Chelsea FC currently holds the largest squad in the English Premier League, boasting a total of 55 players.

Chelsea signed Wolves forward Neto for £54m on Sunday, taking them to 11 summer signings with an average age of under 21.

Since June 14, the club has spent £185 million, bringing their squad to over 50 senior players. While the London club is actively trying to offload some players, the approaching transfer window deadline leaves the team’s future composition uncertain.

Here’s a full list of all 55 players in Chelsea’s squad:

Goalkeepers (8) 

Filip Jorgensen, 22, signed for £21m; Robert Sanchez, 26, £25m; Djordje Petrovic, 24, £14m (available on loan); Kepa Arrizabalaga, 29, £72m* (for sale); Marcus Bettinelli, 32, free*; Mike Penders, 19, £17m (on loan) not yet confirmed; Gabriel Slonina, 20, £9m (available on loan); Lucas Bergstrom, 21, undisclosed* (for sale/loan).

Full-backs (7)

Reece James, right, 24, academy; Marc Cucurella, left, 26, £62m; Ben Chilwell, left, 27, £45m*; Renato Veiga, left, 12, £12m; Malo Gusto, 21, right, £30m; Josh Acheampong, right, 18, academy; Caleb Wiley, left, 19, £9m (on loan).

Centre-backs (9)

Axel Disasi, 26, £39m; Wesley Fofana, 23, £75m; Levi Colwill, 21, academy; Tosin Adarabioyo, 26, free; Benoit Badiashile, 23, £33m; Trevoh Chalobah, 25, academy (for sale); Aaron Anselmino, 19, £16 (on loan); Alfie Gilchrist, 20, academy (on loan); Bashir Humphreys, 21, academy (for sale/loan).

Midfielders (15)

Enzo Fernandez, 23, £107m; Moises Caicedo, 22, £115m; Christopher Nkunku, 26, £52m; Omari Kellyman, 19, £19m; Cesare Casadei, 21, £17m; Lesley Ugochukwu, 20, £23m; Kiernan Dewsbury-Hall, 25, £30m; Romeo Lavia, 20, £53m; Carney Chukwuemeka, 20, £20m; Tino Anjorin, 22, academy (available for sale/loan); Andrey Santos, 20, £18m (on loan); Kendry Paez, 17, £17m (on loan); Alex Matos, 19, free; Jimi Tauriainen, 20, undisclosed* (available on loan); Leo Castledine, 18, academy (available on loan).

Wingers (9)

Mykhailo Mudryk, left, 23, £89m; Raheem Sterling, left, 29, £48m; Pedro Neto, left, 24, £54m; Cole Palmer, right, 22, £43m; Noni Madueke, right, 22, £29m; Estaevo Willian, right, 17, £51m (on loan); Angelo Gabriel, right, 19, £13m (available on loan); Harvey Vale, 20, academy (for sale/loan); Diego Moreira, 20, free.

Strikers (7)

Romelu Lukaku, 31, £100m*; Nicolas Jackson, 23, £32m; David Datro Fofana, 21, £11m (for sale); Deivid Washington, 19, £17m; Marc Guiu, 18, £5m; Mason Burstow, 21, £1.5m* (for sale/loan); Armando Broja, 22, academy (for sale).

Total, including loanees: 55

[TheNation]

TWO occurrences in the past week made me reach the conclusion that either the government is baiting the labour unions or there are quite active fifth columnists in the Tinubu administration.

The first is the laughable ban of the trade unions from politics, including working within the Labour Party, LP, which was established in 2002, that is 21 years before the Tinubu administration came to power. The second is the rather baffling August 7, 2024 invasion of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, headquarters by armed security men who came like thieves in the night. The invaders, like bandits, broke down doors and carted away property. In a rather curious way, they made a bookshop on the premises one of their primary targets. Not even under the military were bookshops and books targets. Yes, the military was anti-intellectual and accused university lecturers of teaching what they were not paid to teach. But those fascists from the barracks did not take books as hostages.

When the NLC made public the invasion, there was silence from government. At a point, some started wondering whether the invaders were ghosts or Martians. It sounded so incredible that someone mused that the NLC, smarting from some attacks that it stayed out of the ‘EndBadGovernance’ protests, might have stage-managed the invasion.

Finally, the office of the Inspector General of Police owned up. Its rationalisation for the attack did not give much credit to any intelligence by the Nigeria Police Force, NPF. The NLC office is an imposing 12-storey building with the inscription: Labour House, which is visible many streets away. It is also a well-known building which the NPF has raided many times over the years, especially with Lawrence Alobi as then FCT Police Commissioner. So how can the police be selling the kindergarten tale that when it invaded the premises, it was not aware that they were the NLC offices. Police Spokesperson, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, in spinning this yarn, claimed that the premises raided “…turned out to be the NLC building.” He further claimed that the raid “was solely aimed at apprehending the prime suspect-a foreign national implicated in numerous criminal activities across Nigeria and other African countries.”

If this were so, why didn’t the police visit during work hours when the bookshop was open, and arrest the so-called suspect? Why wait until the night when he must have gone home before raiding the premises?

The police emphasized that its raid was not aimed at “the NLC, its Secretariat, staff or leadership”. If this were so, why did it raid the main NLC office on the 10th Floor where the offices of the Congress President, General Secretary and most principal officers are located, when the bookshop is on the second floor?

There is the more serious issue of the Minister of State for Labour and Employment, Nkiruka Onyejeocha, on behalf of the government, attempting to ban labour from politics. Minister Onyejeocha purports to rely on Section 15 (1) (2) (3) of the Trade Unions Act Cap T14 & T15 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 which bans trade unions from using union dues for political purposes.

She told the NLC and the TUC that the political objectives of this section include barring them directly or indirectly from incurring any cost or making any payment in holding political meetings, distributing literature or documents supporting any candidate or prospective candidate for election to any political office in Nigeria or any part of Nigeria.

This is all a joke because even President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his campaign team in the 2023 presidential election, held meetings with both labour centres in which the trade unions and labour leaders incurred costs, including transporting themselves to such meetings. For instance, President Tinubu as the APC presidential candidate on December 19, 2022 at the Chida Hotel, Abuja, personally held a political meeting with leaders of the TUC and NLC.

He was accompanied to that meeting by his running mate, now Vice President Kashim Shettima; then Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, now the Chief of Staff; then Governor Atiku Bagudu of Kebbi State, now Minister of Budget and Economic Planning; then Governor Simon Lalong of Plateau State who became Labour Minister, and is today a Senator; then Governor Abubakar Badaru of Jigawa State, now Minister of Defence and Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrasaq of Kwara State.

At that meeting, President Tinubu promised that if elected, he would check mass unemployment, poverty, challenges in the education sector, the weak industrial base of the economy and evolve a credit system that would enable workers own their own houses.

Speaking directly to the NLC, TUC and their affiliate unions, Tinubu acknowledged their political rights and contributions to politics: “You have also been involved in the struggle for democracy and political rights. Your collective efforts breathe life into the democratic rights and economic ideals enshrined in our Constitution.”

The constitution he was referring to is the Nigerian Constitution which states in Section 40: “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests.””

Minister Onyejeocha ought to know that the country’s Constitution she swore to uphold is superior to the labour law she is labouring to quote. She and those she represents must know that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria supersedes, over rides and cancels any other law in the country that is inconsistent with it, and, that other law, to that extent, is null, void and of no effect.

In colonial times, the colonialists could not stop the trade unions from politics. In fact, the first national political party, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons, NCNC, was founded in 1944 primarily by the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUCN; the Nigeria Union of Students, NUS; and the small Democratic Party led by Herbert Macaulay.

In the First Republic, labour leaders participated actively not just in partisan politics, but also elections. Some of them like Haroun Poopola Adebola and Samuel Udoh Bassey were elected into the Federal Parliament. In the Second Republic, labour leaders ran elections and some of them like Ayoola Adeleke and Joseph Ansa were elected Senators. In fact, the first Labour Party was founded in 1950 by labour leaders led by Michael Imoudu. The second one was established in 1989, while the present is the third one. If the military could not ban trade unions from politics, what gives Minister Onyejeocha the impression that she can convert the Labour Ministry into a court and magisterially ban the NLC, TUC and their affiliates from politics?

What we are witnessing are poorly scripted Nollywood sketches.

“Rights are only worth having if they are occasionally boisterous, often inconvenient and frequently tiresome.” Inigo Bing, The Ten Legal Cases That Made Modern Britain, 169 (2022)

To initiate the mating, the Chief Judge relocated to the office of the Minister with the judges of the court where they proudly put their assets on display for the edification of the Minister. At the meeting, he reminded the Minister that “as a judiciary we are part of the government and we expect that we should be able to do things that should make government work….”

The Chief Judge was desperate to let the Minister know how ready he was to consummate this relationship. To ensure that he got fullest Ministerial attentions, the Chief Judge made it known that he had instructed the Administrative Judges in charge of the various judicial divisions of the FCT High Court that all cases involving the Federal Capital Territory “would only be assigned by the Chief Judge.”

The following quarter, when the FCT High Court went into the market for judicial appointments, they allocated one out of the twelve new vacancies on offer to the FCT Minister, to which he promptly deputed his sister-in-law. As the new judges got inaugurated in July 2024, the Minister quickly announced that the judges in the FCT the proud beneficiaries of new housing development. The relationship between the Chief Judge and the Minister had moved from intent to intercourse.

Things were going so well between the two institutional lovers that it was clear neither of them would knowingly allow any interloper to get in the way of their romance. When the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria organisers threatened to intrude into this by making Abuja and the FCT a major theatre of their protest, it was time for the lovers to prove their commitment to one another.

On 31 July, the day before the scheduled commencement of the protest, most people turned in early in anticipation of the disruptions from what promised to be the mother of all protests. Even judicial business was not left out of the sense of apprehension.

It was in this uncertainty that the Minister of the FCT decided to prove to the world the depth of the intimacy between him and the Chief Judge of the FCT. On 31 July, he initiated proceedings without notice to the defendants (ex parte) asking the court of the Chief Judge to kettle within the confines of the Moshood Abiola Stadium any wannabe protesters who showed up in the FCT.

This was a poorly rationalised decision, suggesting an executive loss of nerve for many reasons.

First, the Moshood Abiola Stadium is at the neck of a funnel into the city from both southern Nigeria and from the international airport. It was not difficult to see that any significant demonstration would constitute an obstruction to in-coming traffic, if not a risk to travelers. One conclusion from the proposal contained in the filing by the FCT Minister was that the FCT administration had decided to pass the most substantial burden of any risks from the protest to travelers into and out of the FCT, effectively making them expendable.

Second, in addition to making certain segments expendable, the FCT Administration simultaneously also chose to indicate in this proposal that they were not amenable to according any bandwidth to the protesters’ discontent. Banishing them to the vicinity of the Moshood Abiola Stadium was designed precisely to signal this.

Third, the kind of order that the Minister sought from the FCT High Court was a profound safety risk to both potential protesters and law enforcement officers, whom it required to enforce the cordon. This kind of policing arrangement had been considered and found unlawful in places with more capable policing, including in England.

Fourth, this was shameless evidence of an irresponsible FCT Administration. A more responsible administration could easily have designated the stadium as a viewing centre for the Olympic Games and invited the excluded youth of the FCT to a different experience of what’s possible when government cares.

Even more curious than the nature of the orders that the Minister sought was the identity of the parties against whom he sought them. Omoyele Sowore, the lead defendant, was in New Jersey in the USA. Another leading defendant was called “Persons Unknown.”

Now, a basic rule of civil proceedings is that cases can only be instituted against natural or legal persons. “Persons Unknown”, like spirits or ghosts, does not have capacity to sue or be sued. This does not ordinarily require any particular depth of legal skill or insight to figure out except, of course, before an FCT High Court caught in the throes of deep judicial passion with the FCT Minister.

In this particular case of the suit against “Persons Unknown”, the FCT Minister retained the services of two Senior Advocates of Nigeria, SANs. Fittingly for a regime whose agents had expended their bigoted propaganda to demonise the Igbo nation over the protest, it seemed appropriate that the judge whom the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court found to assign the case to was known as Chinedu Oriji. From its Igbo language origins, the name roughly translates into “God guides the eating of the yam.”

With little ado, this yam-eating court quickly granted all the orders sought, including “an order restraining the 1^st-5^th defendants from gathering or parading themselves along any roadway, street, offices and or public premises/property within the FCT between 1^st-10^th August 2024 or any other day thereafter pending the hearing and determination of” this case. Instead, the Court required all intending protesters from anywhere within the 7,315 km² of the FCT to converge at the Stadium at the entrance into the city where they would be confined by an armed security cordon thrown at the instigation of the FCT Minister and backed by the order from the  judge called Oriji.

Even before the Court rose for the day, the order was already in the public domain blaring from all government media. It read uncannily as if the order had been granted even before the case was filed. When the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court promised to “do things that should make government work”, he meant just that.

In this case, however, it was doubtful whether the court was in fact making the government work or exposing it instead to irredeemable odium. A proposition more suited to the mass slaughter of protesters would have been hard to invent. If the protesters had not defied the order in the full majesty of its impracticality, it would have been easy for the government to claim that any number of them trampled to death thereby were unknown. The perpetrators would have been unknown too. That would have been fitting for a protest whose leaders the government had judicially designated as “Persons Unknown.”

All that would have been both foreseeable and yet judicially authored. A court alive to its duties would have spotted this and saved itself and its executive suitors the embarrassment of issuing such an order. The only thing that mattered in this case, however, was how the FCT High Court could prove to the FCT Minister its rampant capacity for heedless intercourse with the executive. In this case, it was spared by the resilience of citizens. Providence, surely, will not always this gladly suffer the excesses of judicial prostitution. The morale of this tale is simple –  there must be more dignified ways to eat the judicial yam.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

President Bola Tinubu has sworn in Esther Walson-Jack as head of the service (HoS) of the federation.

She was sworn in before the commencement of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting on Monday.

In a statement on July 17, Ajuri Ngelale, the presidential spokesperson, said her appointment will take effect on August 14.

Ngelale said Folasade Yemi-Esan, the outgoing HoS, will retire from the civil service on August 13.

“Walson-Jack was appointed as Federal Permanent Secretary in 2017 and has served in several ministries,” the statement reads.

“The new appointee will take over from the incumbent Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Dr. Folasade Yemi-Esan, CFR, who is due to retire on August 13, 2024.

“President Tinubu, while thanking the outgoing Head of Service for her stewardship, tasks the incoming Head of Service to discharge her duties with innovative flair, integrity, and stringent adherence to the extant rules and regulations of the Civil Service of the Federation.”

Walson-Jack holds a Bachelor of Law degree from the University of Lagos and was called to the bar in 1987.

Before joining the federal civil service, she was the solicitor-general of Bayelsa and also served as the permanent secretary of the state ministry of justice.

[TheCable]

“There in front of the Tabernacle, Solomon went up to the bronze altar in the LORD’s presence and sacrificed a thousand burnt offerings on it. That night God appeared to Solomon in a dream and said, ‘What do you want? Ask, and I will give it to you!” 2 Chronicles 1:6-7

Sacrifice! You cannot effectively serve or relate to God without living a life of sacrifice. Sacrifice is defined as the offering of something precious to a god, the giving up of something of great value to oneself for a special purpose or to benefit somebody else, and also personally, deliberately, denying yourself pleasures, comfort, rights and privileges to achieve a purpose or a goal. If we would start from the first, it’s an established fact that humans cannot have any fellowship with spirits or the spirit world without sacrifices. And these come in form of altars, worship, dedication, devotion, offerings, etc. Whether it is the worship of God the creator of the universe or the worship of Satan and his host of demons, it is the same. You must be ready and willing to live a life of sacrifice to maintain the relationship. Sacrifice gives you access to the spirit world. It gives you access to the supernatural. It gives you spiritual privileges. Sorry, here, we will not be able to discuss this practice in the satanic kingdom. We’ve already done that adequately in my books Power of Midnight Prayer and Breaking Generational Curses: Claiming Your Freedom by Gabriel Agbo.

Now, from the beginning, God related to man through sacrifices. After giving man the freedom to eat every fruit in the Garden of Eden, he went ahead to warn him not to touch or eat the fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. Yes, the fruit looked good and delicious but God told him, “Don’t touch it!” That was expected to be a mark of consecration, self-denial, sacrifice, but man fail woefully here. Look at Cain and Abel, it was the sacrifice they both performed to God that brought their problem. Abel’s sacrifice was accepted while Cain’s was rejected. Now, fast forward to Abraham, when God decided to make a covenant with Abraham, affirming his promises of protection, generational blessings and a son to him, he initiated a very powerful sacrifice to seal the promises. I see your own promises will be sealed today in Jesus’ name! Listen, “Then the LORD told him, ‘Bring me a three-year-old heifer, a three-year-old female goat, a three-year-old ram, a turtledove, and a young pigeon. Abram took all these and killed them. He cut each one down the middle and laid the halves side by side. He did not however divide the birds in half. Some vultures came down to eat the carcasses, but Abram chased them away. That evening, as the sun was going down, Abram fell into deep sleep. He saw a terrifying vision of darkness and horror. Then the LORD told Abram… ” Genesis15:9-17

After the sacrifice the Almighty came down in a very powerful way and made a generational covenant with Abraham. Abraham saw a mysterious smoking fire pot and a flaming torch pass between the halves of those mutilated animals. God was receiving the offering and was speaking out very power promises to Abraham, to his children and many generations to come. In fact, He was also telling him what will happen in the next four hundred years! My God! Sacrifices are very powerful. They move the hand of the supernatural. They access the inaccessible and break the unbreakable. What are you sacrificing to your God? I see God starting something new with you today. Get my book / audiobook Power of sacrifice by Gabriel Agbo immediately. You can find it in all major world languages. This message is changing your life forever! We will continue next week. God bless!

 Rev Gabriel Agbo is the author of the books / audiobooks: Power of Midnight Prayer, Receive Your Healing, Breaking Generational Curses: Claiming Your Freedom, Never Again!, I Shall Not Die, Move Forward, Power of Sacrifice and many others. Tel: 08037113283

One of the first major policies of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's regime was the floating of the Naira to unify foreign exchange rates and save Nigeria the billions of dollars previously used to defend the Significant arbitrage between the official exchange rates and the rates in the parallel market, previously existed which many individuals and businesses exploited. Although the policy was implemented with good intentions, it has resulted in the devaluation of the Naira by over 200% and consequences for the Nigerian business environment.

Since equipment, spare parts, raw materials, and other inputs for production are often imported, the devaluation of the Naira has increased the costs of operation for manufacturing companies. These companies are careful not to immediately transfer all these increased costs to consumers to avoid losing patronage. Consequently, they have had to deal with reduced profit margins, and some unethical ones may reduce quality, while others seek ways to cut costs; reducing staff strength is often one of the first measures taken.

Non-manufacturing companies were also impacted, as energy costs soared significantly—at one point, the price of diesel rose to over 1,500 Naira per litre before the Dangote refinery commenced production. Many companies that could not cope with the increased cost of doing business have shut down, while the high capital required to start most businesses has equally become a barrier to entry.

The devaluation of the Naira has led to foreign exchange losses for many companies, with some reporting losses in billions of Naira. Small and medium-scale enterprises also suffered losses. Typically, when businesses whose functional currency is the Naira take on credit facilities in foreign currency (loans or goods, services, machinery, spare parts on credit, etc) they face foreign exchange risks, leading to losses whenever the Naira is devalued. The value of foreign exchange obligations in naira terms increases. The losses could be avoided or reduced with appropriate hedging practices. These credit facilities are often attractive due to favourable terms compared to what is obtainable within Nigeria.

When the Naira was floated, its value remained highly volatile for a while making it difficult for businesses to plan appropriately. During this period of instability, many businesses avoided making major investment decisions, awaiting a stable economic environment to avert losses. This resulted in a decrease in foreign direct investment during that period. Worrisome is that in recent weeks, the Naira has once again shown signs of instability, which the government is addressing.

The devaluation of the Naira made Nigerian exports more attractive and competitive, to the advantage of export-oriented businesses. Some argue that this has contributed to food inflation in Nigeria, as people from neighbouring countries increased their demand for foodstuffs from Nigerian farmers, finding them a cheaper option due to the Naira’s devaluation. This reduced food availability in Nigeria which was already grappling with inadequate supply, leading to demand-pull inflation. Government efforts to improve food production in the country are ongoing. It is important to note that the increased cost of food production and transportation also contributed to food inflation.

On the other hand, the devaluation of the Naira has led to lower purchasing power of individuals and a reduction in household consumption. Businesses have seen demand for their goods and services dip, leading to the closure of some of them. To cope, some had to review their prices, reducing their margins to stimulate demand. Many businesses have been unable to cope with the combined effect of increased costs of doing business and decreased sales. Implementation of the new national minimum wage is expected to increase household consumption.

While acknowledging that the floating of the Naira has enormous benefits for the Nigerian economy, including improved transparency in the Nigerian forex market and saving the country billions of dollars previously used to defend the Naira, it may be wise for the government to provide some form of intervention to the manufacturing industry which is a major driver of the economy. This could be in the form of reduced taxes or long-term low-interest loans. The government could also consider using part of the revenue expected from the proposed one-time windfall tax on foreign exchange gains of banks to support Nigerian industries. Furthermore, the government should put all measures in place to ensure the stability of the value Naira to promote investor confidence and prevent businesses from incurring huge forex losses in the future.

The decision taken by Nigeria, under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration to be floating the naira, allowing its value to be determined by the open market rather than pegging it to another currency or managing it through a fixed exchange rate, is a crucial economic policy choice. For Nigeria, the idea of floating the naira has been discussed and debated for years, with proponents arguing that it could bring about greater economic stability and transparency. However, as Nigeria has taken this significant decision, and is now in it, it is essential to draw lessons from the experience of Zimbabwe, a country that has undergone a turbulent journey with its currency.

Without recourse to denigration, Zimbabwe's economic history is a stark reminder of how currency mismanagement can lead to catastrophic consequences. Once considered one of Africa's most promising economies, Zimbabwe faced hyperinflation in the late 2000s, leading to the abandonment of the Zimbabwean dollar in 2009. The country then adopted a multi-currency system, primarily using the US dollar, in an attempt to stabilize its economy.

However, in 2019, Zimbabwe reintroduced the Zimbabwean dollar, abandoning the multi-currency regime. The reintroduction was accompanied by the floating of the currency, but it quickly became apparent that the move was premature. Without the necessary economic fundamentals in place, the currency's value plummeted, leading to a rapid loss of confidence among both local and international investors. The result was a return to hyperinflation and severe economic instability.

As gathered from literatures and books on Economics, as I am not an Economist, but a Journalist on the Business Desk of a national newspaper, permit me to share the “little knowledge” I gained by virtue of my profession, having had the opportunity of listening and interacting with Economic analysts and observers alike, by opining that Zimbabwe’s experience highlights the importance of having strong economic fundamentals before floating a currency. A country's currency value is not just determined by market forces but also by the underlying strength of its economy. For Nigeria, this means that before considering a float, the government must ensure that the economy is robust, with controlled inflation, a diversified revenue base, and a stable political environment.  This is as a weak economy will likely lead to a rapid depreciation of the currency, exacerbating inflation and worsening economic conditions.

Again, I for the umpteenth time read and heard that building confidence in the financial system is indispensable. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as confidence is key when floating a currency. It is little wonder that Zimbabwe's reintroduction of the Zimbabwean dollar was met with skepticism, both domestically and internationally, due to the lack of trust in the government's ability to manage the currency effectively. For Nigeria, building and maintaining confidence in the naira will be essential. This can be achieved through transparent and consistent monetary policies, clear communication from the Central Bank, and a commitment to protecting the currency from political interference.

In a similar vein, not a few Economists and Bankers are unanimous in their views that given the president economic predicament that Nigeria is undergoing that foreign exchange reserves matters.  The reason for their views cannot be farfetched as one of the challenges Zimbabwe faced was the depletion of its foreign exchange reserves, which made it difficult to support its currency. For Nigeria, maintaining adequate foreign exchange reserves will be critical as she is at the moment floating her currency. These reserves provide a buffer against speculative attacks on the currency and can be used to stabilize the naira if necessary. Therefore, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) should focus on rebuilding and maintaining healthy reserves before considering a float.

As gathered, there is also the need to manage expectations. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as the initial period after a currency float can be volatile, with sharp fluctuations in the exchange rate. In Zimbabwe, this volatility led to panic and a loss of confidence. Nigeria must manage expectations by preparing the public and investors for potential short-term instability. This includes setting realistic goals for the currency float and being prepared to intervene if necessary to prevent excessive volatility.

In fact, Zimbabwe's currency crisis was exacerbated by poor policy decisions, including the excessive printing of money and the lack of fiscal discipline. Nigeria must learn from these mistakes by ensuring that its fiscal policies are aligned with its monetary policies. The government should avoid the temptation to finance budget deficits through excessive borrowing or money printing, as this could undermine the success of a currency float.

Again, it is germane to opine that Nigeria's economic landscape is vastly different from Zimbabwe's, but the lessons are still relevant. Nigeria's economy is larger, more diversified, and more integrated into the global financial system. However, it also faces significant challenges, including inflationary pressures, high unemployment, and a reliance on oil exports for foreign exchange earnings. These challenges must be addressed before a successful float of the naira can be attained.

Furthermore, Nigeria's political environment is complex, with various interest groups and regional considerations that could influence the outcome of a currency float. Therefore, as the government floats the naira, it must always be cognizance of the fact that there are risks and benefits therein and with a commitment to managing the process effectively.

As Nigeria insists on floating the naira, it is crucial to look to Zimbabwe as a cautionary tale. While floating a currency can bring about greater economic flexibility and transparency, it is not a decision to be taken lightly. Nigeria must ensure that it has the necessary economic fundamentals in place, build confidence in the financial system, and be prepared to manage the volatility that may arise. By learning from Zimbabwe’s experience, Nigeria can make a more informed decision and potentially avoid the mistakes that led to economic turmoil in its southern neighbor.

As the calendar inches closer to August 12, it is time to celebrate one of Nollywood’s brightest stars, Destiny Etiko. This year, as she marks another milestone, we reflect on her remarkable journey in the film industry, where she has made an indelible mark with her incredible talent and captivating performances.

Destiny Etiko is more than just a name in Nollywood; she is a force to be reckoned with. From the moment she stepped into the limelight, she captured the hearts of audiences with her natural acting skills and undeniable charisma. Over the years, she has continued to evolve, taking on roles that challenge her and showcase her versatility as an actress.

Beyond the screen, Destiny Etiko is a beacon of inspiration for many. Her story is one of determination and hard work. Despite the challenges that come with the entertainment industry, she has remained steadfast in her pursuit of excellence. She has risen above every obstacle, proving that with talent and tenacity, anything is possible. Her success is a testament to her unyielding dedication to her craft and her unwavering belief in herself.

Destiny’s influence extends far beyond Nollywood. She is also a role model for young women across Nigeria and beyond, showing them that it is possible to achieve their dreams regardless of their background. Her philanthropic efforts, particularly in supporting the less privileged, further demonstrate her commitment to giving back to society and making a positive impact in the lives of others.

One of Destiny’s most iconic performances came in the movie “Idemili” (2014), where she portrayed the role of Ekemma, a young woman entangled in the complexities of tradition and modernity. Her performance was nothing short of riveting, earning her widespread recognition and cementing her place in the industry. The movie not only showcased her acting prowess but also highlighted her ability to bring depth and emotion to her characters.

Destiny’s filmography is as diverse as it is impressive. In “My Private Part”, she displayed her talent for drama and suspense, keeping viewers on the edge of their seats with her intense and emotionally charged performance. Then, in “The Return of Ezendiala”, she took on a more traditional role, embodying the cultural richness of Nigeria with grace and authenticity.

Born in Udi, Enugu State, Destiny Etiko has always had a flair for the dramatic. Her journey into the world of acting began at a young age, and it did not take long for her to become a household name. With her debut in 2012, Destiny quickly established herself as a force to be reckoned with, delivering performances that are nothing short of spectacular. From the girl-next-door roles to the fierce and feisty characters, she has shown her versatility and range as an actress, earning her a place among the top stars in Nollywood.

But Destiny is more than just an actress; she is a phenomenon. Her beauty, both inside and out, radiates in every role she takes on. With each movie, she brings a unique blend of grace, strength, and authenticity that resonates deeply with her audience. Whether she’s playing a tragic heroine or a comedic lead, Destiny’s performances are always compelling, leaving viewers spellbound.

Not one to shy away from challenging roles, Destiny also starred in “Fear of a Woman”, where she played a character that was both vulnerable and strong, a testament to her ability to navigate complex narratives with ease. In “Black Xmas”, she proved once again that she could handle any genre thrown her way, bringing both humor and heart to the screen.

Destiny’s commitment to her craft is evident in every project she undertakes. Her dedication to bringing her characters to life has earned her numerous awards and accolades, and more importantly, the admiration of millions of fans across the globe. Whether she’s playing a loving wife, a fierce warrior, or a comedic relief, Destiny brings authenticity and passion to every role.

As we celebrate Destiny Etiko on her upcoming birthday, we acknowledge not just the years she has spent in the industry, but the countless lives she has touched with her performances. Her journey is one of hard work, resilience, and an unwavering love for the art of storytelling.

Destiny Etiko, as you turn a year older, we celebrate the incredible woman you are, both on and off the screen. May this new chapter bring you even more success, joy, and opportunities to continue doing what you do best, entertaining and inspiring us all. Happy Birthday in advance!

In the annals of Nigeria’s socio-political history, certain terms have emerged as symbols of the collective frustrations, aspirations, and resilience of its people. Today, as we navigate the turbulent waters of our national life, two phrases stand out, “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga”. These expressions encapsulate the prevailing sentiments of chaos, disillusionment, and the enduring quest for good governance that characterize the current era.

The term “Zanga Zanga” is a colloquial expression often used to describe protests, upheavals, and widespread demonstrations. It signifies the raw energy of the masses, particularly the youth, who have taken to the streets in recent years to demand accountability, justice, and a better future. This phrase embodies the spirit of defiance and the refusal to accept the status quo, no matter how entrenched it may be.

“Nigeria Jagajaga,” on the other hand, is a phrase popularized by the legendary Nigerian musician, Eedris Abdulkareem in his 2004 hit song of the same name. The phrase translates loosely to “Nigeria is in disarray” or “Nigeria is messed up,” and it struck a chord with many Nigerians who felt that the country’s potential was being squandered by poor leadership, corruption, and systemic failure. Nearly two decades later, the phrase still resonates, perhaps even more profoundly, as the challenges facing the nation seem to have intensified.

Nigeria’s youth, who make up a significant portion of the population, have grown increasingly disillusioned with the state of the nation. High unemployment rates, poor infrastructure, insecurity, and a lack of opportunities have fueled a sense of hopelessness. However, rather than resigning themselves to a bleak future, many young Nigerians have embraced the spirit of “Zanga Zanga” by taking an active role in demanding change.

From the #EndSARS movement, which called for an end to police brutality, to ongoing protests against bad governance and economic hardship, the youth have shown that they are unwilling to remain silent in the face of injustice. Social media has become a powerful tool in their arsenal, amplifying their voices and connecting them with like-minded individuals across the globe.

The “Zanga Zanga” era is characterized by a heightened awareness of civic rights and responsibilities. It is a time when the youth are not only challenging the old order but also seeking to redefine what it means to be Nigerian in the 21st century. They are demanding transparency, accountability, and a government that truly serves the people.

Despite the vibrant activism of the youth, the phrase “Nigeria Jagajaga” remains a stark reminder of the entrenched issues that continue to plague the country. Corruption remains endemic, with public funds often siphoned off by those in power. Insecurity has reached alarming levels, with insurgencies, banditry, and communal clashes leaving many regions in a state of perpetual fear. The economy, while showing signs of growth, has not translated into tangible benefits for the majority of Nigerians, who continue to struggle with poverty and inflation.

The disarray captured by “Nigeria Jagajaga” is evident in the crumbling infrastructure, inadequate healthcare system, and failing educational institutions. These issues are not new, but they have become more pronounced, leading to a growing sense of despair among the populace.

The juxtaposition of “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga” highlights the duality of the current era. On one hand, there is a deep-seated frustration with the state of the nation; on the other, there is an unyielding determination to effect change. This era presents an opportunity to channel the energy of the youth into constructive action that can help address the systemic issues plaguing the country.

For meaningful change to occur, there must be a concerted effort to bridge the gap between the government and the governed. Leaders must be willing to listen to the voices of the people, particularly the youth, and take decisive steps to address their concerns. This includes implementing policies that promote economic growth, create jobs, and ensure security for all Nigerians.

Moreover, the spirit of “Zanga Zanga” must be sustained beyond protests. It must translate into increased political participation, with more young people running for office, voting, and holding their leaders accountable. Civil society organizations and the media also have a crucial role to play in keeping the government in check and advocating for the rights of the people.

Without a doubt, the era of “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga” is a defining moment in the nation’s history. It is a time of great challenges but also of great potential. The phrases themselves serve as a call to action, urging every Nigerian to contribute to the rebuilding of the nation. While the road ahead may be difficult, the collective will of the people, especially the youth, can pave the way for a better, and more prosperous Nigeria.

Undoubtedly, the political matrimony between President Bola Tinubu and Northern Nigeria is at Talaq stage. Talaq is the Islamic unilateral repudiation of a marital union. There are no sobs, no wails. No dabbing of the face with a handkerchief. But, the dusts provoked by the matrimonial dislocation hang notoriously in the sky. Even bystanders miles away can see them. The marriage is only 15 months old but the couple’s patience for each other is rope-thin. As our elders say, right in the presence of the kolanut seller, irreverent worms slide inside his pods. A matrimony celebrated with pomp and ceremony is now a chaotic market row. The gluttonous cat has eaten the poisonous meat of a toad. A post on X late last week even claimed that “Northerners have (begun) Al-Qunut prayers against Tinubu…Al-Qunut prayers (are) done…to eliminate evil.” There is a litany of allegations hung on the neck of the seismic marriage. It ranges from prostitution, abandonment, betrayal to battery. While the world sees the palm fronds, (mariwo) the egungun of the matrimony would seem to have been long gone.

Well, as the saying goes, a household of misbehaving children is a reflection that it is devoid of elders with wisdom – (T’ómodé ilé bá ńse réderède, àgbà ibè ni ò ní làákàyè). Elders then summoned the couple and demanded the reason for their tiff. Flaunting patriarchal righteousness, the husband has kept mum, dragging smoke off his burning cigarette intermittently. The Northern wife however did the narration, tears coursing down her cheeks. On her knees, she tells the story of Lagere, the cripple and Python, a huge heavy-bodied reptile which kills its prey by constriction. Lagere was a prince crippled from birth. At his turn to succeed his father, Kingmakers bucked, citing an existing tradition forbidding disabled on traditional stools. Downcast, Lagere hopped down river road to commit suicide. As he folded his deformed leg to jump into the river, a huge python emerged from nowhere and demanded why he contemplated suicide. Moved, Python promised to help him. The snake jumped up, wrapped himself round Lagere and constricted him. Upon unwrapping self from the cripple, the deformed leg received strength. Overexcited, Lagere swore to show gratitude to Python.

Before he was crowned king, continued the Northern Wife, the Ifa Oracle summoned to divine Lagere’s reign muttered a saying, the purport of which was cryptic to all at the time. The Oracle said, “Oore tán, asiwèrè gbàgbé” meaning, at the fullness of time, the foolish will forget a kindness of the past. Lagere then ordered that a groove be earmarked in the palace for the worship of the mysterious reptile. He indeed worshipped Python for months. One day, however, having smoked alien weeds, the king’s head exploded with pride. Lagere reasoned that His Imperial Majesty shouldn’t be seen groveling before an ordinary reptile. He then ordered that the animal be brought to the palace to be sacrificed to him. On seeing what King Lagere was about to do with him, Python cried passionately and asked for mercy. Lagere would not listen. But as he was being dragged down for propitiation, Python suddenly pounced on Lagere, twined self round him. Instantly, he returned to his old cripple state. The town then dethroned Lagere. “That, elders of the land, is my story,” narrated the Northerner wife.

Being a student of Nigeria’s political history and one right inside its vortex, from its beginning, it should have occurred to Tinubu and his Northern bride that their matrimony would be short-lived. As the one who holds an umbrella all-day long would find out only later at sunset that they carry a heavy object, only at dusk would an Oko Ìyàwó Elépòn Búlúù (a vulgar Yoruba folksy appellation for a newly-wedded groom) realize that wedlock is the least of matrimonial rituals. Meeting responsibilities of matrimony is the toughest nut to crack. So long as there is a colony of lice on clothe, the fingernail cannot be devoid of blood. While narrating her ordeals and betrayal of trust from Lagere, the Northerner wife had lapsed into a  Yoruba proverb which says that if a monkey is uncertain about the danger upon a tree, it should not be found climbing it (Bi oju alakedun o da igi, kii gun) to which the elders nodded in unison.

Before the End Bad Governance protests which began on August 1, the depth of the matrimonial discord between Tinubu and the North was, at best, at the level of guesswork. For instance, we knew that it is almost an impossibility that tantrums won’t follow a stubborn child given a knock on the head. When the Tinubu government thus disgraced Nasir el-Rufai last year, tantrums were expected. So when the Tinubu government, for which he pulled critical chestnuts off the fire, rewarded him with a non-ministerial clearance by the Senate, many could swear by their mothers’ graves that the northern Eliri, the minutest of all rats, will become one of the rebellious faggots that will upset the fire. And that, whenever the North was reorganizing for an Araba, Eliri would play a prominent role. Araba should remind any student of Nigerian history of the historical Northern Nigerian cry of disaffection with the Nigerian state of affairs immediately Aguiyi Ironsi promulgated the highly objectionable Decree 34 which rendered Nigeria’s federalism unitarist. The North had earlier visited midless pogrom on eastern Nigeria. I got a whiff of the heartlessness of the bloodletting from a live play of Yoruba Apala music lord, Ayinla Omowura, recently. He sang, “wón ńpa yíbò bí eni p’eran alápatà…” – they butchered Igbo people as though killing cows in a meat shop.

In June, Northern politicians began coalescing around Muhammadu Buhari. They advertised this in a visit which anyone familiar with the colour, tone and tenor of historical serpentine regrouping of the north would know was the beginning of a call to put spanner in the works. Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and Aminu Tambuwal, Sokoto state’s ex-governor, kicked off the visit. It was to Buhari in his Daura hometown. Within 24 hours, el-Rufai followed suit. Photograph of the former governor’s legendary stoops to shake hands, similar to Iscariot’s kiss of Jesus, a notorious signature tune heralding betrayal, was amply advertised. Packaged as “Sallah homage,” political watchers claim the visits were the beginning of a packaged northern tempest against the Yarbawa who the north was wedded to in a matrimony that has now gone sour. Shehu Sani, Afro-haired ex-senator said this much in a release and attributed it to an attempt to build a strong northern alliance using Buhari as a rallying point to challenge and evict Tinubu in 2027. On the comedic scene, a Bello Galandachi satirizes the rot in the Tinubu government almost weekly.

The End Bad Governance protest was the strongest alibi for Northern Nigeria to ventilate its 15-month accumulated angst. It has been said that the protest, which kicked off on August 1, was a reflection of the geographical and ethnic politics that Nigeria had practiced from pre-colonial times. While the southeast, in a bid to stamp its disavowal with its typecast as a bellicose race, signed off from the protest, the southwest, which goes on protests, whether it is convenient for it or otherwise, marched out, while the north, often pacifist in matters that doesn’t personally concern it, was at the height of its hostility. The social reality of protest against the status quo in Nigeria is that, outside of university campuses, protests are a rarity on the streets of the Muslim North. For the eight years of Buhari’s non-governance, the north was as constantly docile as the northern star. But in this protest against bad governance, not only did northern protesters go to the Hobbesian state of nature, inflicting nasty, brutish jabs on sanity, some protesters even waved Russian flags, shouting “Putin!”

There is no denying the fact that the current Tinubu government has made life very excruciating for the people of Nigeria. Perhaps, like no other government in recent history. The pain is such that, as the elders will say, it is only a child who has not beheld the sight of a lion’s devoured carcass in the forest who will pray to be killed by a leopard (Bí omodé ò rí àjekù kìnìhún nínú igbó, á ní kí eran bí ekùn ó pa òhun).The truth is also that, the government has democratized sufferings across board in Nigeria. Tinubu dishes out pains, death, escalating food inflation and hopelessness to Nigerians without any ethnic, religious or social discrimination. As the poor of Kaura-Namoda feels the cluelessness of Aso Rock, the poor of Nchatancha and Telemu equally feel it. But the way the North has taken the lead in escalating the protest this murderously, the question that begs for answer is, what exactly is that region beefing Tinubu about? Hunger? Certainly not. Since we have agreed that no part of Nigeria is spared Tinubu’s merciless, slavish Bretton Woods economic policies, why then is the north crying so vociferously as if it is the only bereaved?

After his announcement as winner of the 2023 presidential election, one of the victorious thoughts that must have crossed Tinubu’s mind was that the ground Chief Obafemi Awolowo wobbled while treading, he gallantly stomped on it. Awolowo’s famous 1959 election campaign round the north, which roused Ahmadu Bello from his slumber, culminating in a Sardauna embarking on a political campaign which got his royal face caked with dusts in the process, opened Awolowo’s eyes to the myth of a monolithic north. Awolowo then came to the conclusion that an alliance of Southern Nigeria with the Middle Belt and Christian North holds the key to a southerner’s presidency of Nigeria. An alliance of his AG with NCNC to form UPGA had Michael Okpara, Eastern Premier, campaigning on the streets of Ibadan. This model still didn’t work during the Second Republic. Citing S. L. Akintola in his book, House of War (2003) Dare Babarinsa said Akintola, Western Nigeria Premier, rationalized his romance with the feudal north in that, the economic, educational and commercial aggressiveness of the Igbo was a greater danger to the Yoruba than the political hegemony of the Hausa/Fulani. An alliance with the NPC, he believed, was the surest way of rescuing the Yoruba from political annihilation. MKO Abiola lapped up the Akintola power model. From his alliance with Muhammadu Buhari in 2014, Tinubu also dusted the Akintola and Abiola handbook hook, line and sinker. On a superficial level, the trio of Akintola, Abiola and Tinubu would seem to be right and Awolowo wrong, right?

The above, however, cannot elicit a QED (quod erat demonstrandum) answer. The northern establishment’s political pedigree hoists it as a typical African witch. Of the many symbols and attributes of the witch, she holds tightly to her ferocious mystic power, using it as bait. She is also reputed with the upside-down symbolism. Among the Akan tribe of Ghana, the witch is literally “inverted.” Hans Werner Debrunner, in his Witchcraft in Ghana: A Study on the Belief in Destructive Witches and Its Effect on the Akan Tribes (1961) said of witches, “Before they leave the body, they turn themselves upside… They walk with their feet in the air, that is, with the head down, and have their eyes at the back of the ankle joints.” The Ewe in same Ghana also believe that witches walk backwards and, in walking upright, have their feet turned backwards. The witch is represented by such animals like snakes, owls, hyenas, and leopards, characteristically nocturnal animals.

As it romances political power like the witch, the Northern establishment has an inverted thinking as well. Awolowo’s welfarist philosophy futuristically foretold that a feudal north not weaned of its weaponization of the large population of its Talakawa and roam-about Almajiri children would pose huge danger to the rest of Nigeria. That prophecy has made him a Nostradamus today. In a 1978 presidential speech, Awolowo had said, “For the North, I have three things, Education, Education and Education.” He also maintained that, “The children of the poor you failed to train will never let your children have peace”. The bulk of Nigeria’s social malaises today – insecurity, bloated population, renteer system of overdependence on the lean purse of the federal – come from the north. This has bred multidimensional poverty, misery and anger in the region. Governor Uba Sani recently said the region has over 70% out-of-school children and same number living in grueling poverty. You cannot solely blame Tinubu for all these as the north’s vulture has been suffering the merciless trouncing of rainfall strokes for more than a century. From Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar to Musa Yar’Adua, as well as their northern accomplices, successive northern leaders share huge slices of the hopelessness that the north is today. Not minding the multidimensional poverty, the northern establishment still frantically shuts the door against education of this crop of persons, lest they be liberated from its chokehold.

At the turn of Lagere to narrate the root cause of the tiff, the elders were aghast. Rather than him being an ingrate, the python is almost the equivalent of Omolokun, he said. Omolokun is a Yoruba Ifa deity scholar and practitioner, Araba Ifáyẹmi Ọ̀ṣúndàgbonù Elebuibon’s drama series that ran on western Nigerian television in the 1980s. A couple, suffering decades of bareness, besought a deity for a child it named Omolokun. A spoilt brat who demanded the impossible at every point, when Omolokun one day demanded a human being to be propitiated to him, it dawned on the couple that it had a misbegotten ghormid in its household. Lagere reminded the elders that but for him, their son, Buhari, could not have won the presidency. Like Omolokun’s parents, the Lagere in Aso Rock has bent over backwards to please his Python, allocating consequential federal ministries to the North and in many cases, devoting junior and senior ministries to it. Recently, Lagere even established a Federal Ministry of Maalu as sacrifice to Omolokun. Yet, the northern establishment is steeped in roiling anger and cannot be pacified.

Lagere compared the excesses of his Northern wife to an excessive liquour that intoxicates; excessive sun that runs a child mad; excessive stronghold that begets madness and a spinach vegetable which, if it grows in excess by the stream, is rendered a common weed (Bí otí bá kúnnú, otí á p’omo; bí òòrùn bá pò l’ápòjù, á s’omo di wèrè; bí a bá l’óba l’ánìíjù, á sínni n’íwin; bí tètè ègún bá pò á di òleri). Lagere concluded that he had reverenced the cow enough and even went overboard to call it “Brother.”

The target of the Northern Witch is to stop Lagere’s reign. By now, Tinubu must have realized that the Awolowo who divined education and welfare as antidote to the tyranny of the Northern Witch was no fool.

The Witch cannot be appeased. It is insatiable. Like Omolokun, this Witch will demand flesh and blood. Suffusing Nigeria with plenty and Northern Talakawa with education is the only route to rescue Lagere from the chokehold of his Python captor.