Protests become legitimate means of social expression when they are structured in such a way that their objectives revolve around the desire to effect useful, and positive, interventions in the society. They may take the form of written correspondence, verbalized and non-violent submissions, or physical displays of discontent; including street matches and the display of placards with inscriptions depicting the issues in contention.

Now, that is different from a riot, wherein aggravated misconduct is the norm; very often with no higher social purpose in view. Most riots are characterized by deeds of madness, with no clear objectives beyond the general and specific acts of vandalism that could acquire a life of their own if unchecked. Even when they are checked, riots are what they are: riots. Unstructured, self-defeating and sometimes driven by that can best be described as motiveless malignity.

The protests of the last week here in Nigeria were no riots in most places. No! But they were taken advantage of by different species of highwaymen, and also highway-children, in some northern states, who set about looting whatever they could lay their hands on. Which is hardly surprising, given the amount of hunger, privation and insecurity in the land.

But let us get real! This nation was born in protest, or even as a protest.

It was the long-drawn “protests” our our founding fathers, in written addresses, in several constitutional conferences and some other means, that eventually birthed an allegedly independent Nigerian in 1960. Just as sceptics had their doubts about the sincerity of the colonialists when they promised us independence, many reasonable Nigerians also doubted the sincerity of the military whenever a ruling junta announced plans to return the nation to civil rule.

Even more sceptics looked on with grave misgivings at the protracted military rule that began in the unconvinced that it was serious when it “threatened” to birth a democratically elected government. Twenty-five years later, and despite the apparent shortcoming, we are making progress; willy nilly if you will. And that progress has more elements of suffering, misgovernment, lack of intraparty cohesion and the absence of a memorable ideological focus from the political class.

As was observed here not too long ago: “Our progress is coming through bitter, mind boggling, morally disorienting and psychologically devastating lessons. The lessons are apparently unscripted, and the teachers are teaching away without Lesson Notes and conventional teaching certificates. And they are exacting and merciless – these teachers. The names of the teachers include the following: (1) Dishonest politicians, (2) Broken promises, (3) The consequences of citizen gullibility, (4) The results of supporting the wrong candidates, (5) The progressive denudation of the capacities of our national defense and security forces, and (6) The increasing inability of the ruling elite to protect itself from its own depredations”.

As was further observed, “President Obasanjo, coming in as the first to hoist the flag of democratic rule after the military, was a quasi-military-civilian president. He did his best to craft good policies and establish institutions that would aid good governance… Presidents Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari were the circumstantial by-products of a system of elite myopia that had prevailed in the land for over 50 years. They were not entirely responsible for the problems they inherited. Their parties, the PDP the APC, were, again, not entirely responsible for everything that went wrong with Nigeria under their watch.

The Nigerian State was taken hostage long ago. For over 50 years now, many powerful individuals and groups have succeeded in pushing personal and limited group interests into the front row of national consciousness; such that, today, 25 years into a now-unsettling experience with a fledgling democracy, we are not sure where we really are as a nation. Those whose interests are at variance with wider and deeper national interests have become the real enemies of Nigeria. They may well have actually constituted themselves into a team of highway men and women who waylay everything that could rescue Nigeria and consolidate our current democratic experiment.

Protests are coming and going, because our “25 years old democracy is being bombarded from all sides by (1) A fundamentally distorted eldership recruitment process, (2) Skewed values, (3) A largely dysfunctional educational system, (4) A flawed national psyche and (5) A youth bulge that is increasingly becoming the biggest unaddressed national crisis. With every passing day, these problems morph into new, and self-replicating, societal challenges”.

The Nzeogwu coup d’état of January 1966, and the counter coup that came some six moths later, set the tone for much of the paralyzing elite impunity that we are living with today. Hell was let loose on Nigeria and Nigerians by that military intervention. This initial coup, and the subsequent ‘retaliatory’ one, banished the nation’s true leaders from the political and leadership playing field”. They lived in silent protest for over a decade.

“The ‘replacement generation’ for the founding fathers and leaders of Nigeria, whom they were grooming along ideological lines for the propagation of specific ideological norms, stagnated for 12 years, until 1979. Zik, Awo and Aminu Kano, who would since have given way to the likes of Tafawa Balewa, Michael Okpara, Bola Ige and others before 1979.

The backlog of two generations of leaders, who were left unfulfilled by the military interventions, did not exercise and fulfil their calling. The petulant idealism and uninformed exuberance of the groups of coup makers trampled upon traditional rulers, traditional values, and almost every other thing that was generally respected as instruments for social control”. So, it has all been series of voiced and unvoiced and unclear protests at every turn.

The many institutional, sociopolitical and axiological problems plaguing the nation today, and which have plagued it for over 50 years now, got all the fillip they needed from the actions and inactions of the past. We got a deluge of prematurely retired military officers within a span of 20 years, precisely because of the negative dynamics of coup making in Nigeria. Many such retired military personnel became frustrated and unfulfilled professionals because of the new character of the Nigerian state after the 1966 military coups. Without intending it, many of them ended up being pushed into areas they would never have contemplated. And their new trajectories naturally elicited protests.

The point was also made here that: “Our nascent 25 years old democracy has thrown up leaders with sudden stupendous wealth from questionable sources. Their wealth has mostly impacted their immediate and extended families, of less than 15 persons, and a few friends. Their local communities, members of their religious congregations, most of their friends and even members of their extended families know how poor or rich they were a few years before they went into politics. The priests, traditional rulers and other supposed custodians of public conscience ask no questions”.

Is this new reality not markedly different from the profile of our very first set of leaders, including traditional rulers, religious leaders, district and village heads, uncles and aunt? Does anyone still ask another the sources of any sudden? Not at all.

Now that the decades-long effects of the overlooked fundamentals of true patriotism and nationhood have caught up with us, we are looking at the immediate causes of problems that have shockingly remote and well-nourished roots.

When Nigeria threw away the chance to rise from the ashes in the name of true democracy in 1993, protests erupted. The voters were sure of the expected outcomes; so, the protests were grounded in some measure of logic. Even then: rioters also poured out in their dozens here and there to take advantage of the situation and make a quick haul through opportunistic criminality.

Yes, riots may accompany protests, not as part of the plans of the protesters. This singular fact makes it imperative that the reasons for he recent national protests are not swept under the carpet because of the misconduct of some equally aggrieved Nigerians who are simply driven by hunger, poverty and lack of survival skills to see any security lapse as their means of livelihood. The lesson from the protests is this: The Federal Government should take a dep look at the hunger in the land and review the impact of the measures he has so far take n to alleviate it.

There should be a rededication to the pursuit of our long-term national interests, so that our young, and reborn, democracy is not asphyxiated by the overwhelming evidence of insensitivity and leadership irresponsibility at all levels of government; especially at the sub-national, level

The security challenges threatening the nation today fuels declining national productivity. Farming communities are being displaced; eve as refugee camps are springing up anew in many places. Can this be right? I think not. Add to the foregoing the historically unparalleled grand larceny in the form of institutional and personal corrupt practices. What does it all portend?

If we count our gains of the last 25 years, they would be found more in the areas of suffering for refusing to learn from our past mistakes. “A lot, in terms of the lessons of life. There are more to lessons to learn, and the teachers are lined up to deliver them; until we come to our senses. Tottering, wobbling and flip flopping, we are being taken on a path of growth which many great nations of today have gone through. It is not yet time for the ideal, because the profane is still tolerated and celebrated. But a time will come when that will also not be possible”.

Yes, the protests are justified. But the purpose would be lost if it only ends as a media event. The specific demands of the protesters should be addressed in a comprehensive and convincing manner.

QUOTE

“Our nascent 25 years old democracy has thrown up leaders with sudden stupendous wealth from questionable sources. Their wealth has mostly impacted their immediate and extended families, of less than 15 persons, and a few friends. Their local communities, members of their religious congregations, most of their friends and even members of their extended families know how poor or rich they were a few years before they went into politics. The priests, traditional rulers and other supposed custodians of public conscience ask no questions”.

The 10-day nationwide #EndBadGovernance protests that end today, known by the   reduplicative compound “Zanga-Zanga” in Hausaphone northern Nigeria, have ruptured the coalition that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu managed to build with a portion of the northern Muslim political establishment since 2014, which put Muhammadu Buhari in power in 2015 and 2019 and him in 2023.

But this Zanga-Zanga-inspired rupture also reveals the initial precarity and fragility of the strange-bedfellows coalition. Buhari and Tinubu were previously fierce political adversaries who distrusted each other’s motives and undermined each other. Their alliance was more accurately a political scaffold that papered over their contradictions for a temporary gain, which was the ouster of Goodluck Jonathan from power.

Tinubu’s associates and acolytes in the Southwest, who said they protected Buhari from revolt in their region even when he bungled governance with uncommon ineptitude, are understandably miffed at the rawness, fierce intensity, and undiluted anti-Tinubu fervor of the protests in northern Nigeria.

They are wondering why Buhari, his associates, and even the APC establishment in the North didn’t return the favor. The answers are obvious, but people in power are often blind to the obvious, especially if the obvious is disquieting.

First, Buhari and his supporters know that the Tinubu group, which had a tight leash on the Southwest political space, didn’t protect Buhari from the consequences of his infernal incompetence out of any high-minded considerations. They did so because they needed power after Buhari’s term in office. It was unvarnished calculative opportunism.

Since Buhari’s people have no expectation of any kind of requital from Tinubu, like Tinubu did from them, they felt no obligation to protect or explain away Tinubu’s own hard-hearted incompetence. The chase often stops after a conquest. Men who woo women can relate to this sentiment.

Second, the misery that Tinubu’s simultaneous policies of never-before-seen astronomical petrol price increase and devaluation of the naira unleashed on the country are felt more deeply in the North than in any part of the country because of the preexisting multidimensional poverty in the region and the pervading insecurity that makes farming almost impossible.

Money is now both hard to find and worthless when it is found, and food is both hard to find and unaffordable when it is found. That is an unprecedentedly profound, not to mention unsurvivable, existential torment.

Two days after the #EndBadGovernance protests started, I told someone that many people in the North have been rendered so desolate, so destitute, and so despondent by the economic crunch that they are looking to cash in on the protests to commit suicide by police bullets because Islam forbids suicide.

Islam teaches that committing suicide guarantees an unfettered passage to the hottest depths of hellfire in the hereafter. I said many people who couldn’t survive the pain and humiliation of perpetual hunger might tempt security forces to shoot them so they could end it all and not fear that they would provoke the wrath of their Creator for committing suicide.

Of course, this is twisted thinking because a famous hadith, which every Muslim who took Islamic Studies in secondary school knows, says “Actions shall be judged according to intention.”

Well, my predictions turned out to be accurate. A friend shared a video of scores of protesters in a northern city chanting, “da yunwa ta kashe mu, da ma bullet ya kashe mu" (rough translation: "Instead of dying of hunger, we would rather be killed by a bullet”) as they confronted gun-wielding military and police officers.

There is also the viral video of protesters bursting into the Zamfara State Government House in Gusau and defying, even daring, menacing, gun-toting soldiers who tried to stop them. Several such scenes have been replicated throughout the North.

The mistake the government is making is to dismiss the protests as entirely politically motivated. They are not. Even if they wanted, Buhari and his associates couldn’t stop the protests both because the shelf life of Buhari’s “magic” has expired (his own house was besieged in Daura, and he had been pelted with stones while he was in power in cities like Kano and Maiduguri where he had been idolized) and because the extent of anguish people are going through now is unappeasable.

Apart from the usual criminals of opportunity (who exploit every unrest to steal and destroy), the vast majority of protesters think their only hope of living is to risk death and push back at policies that kill them slowly but surely. You can’t persuade people who have nothing to lose by dying.

That was why American author Dan Groat pointed out in his 2014 book titled In Monarchs and Mendicants, “Not interested in scarin’ anybody, but people with good sense are afraid of a man with nothin’ to lose.” Lance Conrad echoed this in his book The Price of Nobility when he said, “Only a fool would underestimate a man with nothing to lose.” 

People who weren’t exempt from the rage of protesters can’t stop protesters from protesting.

The self-inflicted attenuation of Tinubu’s political capital in the North plays into the old debate in the Southwest about the best coalitional strategy to attain and retain power for the Yoruba. 

The Chief Obafemi Awolowo strategy, which Afenifere still believes in, sees the Muslim North as a competitor and not an ally. The Awo strategy for getting power is to build an alliance between the entire South and Northern Christians.

But the Chief Ladoke Akintola template sees the Muslim North as a strategic partner in light of the deep historical and cultural ties that bind Yoruba people and several linguistic, ethnic, and cultural groups in the Muslim North, such as Borgu, Nupe, Igala, and Hausa people. (Read my October 9, 2021, column titled “Arewa and Oduduwa More Alike than Unlike.”) This is hardly surprising because even though Akintola was a Christian, he was from Ogbomoso whose traditional ruler traces ancestral roots to Borgu.

Chief MKO Abiola—and now President Tinubu—subscribe to the Akintola template. Abiola was briefly vindicated when he won the June 12, 1993, presidential election with enormous support from the North, including Kano, his opponent’s home state.

But the revocation of his epochal electoral triumph by a Northern military head of state—and the decidedly ethnic and regional character the fight for and the opposition to his mandate later took—appeared to justify the distrust of the Muslim North by the Awo group, which nonetheless gave full-throated support to Abiola to reclaim his mandate.

Tinubu, undeterred by Abiola’s experience, reinvented the Akintola template. It’s as if he wanted to prove that he could tread the same path and get to the destination that Abiola couldn’t get to. That must be why he called his presidential bid “Renewed Hope.” Abiola’s was “Hope.” Like Abiola, he chose a Muslim running mate. And, like Abiola, his running mate is a Kanuri man from Borno.

With the Muslim North now souring on him only one year into his first term and the unlikelihood of his ever recovering whatever goodwill he had from the region if he continues with his economic policies that push people to the brink of the existential precipice, the Awo/Afenifere group may be having the last laugh.

So, what should he do? The best option is to discard the IMF/World Bank neoliberal policies he’s enamored with (which have never worked anywhere in the world) and embrace Awolowo’s welfarist capitalist template of governance that puts the development and wellbeing of people at the center of policies. That may restore his goodwill with the North—and even earn him more support elsewhere.

The other options are non-starters, but I’ll mention them anyway. Like Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who won his first term with the support of the Muslim North, but who later used the Awo/Afenifere template to get a second term, Tinubu can court the Christian North and galvanize the South. Goodluck Jonathan used this template in 2011 and won.

The problem is that if Peter Obi runs in 2027, and I don’t see any reason why he won’t, Tinubu won’t be able to galvanize the South into a unified voting bloc. And, although the worst fears of his Muslim-Muslim ticket among Christians haven’t materialized, northern Christians are unlikely to embrace him wholeheartedly, however hard he tries to woo them.

In other words, Tinubu is cooked, as Gen Zs say. Anything short of bringing down the cost of petrol, restoring the value of the naira, and making everyday things affordable will doom Tinubu’s first term and deny him a second term because he is now effectively a political orphan. 

Botswana recently marked a significant moment in its sporting history by declaring a public holiday to honor Letsile Tebogo, who clinched a gold medal at the ongoing Paris Olympics. As the nation celebrates this extraordinary talent, it is worth exploring the broader implications of such an event through the lens of Victor Vroom's Expectancy Theory. This psychological framework highlights the interplay of motivation, expectation, and outcomes in driving behavior, providing valuable insights into the impact of this declaration on both individual and national levels.

For the sake of clarity, Victor Vroom's Expectancy Theory, developed in the 1960s, posits that individuals are motivated to act in a certain way based on three key components: expectancy, instrumentality, and valence.

This refers to an individual's belief that their effort will lead to the desired performance. In the context of Tebogo’s victory, young athletes in Botswana may perceive that hard work and dedication can lead to similar success, encouraging them to commit to their training and sporting aspirations.

In a similar vein, the component of instrumentality is the belief that successful performance will result in specific outcomes, such as rewards or recognition. The declaration of a public holiday serves as a strong signal that exceptional performance, like Tebogo’s, is not only acknowledged but celebrated at a national level, enhancing the perceived value of hard work in sports.

Analyzed from the perspective of the component of Valence, the value an individual places on the rewards they receive after successful completion of a task comes into play. The enthusiasm surrounding Tebogo’s achievements can enhance the allure of pursuing athletics, as the public holiday reflects societal appreciation for sporting success, making it more appealing to young athletes.

Botswana's decision to create a public holiday in honor of Letsile Tebogo can be interpreted as a strategic motivational tool that impacts various stakeholders, including aspiring athletes, the sports community, and the nation as a whole.

By recognizing Tebogo’s accomplishments with a public holiday, the government can inspire future generations of athletes. Young individuals observing the high regard in which sporting achievements are held may feel a stronger sense of motivation to engage in athletics. The belief that their efforts can have tangible rewards fosters an environment where young talent can thrive, thus nurturing a culture of athletic excellence.

In conjunction with inspiring young athletes, the public holiday serves to strengthen national identity. Letting citizens take pride in a shared success fosters a sense of unity. Under Vroom’s theory, this collective recognition bolsters the expectancy among individuals that participating in sports can lead to outcomes that benefit not just the person but society as a whole. When citizens see their nation honoring its heroes, it enhances the valence of achievement in that field.

In fact, the public holiday declaration also promotes a culture of excellence within Botswana. It sends a clear message that achieving high standards in athletics (or any field) is both attainable and worthy of national celebration. That expectation can encourage a competitive environment, resulting in a rise in the number of athletes striving for greatness, who believe that their talent can be recognized in similar ways.

At this juncture, it is germane to opine that Botswana’s dedication of a public holiday to honor Letsile Tebogo illuminates the interplay between motivation and recognition through the framework established by Victor Vroom’s Expectancy Theory. By celebrating high achievement, the country not only recognizes individual talent but also cultivates a culture that values effort, commitment, and national pride. The holiday is more than just a day off; it symbolizes an investment in the country’s future, motivating generations to strive for excellence and embodying the hopes and aspirations of a nation united through sport. As citizens reflect on this moment, they may find inspiration to pursue their dreams, knowing that their efforts can lead to recognition and societal acclaim.

Without a doubt, motivating the youth is crucial for the holistic development of any nation, and Nigeria stands at a pivotal moment to harness this potential. The accolade given to Letsile, serves as a prime example of how honoring young achievers can inspire a generation. By recognizing the accomplishments of our youth, we not only celebrate individual excellence but also foster a culture of ambition that encourages others to strive for greatness. A well-structured system of awards can galvanize young Nigerians to pursue their passions, whether in sports, science, arts, or entrepreneurship.

Honoring young achievers with attractive and motivational awards sends a powerful message that their efforts and aspirations are valued and celebrated. It can range from scholarships and financial grants to public recognition and mentorship opportunities. Such initiatives can evoke a sense of pride and ownership among the youth, motivating them to set high standards for themselves while contributing positively to society. When young people see their peers being celebrated for their hard work and dedication, it ignites a spirit of competition and encourages them to dream bigger and work harder towards achieving their goals.

Moreover, these awards can play a significant role in building a narrative of positivity and hope amidst the challenges facing Nigeria. By investing in the dreams and achievements of the youth, the country can create a ripple effect that not only boosts individual morale but also promotes national unity and progress. Recognizing young talents cultivates a robust future generation equipped with the skills, creativity, and drive necessary for nation-building. Therefore, it is imperative for Nigeria to implement a comprehensive strategy that consistently honors and motivates its youth, ensuring that they feel supported and empowered to make their mark on both the national and global stage.

1.The entire 1981 Class of the Nigeria Law School (81 Setters) felicitates with your Lordship, Hon. Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, CJN, GCON,on your graceful retirement as the 19th Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN).

2.We are very proud of your Lordship’s remarkable achievements and exemplary leadership of the Nigerian Judiciary as the Chief Justice of Nigeria ( CJN) in the past two years. You are a worthy Ambassador of our Class and we all take collective pride in the fact that you are one of us.

3.Right from our days back at the Victoria Island, Lagos Campus of the Nigeria Law School, you had left no one in doubt that you were destined for the topmost echelon of the legal profession through the judiciary.Your dedication to duty, maturity, integrity and focus have always defined you.

As a State Counsel in the Oyo State Ministry of Justice, you distinguished yourself by your industry and diligence. In the High Court of Oyo State, your Lordship succeeded in laying the foundation for a sterling judicial career as a brilliant and incorruptible Judge. At the Court of Appeal, your Lordship exemplified the excellent virtues of an outstanding Justice whose primary concern was nothing but the doing of justice to all manners of people,irrespective of tribe, gender,station in life,religion or language.

Your Lordship’s elevation to the Supreme Court in 2011 therefore did not come to us as a surprise, for it was a further confirmation of your track record as a trailblazer. Our Class was therefore delighted when your Lordship was appointed the Chief Justice of Nigeria in 2022, a position that was richly earned. In the short span of just two remarkable years in the saddle, your administration as the Chief Justice of Nigeria was action-packed, reformative, innovative, and eventful.

As your Lordship takes a well deserved bow on your retirement from the Bench as prescribed by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, we are proud of the fact that you are leaving behind a stronger Judiciary, a united Supreme Court and a well-funded Bench. The passage of the Bill for an Act to Prescribe the Salaries, Allowances and Fringe Benefits of Judicial Office Holders in Nigeria and for Related Matters, the enactment of the Supreme Court Rules, 2024, the historical attainment of the full complement of 21 Justices for the Supreme Court, the landmark decisions of the apex court,and many more,all speak volumes of the evergreen legacies of your Lordship’s outstanding administration. There is no doubt that your leadership and commitment to justice have left an indelible mark on our nation’s legal landscape.

On behalf all all our 1981 Classmates.( 81 Setters), I congratulate your Lordship and I wish you a blissful retirement in good health and with peace that passeth all understanding.

Prof. Mike A.A. Ozekhome, SAN, CON,0 OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, MA,PhD, LL.D, D.Litt, D.Sc, DA,JD, DHL.

CHAIRMAN.

President Bola Tinubu extends his condolences to the family of Mr. Issa Hayatou, former President of the Confederation of African Football (CAF), who passed away at the age of 77 on Thursday.

Mr. Hayatou was also one-time acting President of FIFA -- the world's football governing body.

President Tinubu commiserates with the Cameroonian Football Federation, the people of Cameroon, and the African football community.

The President describes the passing of the legendary football administrator as a huge loss, underlining his contributions to the development of the sport in Africa and beyond.

The President prays for the repose of the soul of the departed and strength to his family at this difficult time.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

Not a few defenders of neoliberalism have criticised the judgment of the Federal High Court which has mandated the Federal Government to fix the prices of essential commodities in the country. The criticism of the judgment is based on the fact that Nigeria is a capitalist country. It is surprising that such critics are not aware that the leading capitalist countries in the world fix and regulate the prices of certain goods and products. According to Hugh Rockoff, governments in the United States “have fixed the price of gasoline, the rent on apartments in New York City, and the wage of unskilled labor, to name a few. At times, governments go beyond fixing specific prices and try to control the general level of prices, as was done in the United States during both world wars and the Korean War, and by the Nixon administration from 1971 to 1973.”

In response to the growing demand for rent control in the United Kingdom, the Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan said that: “Londoners re-elected me on a manifesto pledge to push for the powers to control rents and I will not stop advocating for this lifeline on their behalf. I am delivering on my promise to build a better, fairer and more prosperous London by building more affordable homes in the capital and providing vital support to Londoners through the cost-of-living crisis. It’s about time the Government did the same.”

Notwithstanding that Nigeria operates a so-called free market economy, several laws have imposed a duty on the Federal Government and State Governments to regulate the prices of fuel, tickets for train and  domestic air travels, schools fees paid in government colleges and tuition in tertiary institutions, water rates, electricity tariffs, telecom call rates, tolling fees paid by road users, land use charge, fees for land documentation, rents paid by tenants and wages paid to workers. The Federal Government has just set up a Wages Review Panel to recommend the minimum wage payable by the public and private sectors in the country.

The Federal Government fixes duties on goods imported into the country. The Nigeria Customs Service is legally obligated to collect such duties. However, the Government has decreed that import duties shalll not be paid in respect of certain goods and products, including all basic foods items, medical and pharmaceutical products,  books and educational materials, baby products, fertilizer, locally produced agricultural and veterinary medicine, farming machinery and farming transportation equipment, plant and machinery imported for use in the export processing zone.

Some private companies that are required to pay import duties running to several trillions of Naira are granted duty waivers by the Federal Government. Can the Federal Government allow the beneficiaries of duty waivers to fix the prices of the goods without control? ? Can the Federal Government equally allow the importers of duty free goods to fix the prices of such goods without regulation?

The Central Bank of Nigeria is legally obligated to

fix the exchange rate of the Naira visavis other currencies. Contrary to the letter and spirit of the Central Bank Act the federal government has continued to devalue the Naira through dollarisation. The federal government has also floated the currency to allow market forces to fix the exchange of the Naira. But the various circulars recently issued by the CBN, in the last few days, have confirmed that the federal government cannot afford to allow market forces alone to fix the exchange rate of the Naira.

Services provided by a number of professional bodies are fixed and controlled by law. For instance, any lawyer who fails to pay the annual practising fees shall be denied audience in courts. The Stamp and Seal (purchased from the Nigerian Bar Association) shall be affixed to all documents including court processes prepared by lawyers.  In addition, the 2023 Legal Practitioners Remuneration Order has fixed the professional fees charged by legal practitioners. Any lawyer who fails to comply with the Remuneration Order shall be sanctioned by the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee.

In view of the foregoing, the Order of the Federal High Court which has directed the Federal Government to control the prices of essential commodities in Nigeria is in accordance with section 16 (1)(b) of the Constitution which has imposed a legal obligation on the Government to control “the national economy in such manner as to secure the maximum welfare, freedom and happiness of every citizen on the basis of social justice and equality of status and opportunity.”

Last week, Vice President Kashim Shettima announced the plan of the Bola Tinubu administration to set up a Commodity Board which will be given the mandate to assess and regulate food prices, as well as maintain a strategic food reserve for stabilising prices of crucial grains and other food items. That’s the way to go if the poor in the society  are to “breathe” as the implementation of the reforms embarked upon by the Tinubu administration gather pace.

The plan is in accordance with the Fifth Alteration to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 which stipulates that the Government shall direct its policy towards ensuring the right to food and food security for the people. It is also a revival of the Commodity Boards that  were abolished as part of the conditionalities of the World Bank-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) that was imposed on Nigeria in 1986 by the General Ibrahim Babangida regime.

This is a welcome development as the official announcement comes after the federal high court in Lagos ordered the federal government on February 7, 2024, to fix the prices of goods and petroleum products within seven days. However, the Federal Government is urged to reduce the skyrocketing duties and tariffs on essential commodities that are imported into the country so as to make them cheap and affordable in line with the terms of the judgment of the Federal High Court.

Take It Back Movement, one of the key organizers of the EndBadGovernance nationwide protest, has scheduled Saturday for a one-million-man protest in all the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, FCT Abuja.

Mr Sanyaolu Juwon, National Coordinator of the movement, stated this in a statement on Thursday in Abuja.

He said, “the Take It Back Movement (TIB), side-by-side with other organizers and organizations will on August 10, lead a monumental one-million-man protest in each of the 36 states of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Abuja.

“This event will mark a critical juncture in our nationwide EndBadGovernanceInNigeria campaign, which began on August 1, 2024.

“It started as a planned 10-day protest but has evolved into a sustained and widespread movement, drawing participants from every corner of Nigeria and the diaspora.”

DAILY POST reports that the protest which aimed at drawing the attention of the governments at all levels to the hardship bedeviling the citizens, commenced on August 1 and is expected to end on Saturday, August 10.

Although the protest was hijacked by criminal elements, the exercise recorded large turnout across the country, especially in the northern states.

Despite the appeal by President Bola Tinubu in a nationwide broadcast on Sunday, asking the protesters to back down and give his administration more time, the protest had continued in Abuja, Kano and some other parts of the country.

[DailyPost]

As indicated here last week, the book, Peace Culture: A Monumental Evidence for Global Co-existence, written by Professor Ola Makinwa et al, will shine a light on our offering in this column today. Many have been badgering me on why I “ignored” the ongoing ten-day #EndBadGovernance protest rocking the country.

The protest, now in its eighth day, has not only become violent but also bloody and the security chiefs are still talking tough, meaning that it may even get bloodier in the coming days.

But it was a crisis foretold. Any discerning observer who witnessed the desperate manoeuvres of the government aimed at pulling the rug from under the feet of the protesters will know that in the event they went ahead with the protest, a mortified, albeit vindictive government will infiltrate the protest and ensure that it became violent in order to justify a bloody crackdown.

For a security architecture that clearly prioritises regime protection over and above the lives and properties of citizens, the brutalisation of people peacefully protesting over excruciatingly biting hunger didn’t come as a surprise.

Sadly, the security forces have not shown the same dexterity in dealing with the real enemies of Nigeria – non-state actors who have ensured that bona fide citizens are sacked from their ancestral homes and subjected to unimaginable indignity as refugees in their own country.

Professor Kingsley Moghalu was forced on Monday to lament that the police and other security agencies in Nigeria have an unfortunate mindset. “The Nigerian state has little regard for its citizens, political rhetoric aside,” he wrote on X.

Professor Wole Soyinka concurred when he, in reaction to President Bola Tinubu’s broadcast on Sunday, pointedly warned that: “The serving of bullets where bread is pleaded is ominous retrogression, and we know what that eventually proves – a prelude to far more desperate upheavals, not excluding revolutions.”

But what is going on is a true reflection of who Tinubu is: a civilian with an overdose of dictatorial reflexes antithetical to democratic norms. Tinubu and his political constituency take no prisoners. He brooks no opposition and has zero tolerance for criticism no matter how constructive. For him, governance is about state capture. So, Nigerians must brace up for the creeping fascism.

So, those who are calling for the arrest of people behind the satanic #IgboMustGo campaign, which demands the forced relocation of Ndigbo from Lagos and other South-West states, may well save themselves the agony of disappointment.

Why? Because the Tinubu government is behind the virulent campaign of calumny against Nidgbo. One of the briefs given to Bayo Onanuga as the Special Adviser on Information and Strategy to the President is the unremitting demonisation of the Igbo race. So, asking the same government to investigate and bring to book those behind the genocidal crusade is tantamount to asking the government to probe itself.

The insidious campaign is only but a sequel to Onanuga’s ethnic baiting gambit when he maliciously accused Peter Obi and by extension Ndigbo, his bête noire, of promoting the #EndBadGovernance protest. Not that there is anything wrong if Peter Obi champions protest against bad governance. But Onanuga lied knowing full well that the Labour Party presidential candidate in the 2023 election knew nothing about it. The security chiefs also knew that for a fact. Yet, without any shred of evidence, he went on the shameless voyage having the back of the Nigerian state.

But that will not be his first time. On March 21, 2023, Onanuga, spokesperson for the then President-elect, Tinubu, warned Ndigbo in Lagos against “interfering” in politics in the state. “Let 2023 be the last time of Igbo interference in Lagos politics. Let there be no repeat in 2027. Lagos is like Anambra, Imo, any Nigerian state. It is not No Man’s Land, not Federal Capital Territory. It is Yoruba land. Mind your business,” he tweeted.

While well-meaning Nigerians were horrified, Tinubu, his puppeteer, remained silent. How Onanuga decided to become a consummate dog whistler at the age of 67 beggars belief. But history is never kind to his likes. Never!

The bigger tragedy is that it took the umbrage of Waziri Atiku who called on the Federal Government to prosecute the promoters of the anti-Igbo genocidal campaign for both Lagos State and Abuja to react to the incendiary charge that Ndigbo living and doing business in Lagos and other South-West states should leave the region within 30 days.

Atiku, who was unsettled by the demand on the X account @Lagospedia, noted thus: “It is alarming that five days after this threat emerged, there has been a troubling silence. Immediate action to arrest, investigate, and prosecute those behind this heinous agenda is crucial. This will serve as a deterrent to others who might consider pursuing similar paths that threaten our national security.”

Since then, the hashtag ‘#Igbo must go’ has continued to fester on social media. A recent X Spaces conversation tagged, Yoruba Ronu Space, led by self-acclaimed Yoruba influencers, called for an Igbo must go protest. One of the contributors alleged that Ndigbo are disrespecting their traditional rulers and leaders and have no right to own land in Lagos.

Tinubu in his nationwide broadcast on Sunday, pretended to be offended by the campaign, when he, tongue in cheek, condemned those he alleged to have taken undue advantage of the #EndBadGovernance protest to threaten some sections of the country, stating that there is no place for ethnic bigotry in Nigeria. Really? Who then is the godfather of ethnic bigotry?

But that was sheer sophistry. It is also worthy of note that the security chiefs who threatened fire and brimstone on Tuesday in Abuja did not deem it necessary to include the genocidal threats against Ndigbo in their basket of deplorable developments that threaten the country.

Those who claim to be investigating the devil behind this anti-Igbo genocidal threat are living a lie and should not be taken serious because the truth remains that if they are, indeed, serious, they need not look beyond Bayo Onanuga. If Onanuga was Igbo (God forbid) making these incendiary comments against the Yoruba, he will be behind bars by now.

But it is surprising that Tinubu who knows the history of Ndigbo and their resilience in the face of intimidation is adopting gaslighting as a governance strategy. Those who think they can succeed even where the British colonial masters failed woefully, are entitled to their foolhardiness. But they should be reminded that General Muhammadu Buhari traversed that odious route in eight years and left Aso Rock in disgrace.

My simple advice is that rather than resorting to the hare-brained tactics of scaremongering and ethnic baiting against Ndigbo in order to deflate attention from his self-inflicted governance woes, the President may do well to read the Peace Culture, which according to the authors “is a handbook to mediate into conflict, manage anger, negotiate, resolve conflict and build peace for prevention of conflict.”

Chapter Six of the fascinating ten-chapter book with 232 major topics and 101 sub-headings which dealt with the issue of good governance talked about political tolerance, equity and inclusiveness.

“A society’s well-being depends on ensuring that all its members feel that they have a stake in it and do not feel excluded from the mainstream of society. This requires that all groups, particularly the most vulnerable, have opportunities to improve or maintain their well-being,” the book said.

It further noted that: “Government was created as an instrument to unite the people, develop the land, provide essential amenities and democracy that will make life comfortable, meaningful and bearable for the existence of man and where these things are lacking, agitations, expectations and ambitions set in from the people and where the government lacks good advice or arrogant or becomes autocratic, conflict sets in. This is always the result of bad governance. Bad governance fails to see to the plight of the people and shuts its eyes against unity.”

Rather than allowing Bayo Onanuga and his gang to scapegoat Ndigbo and set the country ablaze, Tinubu may well heed the advice of Prof Ola Makinwa and his colleagues as expressed in the book – Peace Culture.

THE thuggish criminality in the United Kingdom exempted, mass protests have been sweeping through many countries with people standing up for their right to decent lives. Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Uganda, Sudan, Eswatini, South Africa and, of course, Bangladesh.

They have been sad days in Bangladesh where bloody mass protests, mainly driven by students, under the banner of Students Against Discrimination, SAD, swept away Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The discrimination referred to are job quotas in public jobs in which 30 per cent was reserved for descendants of nationalists who fought in the 1971 War of Independence against Pakistan. Another 26 per cent was reserved for various groups. This had become quite contentious where in a population of 170 million, 32 million youths are unemployed.

But rather than address the issues raised, the government first blamed the opposition parties, the Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, BNP. Then it claimed the protesters were “rajakaar” or pro-Pakistani terrorists. 

In July, over 150 persons were killed in the protests. The Supreme Court on July 21, ruled that 93 per cent of employment should be on merit. So the main reason for the protests had been seemingly addressed. But the protesters returned to the streets last week to demand the unconditional release of all arrested protesters, reopening of the campuses, restoration of internet connections and a public apology from Hasina for the violence. The demands seem simple but were not readily met. This second seismic eruption, proved far more devastating.

Last Sunday, the protesters made a determined push and some 100 were killed. This eruption on August 5, forced Hasina who had just in January claimed a fourth term electoral victory, to flee to India. The parliament also became history. Power was lying in the streets and the military tried to pick it up. But the protesters who were obviously too young to rule but too strong to resist, forced the military to retreat. They must be good students of history because as happened in Sudan, the military in many countries, is predatory and opportunistic; always on the look out to cash in to any situation. Besides, the Bangladeshi military had since 1971, staged 29 coups and counter-coups.

So, the Bangladeshi students settled for Nobel Laureate Muhammed Yunus, who had been endlessly vilified by the ousted government, to run an interim government. This is designed as a stop-gap before an inclusive and democratic government is elected. The direction of the new leadership is uncertain and the dead are still being mourned. The open sores remain. The aftershocks are still being felt.

The ten-day mass protests in Nigeria began on August 1, 2024. Its main oxygen is hunger, powered by hyperinflation and assisted by wild winds of anger. The immediate reason for this is self-inflicted. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was sworn-in on May 29, 2023, he immediately announced the abolition of fuel subsidy. This greatly fuelled inflation in an oil-rich country with no single functional refinery. The reason for the fuel subsidy is simple: governments in the 25 years since the return to civil rule, have been incapable of refining the petroleum product needs of the 220 million populace. So the simple solution is to refine. However, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, IMF, are ever breathing down the necks of Nigerian governments not to refine, but increase fuel prices. But with the on-going protests, the lousy representatives of these shark institutions have been silent, making the Tinubu administration to carry the can alone. They wield power without responsibility and would be the first to flee the country were the situation to get out of hand. The second reason for the Nigerian hyper- inflation is the water-boarding of the Naira, again, as the IMF and World Bank have always insisted since 1981. This has always been devastating for an import-dependent country. It is these, coupled with the banditry and terrorism which have forced many farmers off their farms, that have led to the sorry state of the Nigerian nation. The solution is to address these concrete matters rather than dissipate energy looking for those carrying the Russian flag in the protests or detaining the alleged leaders of the protests. Some observation. The Nigerian Generals have been too intrusive in their loud media campaigns before and during the protests. Their involving soldiers from the very first second of the protests, is not in the interest of democracy and constitutional governance. As one of those who fought military misrule in Nigeria for decades, my antenna is up when I observe the lurking of a tiger.

The Kenyan protests were triggered by a Finance Bill powered by the same IMF and World Bank breathing down the necks of underdeveloped countries, as the country descended into chaos. The IMF tried to exonerate itself. Its Director of Communications, Julie Kozack, claimed all it had tried to do was to help Kenya “overcome the difficult economic challenges it faces and improve its economic prospects…” This came at the cost of dozens of lives and massive destruction. Even after President William Ruto withdrew the bill and reshuffled the cabinet, protesters are insisting he steps down. This is because Kenyans are tired of high food prices, rising poverty and corruption. Whatever the outcome, the Kenyan democratic project has suffered a serious setback and, healing is far off. Ruto had come from the streets and his greatest fear might be returning there.

The July 2024 protests in Uganda were against alleged massive corruption and a demand that Parliamentary Speaker Anita Among, steps down.

Ghana used the courts to block ‘The Gen-Z Demo’ planned for seven days from July 31, 2024. There had been massive protests in June against power outages. The protests in September and October, 2023 were mainly against hyper-inflation and mass unemployment. Zimbabwe detained and charged over 70 persons for allegedly gathering with the intent to promote violence. They were denied bail.

In Angola, the June 6, 2023 mass protests were against fuel price increases and the massive devaluation of the Kwanza. Over a dozen extra-judicial executions were traced to its security forces.

Perhaps, the most massive protests in South Africa this season took place on May 11, 2024 over the sack of 4,002 mine workers. On Wednesday, August 7, 2024 the street protests were restricted to the Western Cape Province.

Generally, the protests, especially in Africa, are against the implementation of the poverty-inducing policies of the IMF and World Bank, and democracies that do not yield dividends. They are a sort of plebiscite against political independence without economic independence. In many instances, the issue boils down to the fact that the people know what they want, but that is not what the governments want..