens.
Sarr, who arrived on a free transfer, was part of Thomas Tuchel’s Club World Cup-winning squad. Unable to secure a move last year, the Frenchman trained separately from the first team throughout the season. Both parties were keen to avoid a repeat of the 2023/24 situation, and Sarr agreed to forgo any compensation.

Sarr wasn’t the only player Chelsea struggled to sell last summer. Romelu Lukaku remained separate from the squad as he sought a move, but only managed to secure a loan to Roma.

The Belgian striker is once again hoping for a transfer, with Napoli potential suitors. This could lead to a reunion with former Chelsea and Inter Milan manager Antonio Conte.
Kepa Arrizabalaga, who was loaned to Real Madrid on the eve of last season, is likely to leave Chelsea in the coming weeks as his contract in west London winds down.

Chelsea have also made their intentions clear regarding Trevoh Chalobah. The defender, who was notably absent from Maresca’s squad that travelled to the US, is expected to be sold for a tidy profit.

Conor Gallagher, whose current deal expires in less than a year, was up for sale last summer and remains available. Despite being admired by Mauricio Pochettino, the England international is yet to join Chelsea’s squad following his Euro 2024 exploits but has attracted interest from Atletico Madrid.

[Leadership]

The stage is set for Wednesday night, as winners of the UEFA Champions League, Real Madrid, will meet UEFA Europa League winners, Atalanta, in Warsaw in the latest edition of the UEFA Super Cup final.

Both teams will aim to see who comes out on top as the King of Europe.

Real Madrid won the UEFA Champions League trophy last season after beating Borussia Dortmund in the final, thanks to goals from Dani Carvajal and Vinicius Junior.

Atalanta, on the other hand, won the UEFA Europa League trophy after beating Bayer Leverkusen in the final, thanks to Ademola Lookman’s hat-trick.

Ahead of Wednesday’s showdown, both teams look quite different compared to last season.

Real Madrid have already lost two key players, Toni Kroos and Nacho Fernandez this summer. Kroos retired from football following the conclusion of Euro 2024 in Germany, while Nacho left Santiago Bernabeu for Saudi Pro League.

Real Madrid’s experienced defender, David Alaba is expected to miss the game as he is currently recovering from a lengthy ACL injury.

However, Carlo Ancelotti’s side have strengthened their squad with new arrivals like Kylian Mbappe and Endrick as they will hope to lead the LaLiga champions for an unprecedented sixth UEFA Super Cup honour on Wednesday in Poland.

Real Madrid head to the game after losing two out of their last three matches against AC Milan, Barcelona and Chelsea.

For Atalanta, Wednesday’s UEFA Super Cup final will be their first in the history of the club.

Gian Piero Gasperini’s men finished fourth-place in the Serie A last season.

They currently have an injury blow in their attack line as striker, Gianluca Scamacca tore his ACL during a preseason friendly.

Scamacca will miss at least six months with the injury now putting more pressure on Lookman leading the attack for the Serie A side.

Atalanta have made some marquee attacking signings like Charles De Ketelaere, Mateo Retegui, Ben Godfrey, Nicolo Zaniolo and Ibrahim Sulemana.

However, they head to the game after losing three out of their last four matches against AZ Alkmaar, Fiorentina, Parma and FC St. Pauli.

Speaking with DAILY POST on Monday, Stanley Smart, a Sports Analyst, gave his view on the UEFA Super Cup final.

He also singled out four players to shine during the encounter.

“Well, I expect a tough and a close match in Warsaw because it is a final,” Smart told DAILY POST.

“Both teams did not really impress in their pre-season matches but I think if you compare the performances of the two teams during pre-season, you would agree with me that Madrid were quite better in terms of their display.

“Having said that, I expect to see an attacking football with high intensity from both teams.

“Both teams have sharp forwards with pace. I expect the likes of Ademola Lookman, Kylian Mbappe, Vinicius and Rodrygo to shine. It would be a proper final match,” he added.

When asked to give his prediction, Smart simply said, “2-1” in favour of Madrid.

DAILY POST reports that the kick-off time for the UEFA Super Cup final is 8 pm.

[DailyPost]

Iran on Tuesday rejected Western calls to stand down its threat to retaliate against Israel for the killing of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran late last month.

The Islamic Republic and its allies have blamed Israel for Haniyeh’s killing on July 31 during a visit to the Iranian capital for the swearing-in of President Masoud Pezeshkian. Israel has not commented.

Iran has vowed to avenge the death, which came hours after an Israeli strike in Beirut killed a senior commander of Hezbollah, the powerful Iran-backed militant group in Lebanon.

Western diplomats have scrambled to avert a major conflagration in the Middle East, where tensions were already high due to the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. 

In a statement on Monday, the United States and its European allies urged Iran to de-escalate.

“We called on Iran to stand down its ongoing threats of a military attack against Israel and discussed the serious consequences for regional security should such an attack take place,” said the joint statement from Britain, France, Germany, Italy and the United States.

The White House warned that a “significant set of attacks” by Iran and its allies was possible as soon as this week, saying Israel shared the same assessment.

The United States has deployed an aircraft carrier strike group and a guided missile submarine to the region in support of Israel.

Iran’s foreign ministry spokesman Nasser Kanani criticised the Western call for it to de-escalate.

“The declaration by France, Germany and Britain, which raised no objection to the international crimes of the Zionist regime, brazenly asks Iran to take no deterrent action against a regime which has violated its sovereignty and territorial integrity,” he said in a statement.

“Such a request lacks political logic, flies in the face of the principles and rules of international law, and constitutes public and practical support” for Israel.

•⁠ ⁠Call for ‘unfettered’ aid –

The United States and its European allies also called for a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, with difficult talks set for Thursday on halting the conflict.

They also called for the “unfettered” delivery of aid to devastated Gaza.

The Gaza war began with Hamas’s October 7 attack on southern Israel which resulted in the deaths of 1,198 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally based on Israeli official figures.

Militants also seized 251 people, 111 of whom are still held captive in Gaza, including 39 the military says are dead.

Israel’s retaliatory military offensive in Gaza has killed at least 39,897 people, according to a toll from the territory’s health ministry, which does not provide a breakdown of civilian and militant deaths.

International mediators have invited Israel and Hamas to resume negotiations this week on a ceasefire and hostage release deal, an invitation Israel has accepted.

Hamas has urged mediators to implement a truce plan earlier presented by US President Joe Biden instead of holding more talks.

Analyst Esfandyar Batmanghelidj said Iran was considering how to retaliate against Israel without derailing the ceasefire talks.

“The renewed push for a ceasefire offers Iran a way out of this escalatory cycle,” Batmanghelidj, CEO of the Bourse & Bazaar Foundation think-tank, told AFP.

“Iranian officials still feel obliged to hit back at Israel, but they must do so in a way that doesn’t derail the prospects for a ceasefire summit.”

•⁠ ⁠West Bank violence –

Pressure for a ceasefire in Gaza has grown since civil defence rescuers in the Hamas-run territory said an Israeli air strike on Saturday killed 93 people at a school housing displaced Palestinians.

Israel said it targeted militants operating out of the school and mosque.

In the latest Gaza violence, Palestinian fighters clashed overnight with the Israeli army near Netzarim, south of Gaza City, an AFP correspondent reported.

Paramedics said one person was killed and others were wounded in Israeli bombing of the Al-Maghazi refugee camp in central Gaza. They were taken to Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in the city of Deir el-Balah.

In the occupied West Bank, the Palestinian health ministry said Israeli forces shot dead a Palestinian man near the town of Azzun, east of Qalqilya, on Monday.

The Ramallah-based health ministry identified him as Tariq Ziad Abdul Rahim Daoud. The Israeli army said the alleged attacker had fired at an Israeli civilian in Qalqilya.

Hamas later issued a statement mourning the death of Tariq Daoud, saying he was a member of its armed wing.

A Palestinian prisoners watchdog said on Tuesday that the 18-year-old had been released on November 25 during a one-week truce that saw scores of Palestinians freed from Israeli jails in exchange for Israeli hostages held in Gaza since October 7.

AFP

The Professional Footballers’ Association (PFA) has unveiled its nominees for the Players’ Player of the Year and Young Player of the Year, with Manchester City’s trio of Erling Haaland, Phil Foden, and Rodri on the list.

Chelsea’s Cole Palmer, who joined the club from Manchester City at the start of last season, makes the list. 

The Young Player of the Year nominees were also released, with Palmer also making the list once again, alongside Bukayo Saka and United’s Kobbie Mainoo.

The Women’s PFA Player’s Player of the Year was dominated by Chelsea and Manchester City players, with both clubs having three nominees each.

SEE FULL LIST

Men’s PFA Players’ Player of the Year nominees

Phil Foden (Manchester City), Erling Haaland (Manchester City), Martin Ødegaard (Arsenal), Cole Palmer (Chelsea), Rodri (Manchester City), and Ollie Watkins (Aston Villa).

Men’s PFA Young Players’ Player of the Year nominees

Alejandro Garnacho (Manchester United), Cole Palmer (Chelsea), Kobbie Mainoo (Manchester United), Michael Olise (Crystal Palace), Bukayo Saka (Arsenal), and João Pedro (Brighton and Hove Albion). 

Women’s PFA Players’ Player of the Year nominees

Niamh Charles (Chelsea), Erin Cuthbert (Chelsea), Yui Hasegawa (Manchester City), Lauren Hemp (Manchester City), Lauren James (Chelsea), and Khadija Shaw (Manchester City).

Women’s PFA Young Players’ Player of the Year nominees

Aggie Beever-Jones (Chelsea), Grace Clinton (Tottenham Hotspur), Lauren James (Chelsea), Khiara Keating (Manchester City), Maya Le Tissier (Manchester United), and Jess Park (Manchester City).

[Vanguard]

He recently marked his 65th birthday. Precisely on 14th July, 2024, having been born on the same date in 1959. Prince Nduka Obiagbena has certainly changed the tune.

Today, I celebrate my good friend Obiagbena, a visionary man of excellence, a trailblazer in the realm of Nigerian journalism and a true pan-Nigerian patriot. As the founder, Chairman and Editor-in-Chief of ThisDay Media Group and ARISE News Channel, Prince Obaigbena has left an indelible mark on the landscape of Nigerian media and beyond. His latest innovation Arise Television threatens to pull the rug from the feet of globally respected CNN.

Born into the royal family of Owa Kingdom, Delta State, Obiagbena attended Edo College, Benin City; the University of Benin; the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg; and the Advanced Management Programme at the University of Cape Town.

Prince Obaigbena’s journey into journalism began with a profound commitment to innovation, and a relentless pursuit of truth and excellence. Not many Nigerians know that Nduka was a fledgling cartoonist in one of the students’ journals at his then University of Benin where he used the pseudonym “Lekeleke”. Not many Nigerians also know that before founding This Day, he had founded ThisWeek magazine which debuted in the 80s and became the flagship magazine in Nigeria. I should know this because I was the legal adviser to the magazine and the Duke himself at their then Ogunlana, Surulere, Lagos location. I should also know this because I had handled many of their top cases, including one defamation case against the late respected Prof. Tam David-West, a case that landed me in the DSS gulag in April, 1986 (38 years ago), at the DSS’s Awolowo road, Ikoyi, Lagos office. Not many Nigerians also know that the Duke’s restlessness and incredible ambition had seen him being the Nigerian correspondent to two of the most respected international publications, the NewsWeek and Time magazines, earning good dollars at a time many of his peers were just comfortable with white collar jobs that came with accommodation and a car as soon as they finished from the University. Nduka’s creation of ThisDay in 1995 therefore marked the dawn of a new era in Nigerian print journalism, showcasing his remarkable talents. ThisDay quickly distinguished itself with its bold, investigative reporting, comprehensive coverage of national and international events and sheer dedication to high-quality journalism. Under his able leadership, ThisDay has not only continued to entertain and inform; but it has also been shaping public opinion, building national institutions and bridges of understanding, holding leaders accountable and responsible to the Nigerian people; and giving voice to the voiceless.

By 2013, Prince Obaigbena, a former President of the Newspapers Proprietors Association of Nigeria (NPAN) had looked beyond the print media and expanded his media reach and influence with the launch of ARISE News Channel. This 24-hour international news channel has become a beacon of accurate and unbiased reporting, offering a fresh African perspective on global news. ARISE News has bridged gaps between continents, highlighting the stories that matter from Africa to the world and vice versa. The Duke has shown an uncanny penchant for innovation, breaking new grounds and introducing new formats and platforms into the Nigerian media space, including ThisDay Music Festival.

Beyond the pages of newspapers and television screens, Prince Obaigbena’s contributions to journalism are also evident in his commitment to nurturing talents and fostering innovation. He has provided platforms for young journalists to grow and hone their skills. He has consistently pushed for advancement in media technology and practices, ensuring that Nigerian journalism remains competitive on the global stage.

The Duke’s impact extends to his sustained advocacy for press freedom and a determination to create a more informed and enlightened society. Obiagbena has not only elevated the standard of journalism in Nigeria, but has also inspired a new generation of journalists to pursue their individual craft with passion and integrity.

In the field of philanthropy and humanitarianism, Prince Obaigbena’s contributions to various causes run into billions of naira. He ensures that his contributions which are usually not advertised focus on his pet areas of the media, education, healthcare and social development. Here are some notable aspects of his philanthropy:

1. Media and Journalism: Through his media enterprises, Nduka has been instrumental in promoting freedom of the press and supporting investigative journalism in Nigeria and beyond.

2. Education: Obaigbena has supported educational initiatives, providing countless scholarships and funding for educational programs to help underprivileged students gain access to quality education.

3. Healthcare: Nduka has contributed to healthcare projects, supporting medical facilities and initiatives aimed at improving healthcare delivery in derserving communities.

4. Social Development: The Duke has been involved in various social development projects, including those aimed at poverty alleviation, community development and empowerment of marginalized groups.

5. Cultural Promotion: Nduka has also supported cultural initiatives and awareness, promoting African arts, culture and heritage through sponsorship of various events and media coverage.
His philanthropic endeavours reflect his commitment to leveraging his influence and resources to drive positive change in society. As we celebrate Prince Nduka Obaigbena’s 65 years on mother earth, we honour this grey-bearded man’s unquantifiable contributions to journalism; his unwavering dedication to the truth; his visionary leadership; and his rare sense of patriotism. His legacy is a testament to the power of the pen in shaping societies and the enduring importance of a free and independent press.

Happy Birthday, Nduka, the prince of Owa Kingdom and the Duke of journalism, May your journey continue to inspire and illuminate dim paths for all in many years to come. Amen.

Bello Matawalle, minister of state for defence, says many African countries now purchase arms and ammunition from the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON).

Matawalle spoke on Monday in Abuja during the 60th anniversary of DICON and launch of the maiden Africa defence industries conference.

In November, President Bola Tinubu assented to the DICON Bill, 2023.

DICON was founded in 1964 to enhance national security by reducing dependence on foreign arms.

Matawalle said despite industry challenges, DICON is committed to independence and has the capacity to produce military vehicles and artilleries.

“DICON’s journey began with a modest start, focusing on the production of small arms and ammunition,” he said.

“Over the years, DICON has expanded its capabilities, venturing into the manufacture of military vehicles, artillery, and other defence equipment.

“Despite facing challenges, DICON persevered, driven by its commitment to self-reliance and national security.

“DICON’s 60-year journey is a testament to Nigeria’s commitment to self-reliance in defence production.

“But we assure you that we have the capacity, we can produce, and as you know, many countries, many African countries now are coming to DICON for the procurement of arms and ammunition.”

Ibrahim Kana, permanent secretary in the ministry of defence, said it is now compulsory for all security agencies to procure their arms and ammunition from DICON.

Kana said in the next two years, Nigeria will no longer import certain types of ammunition.

“I can assure each and every one of us, in the next two years, Nigeria will not buy 7.62mm calibre ammunition again,” he said.

“The Public Procurement Act also supports local production, not only military-industrial companies but any goods that are produced in Nigeria.

“All procuring entities in the country have been mandated to put it as a first line before importation.

“The law now makes it mandatory for us in the ministry of defence, the national security advisers office, ministry of interior, police affairs and all other security organisations in Nigeria… if you are procuring any arms or ammunitions using government funds, you have no rights to go and procure abroad unless we did not have any money in Nigeria.”

[TheCable]

Nations, diplomacy, and sports are interwoven. Sports persons and sports teams are, in a sense, representatives of and mirrors of their countries. It is no coincidence that most great nations are also leading sporting countries  because it is a significant tool of soft power projection. Nations demonstrate their might either through ‘Fight’ or ‘play’. The latter is the province of international sporting events like the Olympics. 

Sporting competitions, particularly at the elite level, have often been likened to modern-day wars. This metaphor draws on the intense rivalry, nationalistic fervour, and strategic and physical battles that characterize sports and warfare. However, unlike actual wars, which involve devastating loss of life and destruction, sports provide a controlled environment for channelling competitive instincts and resolving conflicts through non-violent means. Little wonder the famous author Goerge Orwell posits, “serious sport has nothing to do with fair play. It is bound up with hatred, jealousy, boastfulness, disregard of all rules, and sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence: in other words, it is war minus the shooting.” Modern states are not expected to wage war against each other for the fun of it or just sheer dominance; the only arena of legitimate dominance that elicits nationalism and patriotic fervour is international sports.

Like wars, sporting events, especially international competitions like the Olympics, become arenas where national pride and identity are fiercely defended and displayed. Athletes are often seen as warriors representing their nations, carrying the hopes and aspirations of their people. The victories and defeats in these arenas are celebrated or mourned, almost like battles won or lost on a battlefield. The spectacle of countries competing against each other in these global events can evoke strong emotions, much like the nationalism that fuels wars. Preparing for high-level sports competitions mirrors the strategic planning  capabilities seen in military campaigns. Coaches and athletes meticulously study their opponents, devise game plans, and adapt their strategies as the competition unfolds. This aspect of sports is comparable to the strategy  and tactics employed in warfare, where intelligence, preparation, and adaptability often determine the outcome. The intense focus on outmanoeuvring and outthinking the opponent in sports can be seen as a simulation of the strategic elements of warfare.

The Olympics are the highest arenas of sporting glory, where sporting artistry, creativity and skills are showcased to a global audience for fame, glory, prominence and recognition. Whatever happens there mirrors the relative might and priorities of the state. It significantly reflects the economic status of a state and the opportunities it offers. Better-organized societies and prosperous nations are more likely to achieve better results; the reverse is the opposite. Prosperous countries invest heavily in the sports industry and reap the reward in the country’s performance at these major sporting events. Historically, Africa and other third-world countries have won fewer sports awards in these competitions. Although this may have improved a little recently, the improvement is not significant.

The Paris Olympics is the latest iteration of great power competition in sports. So far, the  final medals table reaffirms the familiar order of precedence among sporting nations: the US, China, Australia, France, the UK, Japan etc, are the leaders. Despite our population and talent, Nigeria is nowhere represented in the medals table. Nigeria’s lacklustre performance at the Paris 2024 Olympics has shown our level of organizational tardiness, shabby preparation and short-term solutions for long-term challenges, poor incentive system, lack of patriotism, corruption and nepotism; low government and private sector investment.

Olympics success is a function of many factors- training and preparation, athlete commitment and level of patriotism, sports administration capabilities, investment in sporting infrastructure, funding and professionalism. The poor organizational capabilities of the Nigeria Olympic Committee (NOC) led to the non-registration of Favour  Ofili for a race in which she had a bright chance. This is not the first time NOC has displayed this level of negligence. Nigeria’s performance at the Paris Olympics mirrors the extent of our preparations, investment, and commitment. It is clear that we need a significant improvement in our sports administration to avert a more consequential crisis soon afterwards.

Our athletes do  not just  have potential, they are talented and capable. However, there is a lack of sufficient incentive and motivation for them to excel in the global international sporting arena. D’Tigress, Nigeria’s female basketball team, became the first African team (male or female) to reach the Olympic quarterfinals in Basketball. Favour Ofili became the first Nigerian in 28 years to reach the 200m finals. Chukwuebuka Enekwachi, in shotput, shone brightly even without a medal. Also, 18-year-old Samuel Ogazi became the first Nigerian man to reach the 400m final since 1988.  Ese Brume, Ruth Usoro, and Prestina Ochonogor  all secured spots in the final of the long jump event.

 These achievements are a testament to the potential of our athletes and should give us hope for the future of Nigerian sports.

The Honourable Minister of Sports, Senator John Owan Enoh, demonstrated exceptional organizational skills at the Summer Olympics. However, the limited timeframe was insufficient to fully impact the final medal table. This underscores the crucial role of possessing superior organizational capabilities and engaging in long-term planning in the success of our athletes and teams. It is imperative that we allow adequate time for preparations to manifest in tangible results, and this should be a key focus of our sports administration.

However, the trend of Nigerian athletes competing for other countries raises questions about our sports administration, nationalism, and reward systems. Annette Nneka Echikunwoke, who won silver for the USA in the hammer throw, was a victim of administrative incompetence in the 2020 Olympics and hence had to switch representation to another  country.  Salwa Naser took silver for Bahrain in the women’s 400m race.  Yemisi Ogunleye won gold in the women’s shot put for Germany. Tade Ojora and Victoria Ohuruogu competed for Britain, Rhasidat Adeleke for Ireland, Daisy Osakwe for Italy and Manuel Mordi for Germany, among others. This trend is a loss for Nigeria and must end. We must be ready as a country to harness the talents of all Nigerians and appreciate them, no matter where they are in the world. This will not only strengthen our sports teams but also promote a sense of national pride and unity. 

John F. Kennedy argued that “sports are a microcosm of society. They are a medium through which we convey our values and goals.” It has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It can unite people in a way that little else does. It speaks to young and old in a language they understand. It creates hope, whereas once, there was only despair. During this Olympics period, Nigerians feasted on the game, glued to their screens to cheer up their favourite athletes and inspire Nigerian athletes to sporting immortality. 

As the Olympic games were on, Nigerian youth embarked on the mother of all protest, where in the North, many lives and property were lost and damaged, and, in the South, a pervasive feeling of hopelessness was in the air. Whether there was any link between the competitive sports of the Olympics and the competition for state power by protesters is yet to be fathomed, but one thing is clear: there is a parallelism between competitive sports and competitive contest for influencing government power in a direction the protesters are clamouring for.  

The physicality of many sports, where athletes engage in direct, sometimes brutal, competition, also draws symbolism from physical combat. Sports like boxing, rugby, and American football, where physical dominance is crucial, can be seen as direct analogues to combat. Even in less physically confrontational sports, the psychological battles between competitors—where mental strength, resilience, and the will to win are paramount—resemble the psychological warfare between opposing forces in a conflict.

Sporting competitions as modern-day wars is a metaphor that captures the Olympics’ intensity, rivalry, and national significance. While most of the sorts share many characteristics with warfare—nationalism, strategy, physical and psychological battles—the critical difference lies in sports’ peaceful and constructive nature. Unlike wars, which bring destruction and suffering, sports unite people, offering a way to celebrate human achievement, resolve conflicts, and foster global unity. The contrast between the Russian-Ukraine conflicts, the Hamas brouhaha and the Paris Olympics is obvious. The Olympics are symbols of peace and prosperity. The insane, rootless fanaticism that drives a sports team is the same spirit that motivates patriotic people. Nigeria should use opportunities of future  Olympics to be counted among the respected  nations of the world. Let our future outing qualify us to  be regarded as a nation of serious minded people . 

rend is a loss for Nigeria and must end. We must be ready as a country to harness the talents of all Nigerians and appreciate them, no matter where they are in the world. This will not only strengthen our sports teams but also promote a sense of national pride and unity. 

John F. Kennedy argued that “sports are a microcosm of society. They are a medium through which we convey our values and goals.” It has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It can unite people in a way that little else does. It speaks to young and old in a language they understand. It creates hope, whereas once, there was only despair. During this Olympics period, Nigerians feasted on the game, glued to their screens to cheer up their favourite athletes and inspire Nigerian athletes to sporting immortality. 

As the Olympic games were on, Nigerian youth embarked on the mother of all protest, where in the North, many lives and property were lost and damaged, and, in the South, a pervasive feeling of hopelessness was in the air. Whether there was any link between the competitive sports of the Olympics and the competition for state power by protesters is yet to be fathomed, but one thing is clear: there is a parallelism between competitive sports and competitive contest for influencing government power in a direction the protesters are clamouring for.  

The physicality of many sports, where athletes engage in direct, sometimes brutal, competition, also draws symbolism from physical combat. Sports like boxing, rugby, and American football, where physical dominance is crucial, can be seen as direct analogues to combat. Even in less physically confrontational sports, the psychological battles between competitors—where mental strength, resilience, and the will to win are paramount—resemble the psychological warfare between opposing forces in a conflict.

Sporting competitions as modern-day wars is a metaphor that captures the Olympics’ intensity, rivalry, and national significance. While most of the sorts share many characteristics with warfare—nationalism, strategy, physical and psychological battles—the critical difference lies in sports’ peaceful and constructive nature. Unlike wars, which bring destruction and suffering, sports unite people, offering a way to celebrate human achievement, resolve conflicts, and foster global unity. The contrast between the Russian-Ukraine conflicts, the Hamas brouhaha and the Paris Olympics is obvious. The Olympics are symbols of peace and prosperity. The insane, rootless fanaticism that drives a sports team is the same spirit that motivates patriotic people. Nigeria should use opportunities of future  Olympics to be counted among the respected  nations of the world. Let our future outing qualify us to  be regarded as a nation of serious minded people . 

Some 200 years ago, someone could whimsically deport someone from a part of this country to another. It happened to Madam Efunroye Tinubu in 1856. She was given 24 hours to leave Lagos for her hometown, Abeokuta. This is 2024.

You can’t have tasty mutton-mushroom sauce without all the necessary elements. Any cook worth his or her name knows the culinary fact of the juice of one sweetening the whole. What makes Lagos Lagos is the rainbow colours of its population and the allure of its complexity. That is what Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu saved when he stepped in last week and disowned an insidious campaign by some people ordering certain people to leave Lagos.

Lagos is the Eden of the daring. It has always been. And if it is Eden, always know it won’t be short of snakes and temptations. That is why talks and threats of expulsion will always be in the air there. This particular expulsion is our local version of the far-right anti-immigrant rhetoric in the United Kingdom. The violence birthed by the extremists in that rainbow country has been wracking England and Northern Ireland since 30 July, 2024.

I know that no one keeps quiet when his farm is being turned into a footpath. Because of that, Lagos, since its beginning, has had this in-group/out-group issue. It assumed a dimension worse than bad during and after the 2023 elections. But it is an ill wind. The others-must-go campaigners forget that the alluvial richness of the Lagos dumpsite is because it takes all that come to it.

There are ethnic extremists everywhere we turn now. Because of that, I think I should also quietly shout a warning that no one should henceforth describe Lagos as a no-man’s land or behave as if there is no boundary between a father’s farm and that of his son.

The campaign and its timing I see as an enemy action. How could the city have combined the hardship protests of that week with an inter-ethnic chaos? An X (Twitter) post by someone who may themselves be an ‘alien’ triggered the panic. Governor Sanwo-Olu reacted by saying that he viewed the post as “not only reckless and divisive but an attempt to sow a seed of discord between the Yoruba in the Southwest and other tribes, especially those who have made Lagos their permanent place of abode.” It was timely water on a threatening blaze. There has been silence since.

I have read the other far-right saying Sanwo-Olu’s intervention came too little. They are wrong. Have they ever thought of checking the meaning of “many a little makes a mickle”? If such persons knew the history behind a-stich-in-time, they would appreciate the worth of half-words dropped in the nick of time. Besides here, in this clime, elders don’t say all they have to say. And, I don’t have to say it that a leader, no matter his age, is an elder.

The rhetoric of ‘Others Must Go’ (within a country) is an elite trick to mobilise for politics. Even people who are Yoruba but of non-Lagos origin are routinely reminded of their own alien status by idle minds who strut that landscape of hardtackle politics. Ironically, the ancestors of some of those who discriminate today were also classed as aliens in that city-state less than 150 years ago.

Kristin Mann in his ‘Marriage Choices among the Educated African Elite in Lagos Colony, 1880-1915’ published in 1981 says something about the composite that is called Lagos. After pouring through several records, Kristin writes: “In 1880 approximately 70 percent of the elite were Saro, but by 1915 the proportion had fallen to 60 percent. The remainder were (returnees) from Brazil, the West Indies, or North America; Yoruba from Lagos or the interior; or non-Yoruba from west or north of Yorubaland. Only four members of the educated elite belonged to families that had lived in Lagos more than three generations. The rest had migrated to the town or were the children or grandchildren of immigrants. The educated elite, then, did not belong to large, well-established Lagos lineages” (See page 205).

Expulsion of aliens is not new across countries in West Africa. But such always comes back to haunt the chasers. Margaret Peil has a list of such expulsions in her ‘Ghana Aliens’ (1974): “Ghanaian fishermen have been deported from Guinea, Ivory Coast and Nigeria; Nigerian traders have had to leave Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Zaire; Dahomean civil servants have been deported from Ivory Coast and Niger; Togolese farmers and workmen have been expelled from Ghana and Ivory Coast. The largest case of expulsion of aliens was the result of the ‘Compliance Order’ issued in Ghana on November 18, 1969, which gave all aliens without residence permits two weeks to obtain them or leave the country.” It was the turn of Ghana to taste its own medicine when ‘Ghana Must Go’ happened in Nigeria in 1983.

Peace should be everyone’s agenda. Let farm hands stop planting cash crops; let no farm owner claim to be God. If you chase your late father’s debtors too hard, you will soon land in the hands of his creditors.

The king in pre-colonial Oyo had power over everything. He determined who lived and who died. At a point in time, there was this street drummer in Oyo metropolis who moved from one point of the town to the other plying his trade. And, he was a master of his art, great skill, vigorous activity. He would praise those he considered praiseworthy; he would deprecate the deplorable. The people enjoyed what he did as long as he did not make them the object of his pillory.
One day, the drummer got up early and woke up the town with a strange beat and a strange message:

Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni

(Meaning: There is a pit in front of the king’s palace; God will catch him (the king) but it is not yet time).

What is he saying? Alarm bells rang in homes and across Oyo that a drummer was spreading a strange message against the king. Is it not said that a dog is allowed to run mad but its insanity notwithstanding, it is expected to know and avoid fire? B’ájá bá nsínwín sebí ó ye k’ó m’ojú iná. This particular dog had a madness that obviously knew no limits. He had added the king to his list of objects of scorn.

The message soon got to the King, the Alaafin. He sent for the drummer.
“Ngbó, what are you saying about me?” Kabiyesi asked him.
The drummer responded before Ikú Bàbá Yèyé with his drumbeat:

Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni.

You would not be a Yoruba in those days if you did not understand the language of drums.
Everyone heard him loud and clear and gasped. This one should die! Ar’óbafín l’oba á pa. Palace guards moved to assault him; the king stopped them. Kabiyesi took a long look at the drummer, took a deep breath and told the man to go home. He even gave him money for his trouble. The drummer was equally stunned by the king’s verdict. He left.
The king looked round his chiefs, then turned to his people. “We must not touch him. Oba kìí mú akorin (The king does not arrest the bard).” He said and added, in very low tones that apart from the fact of a bard having immunity, touching him because of that particular message would set the town ablaze.
What is Kabiyesi saying? He and a few of his trusted aides understood clearly what the drummer was saying. There was truly a deep pit in front of the king’s palace. In that pit were the king’s deepest secrets. It was into that pit he threw the unfortunate heads of his enemies.

So, what happened thereafter? A contrite Aláàfin ordered the pit closed. He also stopped the serial murders he was committing.

Where did the above story come from? I got it from the late Aláàfin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III. It was in his palace he told me a few months before he joined his ancestors in 2022. I was not there alone; my friend, Festus Adedayo, was also there.

With the oba, we had many deep discussions on the notions of rights and privileges in the context of Yoruba identity and cultural nuances. This was one of them. The Aláàfin stressed that the story was real. Kabiyesi said he also heard it from his fathers. He pointed at the probable site of the pit. We agreed that the drummer of that era would be today’s press.

I am writing on the spirit of protest and resistance – my focus is the Yoruba. My dictionary says the opposite of acquiescence is resistance. Anywhere you find the Yoruba and there is injustice or simple insult, do not think of acquiescence; think of the opposite. They value their girl’s idí bèbèrè but they don’t deck the voluptuous waist of a bad daughter with beads of stupid accommodation. They also do not make their hips available for dislocation by bumbling relations. To them, pimples find seats only on foolish faces. It makes very little difference whether the actors are men or they are women.

What we heard about the ancient time is what we read of more recent eras. Professor Ulli Beier lived in Yorubaland and patiently studied the Yoruba of the 1950s and the 1960s. He was in Ede, Osogbo, Ilobu, Okuku, Ibadan, etc. Ulli Beier witnessed resistant women bringing grasping men to their knees in Ede in 1955. He recollects this in his piece, ‘The Position of Yoruba Women’. Ulli Beier writes: “The women who sell ògì, a food prepared from ground maize, must bring their maize to the mill owners for grinding. These mill owners are men. Now the women began to complain that the charge of the men was too high to allow them sufficient profit on the sale of ògì. The Iyalode then made representations to the mill owners, demanding a lower price for the grinding. The men refused at first, then tried to bargain. The Iyalode, however, called out all ògì sellers on strike. The women then began to grind the corn by hand and after a week, the mill owners surrendered unconditionally” (Beier, 1955:40).

Women in any Yoruba society would do exactly what those who have long departed did in Ede in 1955.

Ilorin Dadakuada musician, Odolaye Aremu, in his album, Olówe Mòwe, characterised the immediate past Iyalode of Ibadan, Alhaja Aminatu Abiodun, as a man: “Wón pè é l’óbìnrin ní/ohun t’ólókó nse ló nse (They call her a woman but she does what those who have penises do).” Long before Abiodun, there was Madam Efunroye Tinubu whose activism straddled business and politics in Lagos, Badagry and Abeokuta. In Lagos of the early mid-1880s, she was with Oba Adele I whom she married and lived with. Then Adele died, there was a problem in Lagos, she went on exile to Badagry. From exile in Badagry, she led the push that ousted Oba Kosoko and re-installed Adele’s younger brother, Akintoye, and reigned with him. She shared the throne with Oba Dosumu, Akintoye’s first son, and with it ruled the business world of Lagos.

While doing all these, Madam Tinubu ensured that her activism broth had a large dose of nationalist condiments. Oladipo Yemitan wrote Efunroye’s biography and gave it the title: ‘Madam Tinubu: Merchant and Kingmaker’. In that book, the biographer notes that though Tinubu was overbearing in her dealings with Dosumu, one of the obas she dealt with in Lagos, “her pre-emptory orders had a nationalistic undertone: She did not want the oba to be dominated by foreigners” (Yemitan, 1987:38). Madam Tinubu organised resistant actions against Europeans in Lagos seeking their expulsion from the land. On one occasion, a major uprising against foreign ‘rule’ ensued under her instigation. “Several meetings were held in her house by the dissidents. So efficient was her organizing machinery that this uprising nearly succeeded…”, Yemitan wrote. At a point, the white man felt her cup was full. She was deported back to her hometown, Abeokuta.

The zenith of Madam Tinubu’s activism was her becoming the Iyalode of Egba, the number one woman in Abeokuta. In Abeokuta, she remained a major force in politics and business. Marjorie Mclntosh in her ‘Yoruba Women, Work and Social Change’ (2009: 137) wrote that when the Dahomeys attacked Abeokuta in 1864, Efunroye Tinubu “was a key figure in organizing the defence of Egbaland and securing the enemies’ defeat.” Her biographer, Yemitan (page 47) wrote: “The women’s war-cry – ‘Elele-múlele’ – meaning: let everyone reach for his machete – was a slogan coined by Madam Tinubu on that occasion. She moved from quarter to quarter in Abeokuta rousing up women for concerted action.”

On that incident, Saburi Biobaku, in his ‘Egba and Their Neighbours’ (1957: 38) wrote about Tinubu: “Her compound was converted into a veritable arsenal from which arms and ammunition were issued to the Egba forces on their way to the front: Then she took up a position at Aro gate, nearer the front, at which the wounded were nursed by her and her female associates, where soldiers whose powder had exhausted in battle replenished their store and from which any would-be deserters were sent back with a renewed determination to fight the Dahomey and save the Egba metropolis from destruction.”

At about the time Madam Tinubu reigned in Lagos, in Badagry and, later, in Abeokuta, another Egba woman activist was in charge in Ibadan putting the men there in their proper place. She was Madam Efunsetan Aniwura (c. 1790-1874). Like Tinubu, Madam Aniwura was the Iyalode of Ibadan. Historians credit her with uncommon entrepreneurial ability, enormous wealth and man-like bravery. Efunsetan’s activism saw her challenging the power structure of Ibadan which was effectively in the firm grips of her male counterparts. She was assertive and daring, and would be called, in today’s parlance, a feminist who queried lords and troops and the incessant disruptive wars they fought, hurtful to women and their trade, injurious to children and their growth.

Akinwumi Ishola, who wrote ‘Efunsetan Aniwura: Iyalode Ibadan’ (1981), a very negative play on this woman, would later describe her as a positive force in the evolution of Ibadan as a metropolis. In an interview in The Punch of 16 November, 2013, Akinwumi Isola said: “I was very young with little education when I wrote the book. If I were to write it today, it would be different. Efunsetan can be described as a woman fighting for the rights of womenfolk. She could be described as a woman rights activist. She is not as tough as I portrayed her.”

In ‘Iyalode Efunsetan Aniwura (Owner of Gold)’, Bolanle Awe describes Efunsetan as a very ‘independent-minded’ and outspoken woman who was not afraid to criticise Aare Latoosa and his other chiefs. Very importantly, Awe says she was a woman who was strong enough to openly oppose Ibadan war chiefs’ constant wars. “She realized that the condition of almost continuous warfare disrupted her own and other people’s trading. She therefore became the spokesperson for a group of chiefs who were opposed to the aggressive policy of the leading war captain. For the expedition launched in 1874, she refused to field any soldiers, give ammunition on credit, or demonstrate her solidarity by meeting with the chiefs at the town gate” (McIntosh, 2009: 139).

If we want more on contemporary activism of the Yoruba woman, I think we should read about the Nigerian General Strike of 1945. We should read how Yoruba market women took the lead in giving moral and logistic support to the striking workers: “The workers found support among the women community especially market women headed by Madam Alimotu Pelewura… The women traders deliberately lowered their prices to enable workers purchase available foodstuffs apart from contributing generously to the workers Relief Fund. Madam Adunni Oluwole in particular donated 100 pounds to assist the workers”. That quote is from Wale Oyemakinde’s ‘The Nigerian General Strike of 1945’, published in 1975. Check page 704.

Rebellion or resistance; strifes and wars are usually preceded by songs (of abuse). Among the Yoruba, songs or even drama can be channels of resistance – and of change. Akinwumi Isola in his ‘The African Writer’s Tongue’ (1992) tells a story: “An aggrieved king tried in vain to punish an oral artist who had caricatured his lawless messengers. The masquerade was Agborako at Oyo, and the king was Alaafin Ladigbolu (1911-1944). When the king’s messengers, usually identified by the single tuft of hair in the center of their heads, became intolerably cruel in the execution of their duties, Agborako (the masquerade) organized a performance that criticized the king’s lack of control over his messengers. Members of Agborako imitated the customary hair style of the king’s messengers and dramatized examples of their lawless behavior. The king was furious! He immediately ordered the arrest of Agborako! But the arrest stirred up considerable anger among the people, who participated in a huge demonstration demanding the immediate release of the masquerade singers. At this point, the king was reminded of the rule: ‘Oba ki i p’okorin’ (The king never kills an artiste). Agborako was released.”

The story of Hubert Ogunde is well known to members of my generation. The generation before ours experienced his trail-blazing exploits in the decade before independence. In 1945, Ogunde came out smoking with an opera titled ‘Strike and Hunger.’ Oliver Coates (2017) wrote a descriptive piece on that play. He says the play “provides a unique opportunity to examine the ways in which late colonial politics were reimagined in drama.” The play was inspired by the 1945 General Strike in Lagos and “offers an allegorical dramatization of the events”. Recalcitrant Ogunde and his theatre company had considerable problems with the government over that product. The company was banned in Jos in 1946 and fined 125 pounds for staging ‘Strike and Hunger’. The Ogunde Theatre was again banned in Kano in May 1950 for staging another of his plays, ‘Bread and Bullet’. In addition to the ban, he was arrested and charged with sedition. He was discharged of that count but fined six pounds “for posting posters of the play without permission.” Ebun Clark’s ‘Hurbert Ogunde: The Making of Nigerian Theatre’ (1979) which contains accounts of those incidents also has other details of the activities of this activist artiste. Tunde Kelani’s ‘Saworoide’ (1999) and its sequel, ‘Agogo Eewo’ (2002), continue the Ogunde tradition of using drama as a vehicle for social commentary and activism.

I started this piece with the story of an oba and an activist drummer. I have also quoted Professor Akinwumi Isola’s recollection of a communal resistance to an oba who ordered the arrest of a masquerade. Both incidents tell us that the oba is in reality not above the law – although he is greeted Kabiyesi, a salutation which mocks the invincibility of the unwary.

An oba’s behaviour must not endanger the community. If it does, he will pay. In a proverb, the Yoruba found an oba involved in money ritual. His exasperated people rose against him and asked why! Is there any other position bigger than the throne in a kingdom? They queried and chastised the oba: “Do you want to become God?” Won fi o j’oba, o tun nw’awure, se o fe d’Olodumare ni? Deeper into history, no oba who misbehaved escaped justice at the hands of their subjects. Samuel Johnson, author of ‘The History of the Yorubas’ (1921), has a long list of such obas. He calls them the wicked kings. He also remembers to tell what became of them:

Alaafin Ojigi reigned a long time ago. Some accounts say he was the eighth Alaafin of Oyo. He was a good, effective king but he lost his throne and his everything to the excesses of his crown prince. This is how Johnson (1921: 206-207) tells the story: “Ojigi, who was elected to the vacant throne, was a powerful and warlike king…Personally, he was a very good man, but a too indulgent father. The Aremo (crown prince) by his cruelties and excesses brought about the father’s rejection and death. He ordered Oluke, the Basorun’s son, to be unlawfully beaten. As this wrong could not be avenged without serious consequences, and as the king did not punish the wrong doer, it was thought more expeditious to effect the king’s death, for about this time the custom began to prevail for the Aremos to die with the father, as they enjoy unrestrained liberty with the father. A pretext was soon found for rejecting the king and fond father, and consequently he died, and his eldest son with him.” That Alaafin did well running the empire but did not do well running his home.

That king’s immediate predecessor, Osinyago, suffered a similar fate. He had an Aremo who died young because, according to Johnson, “he was of a grasping propensity…like his father, an avaricious man who by exactions, massacre and confiscations amassed wealth which he did not live long to enjoy.” This king lost all when his second child, a lady “of masculine character” out of envy and “wounded pride”, slew the son of a commoner. The king had to die, his family with him (Johnson, 1921: 205).

One more example from the same Oyo. It is said that one of the early kings, Oba Jayin, killed himself before he was publicly disgraced by an Egungun for murdering his own son whose sin was that he was a better person in character. And, so, the people sang: “O ku dede k’a ko’wi w’Akesan, Oba Jayin te’ri gb’aso.” (Johnson, 1921 [2017]: 202-203).

There is also Yoruba praise names or praise chants, oriki. Karin Barber, an authority says an individual’s oríki is the standard unit that “refers to qualities of character or physical appearance” of someone. She says sometimes the oriki refers “to incidents in the subject’s life – often apparently trivial or even scandalous.” In Adeboye Babalola’s ‘Awon Oriki Orile Metadinlogbon’ I find these verses in ‘Oriki Iran Olofa’:

“Won l’Omo òtòsi Ộfa, wáá lo sódò lo rèé ponmi wa,
K’ómo olówó o ri mu…

Omo òtosi Ộfa

Ò lóun ò ní i lọ sódò lo rèé pọnmi wa, k’ómo olówó ó ri mu.

A fọn ộn kò dún.

A tè é ko ya’nu.

Ộrò d’ilé Abiódún Oba Aláafin…”
(They told the child of the poor to go to the stream and fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. The child of the poor said no, he would not go to the stream to fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. There was trouble. The matter was taken to the palace of Abiodun, Alaafin of Oyo. Alaafin asked the child of the poor to go and enjoy his life in peace).

The above explains the Yoruba ideal of equality and justice: “Ibi ko ju’bi; bi a ti bi eru ni a bi omo (birth pangs are the same; a slave has the same privilege of birth as the freeborn).”

I was the lead paper presenter at a major conference on ‘Yoruba Activisms’ which was held at the Lead City University, Ibadan, between Monday and Wednesday last week. There were 247 presentations; participants were drawn from across this ccountry and from countries abroad. What you have read so far here is a reworked excerpt from the paper I presented at that conference. The drummer story was my opening glee.

Parrot is bird of the sea; cardinal is bird of the Lagoon. I wrote the above and have read it all over again. My conclusion is that if you have a Yoruba as your president, do not seek to overwhelm him without good planning. He will fight back and will not take prisoners. Also, if a president has the Yoruba as his subjects, he should not take them for granted. If he is a leader who shoots his arrow towards the sky and covers his own head with a mortar, the Yoruba will gasp at his wickedness; the resistance in their gene will come to the fore. They will light their torch of fire and beam it into the face of that masquerade. And if he is of their house, it won’t gel to suggest bastardy as reason for their telling ‘their brother’ that his regime is painful. If they can’t hit the streets in open confrontation, they will migrate away from the unfeeling without the drama of a noisy rejection.

Àbò mi rèé o. I have said my own.

Chelsea FC currently holds the largest squad in the English Premier League, boasting a total of 55 players.

Chelsea signed Wolves forward Neto for £54m on Sunday, taking them to 11 summer signings with an average age of under 21.

Since June 14, the club has spent £185 million, bringing their squad to over 50 senior players. While the London club is actively trying to offload some players, the approaching transfer window deadline leaves the team’s future composition uncertain.

Here’s a full list of all 55 players in Chelsea’s squad:

Goalkeepers (8) 

Filip Jorgensen, 22, signed for £21m; Robert Sanchez, 26, £25m; Djordje Petrovic, 24, £14m (available on loan); Kepa Arrizabalaga, 29, £72m* (for sale); Marcus Bettinelli, 32, free*; Mike Penders, 19, £17m (on loan) not yet confirmed; Gabriel Slonina, 20, £9m (available on loan); Lucas Bergstrom, 21, undisclosed* (for sale/loan).

Full-backs (7)

Reece James, right, 24, academy; Marc Cucurella, left, 26, £62m; Ben Chilwell, left, 27, £45m*; Renato Veiga, left, 12, £12m; Malo Gusto, 21, right, £30m; Josh Acheampong, right, 18, academy; Caleb Wiley, left, 19, £9m (on loan).

Centre-backs (9)

Axel Disasi, 26, £39m; Wesley Fofana, 23, £75m; Levi Colwill, 21, academy; Tosin Adarabioyo, 26, free; Benoit Badiashile, 23, £33m; Trevoh Chalobah, 25, academy (for sale); Aaron Anselmino, 19, £16 (on loan); Alfie Gilchrist, 20, academy (on loan); Bashir Humphreys, 21, academy (for sale/loan).

Midfielders (15)

Enzo Fernandez, 23, £107m; Moises Caicedo, 22, £115m; Christopher Nkunku, 26, £52m; Omari Kellyman, 19, £19m; Cesare Casadei, 21, £17m; Lesley Ugochukwu, 20, £23m; Kiernan Dewsbury-Hall, 25, £30m; Romeo Lavia, 20, £53m; Carney Chukwuemeka, 20, £20m; Tino Anjorin, 22, academy (available for sale/loan); Andrey Santos, 20, £18m (on loan); Kendry Paez, 17, £17m (on loan); Alex Matos, 19, free; Jimi Tauriainen, 20, undisclosed* (available on loan); Leo Castledine, 18, academy (available on loan).

Wingers (9)

Mykhailo Mudryk, left, 23, £89m; Raheem Sterling, left, 29, £48m; Pedro Neto, left, 24, £54m; Cole Palmer, right, 22, £43m; Noni Madueke, right, 22, £29m; Estaevo Willian, right, 17, £51m (on loan); Angelo Gabriel, right, 19, £13m (available on loan); Harvey Vale, 20, academy (for sale/loan); Diego Moreira, 20, free.

Strikers (7)

Romelu Lukaku, 31, £100m*; Nicolas Jackson, 23, £32m; David Datro Fofana, 21, £11m (for sale); Deivid Washington, 19, £17m; Marc Guiu, 18, £5m; Mason Burstow, 21, £1.5m* (for sale/loan); Armando Broja, 22, academy (for sale).

Total, including loanees: 55

[TheNation]