The Corporate Affairs Commission has issued a six-week ultimatum to all businesses operating in Nigeria with unregistered names or acronyms, warning that failure to comply with registration requirements may result in prosecution and possible imprisonment.

This was disclosed in a statement issued by the CAC on Tuesday titled, “Public Notice: Carry on Business in Nigeria Under an Unregistered Name or Acronym.”

The development comes amid the collapse of the fraudulent cryptocurrency investment scheme known as “CBEX,” which defrauded Nigerians of approximately N1.3 trillion.

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had emphasised that although ST Technologies International Limited—promoter of CBEX—was registered with the CAC, it was not licensed by the Securities and Exchange Commission to operate as an investment platform.

In the statement posted on its social media platforms, the CAC informed the general public that it is a criminal offence under Section 863 of the Companies and Allied Matters Act, 2020, to carry on business in Nigeria as a company, limited liability partnership, limited partnership, or under a business name without registration. It is also an offence to operate under a name (or acronym) other than the one registered under the Act.

The public was further advised that Section 729 of the Act requires every registered company to display its registered name and registration number at every business location.

The statement read, “The Commission wishes to inform the General Public that it is a criminal offence under Section 863 of the Companies and Allied Matters Act, 2020 to carry on business in Nigeria as a Company, Limited Liability Partnership, Limited Partnership or under a Business Name without registration under the Act or by a name (or acronym) other than the name (or acronym) by which the business was registered under the Act.

“The General Public should note that Section 729 of the Act requires every Company registered under the Act to state its name as registered and its registration number outside every place where it carries on business. In addition, the Company is required to state its registered name and registration number on all its official publications, including its letterhead, signage(s), marketing and publicity materials.”

The CAC emphasised that non-compliance with business registration requirements may result in prosecution and a conviction that carries a penalty of up to two years’ imprisonment.

The statement continued, “In particular, the general public should note the provisions of Section 862 (1) of the Act, which state that any person who, in any document required under the Act (including the aforementioned official publications of a company), knowingly makes a false statement in any material respect commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of two years, in addition to a daily fine imposed on the company for every day the offence continues.”

In light of the above, the CAC stresses that all companies, limited liability partnerships, limited partnerships, and business name proprietors must comply with the provisions of the Act within six weeks of this notice.

Failure to comply will result in enforcement actions, including prosecution, the CAC stressed. Stakeholders are advised to visit the CAC website: http://www.cac.gov.ng for updates.

“In view of the foregoing, every Company, Limited Liability Partnership, Limited Partnership and Business Name proprietor(s) is hereby required to ensure full compliance with the above requirements of the Act within six weeks of this notice failing which the Commission shall take all necessary steps (including prosecution) to enforce compliance,” it stated.

Following the collapse of the CBEX scheme, the EFCC clarified that possession of a Special Control Unit Against Money Laundering certificate does not equate to legal authorisation to operate in Nigeria.

In a statement released, the EFCC noted that although ST Technologies (not CBEX) is registered with SCUML in accordance with Section 17 of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, this does not authorise it to offer investment services.

[Punch]

President Bola Tinubu has approved the redeployment of four Federal Permanent Secretaries.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that this is part of ongoing efforts to reposition the Federal Civil Service for improved performance and service delivery.

Mrs Esther Walson-Jack, Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF), announced the redeployments in a statement by Mrs Eno Olotu, Director of Information and Public Relations, in her office in Abuja on Tuesday.

Walson-Jack said that the exercise was aimed at enhancing operational efficiency, fostering innovation, and aligning the service with the Renewed Hope Agenda of the present administration.

She listed the affected Permanent Secretaries and their new postings as follows: Dr Mary Ogbe – Redeployed from the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development to the Ministry of Regional Development.

Also, Faruk Yabo, who moved from the Ministry of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy to the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development.

Dr Emeka Obi is transferred from the Ministry of Budget and Economic Development to the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, while Mr Ogbodo Nnam is posted from the Special Duties Office in the Office of the HCSF to the Ministry of Information and National Orientation.

The Head of Service described the redeployment as a routine administrative procedure meant to reinvigorate the civil service by deploying top officials to strategic areas of need.

She charged the Permanent Secretaries to bring their experience to bear in their new assignments and ensure effective and seamless service delivery.

According to her, all handover and takeover processes are to be concluded on or before May 2.

Walson-Jack reaffirmed the Federal Government’s commitment to building a world-class civil service that upholds professionalism and drives national development.

[Vanguard]

When Spanish football fans speak of a “remontada,” they remember the electrifying nights when FC Barcelona staged miraculous comebacks against overwhelming odds. In Imo state’s evolving political landscape, a similar narrative is taking shape. Former Governor Ikedi Ohakim, who served from 2007 to 2011, is now preparing for his own remarkable comeback—a political remontada—with his sights firmly set on returning to the Douglas House in 2027.

When Ohakim first assumed office on May 29, 2007, he stepped into leadership with a bold agenda and a vision to transform Imo State. His administration initiated major infrastructural projects, including the construction of critical road corridors, modern market complexes, healthcare improvements, school renovations, agricultural enhancements, and rural development programs. His tenure symbolized a period of ambition and strategic groundwork.

Yet by May 2011, when he left office, many of these signature projects remained incomplete, leaving Imolites with a sense of unfulfilled potential. While Ohakim exited with significant accomplishments, a lingering sentiment remained that the final whistle had been blown too soon, cutting short a transformative vision that was still unfolding.

Unlike many former leaders who recede into political oblivion, Ohakim has maintained a strong public presence over the years. Through consistent community engagements, open support for subsequent administrations when necessary, and relentless advocacy for the continuation of his original infrastructure blueprint, he has stayed deeply connected to the grassroots.

His relevance today is anchored in a broad coalition that cuts across traditional elders, youth organizations, and emerging entrepreneurs. Ohakim has not only kept the memories of his first tenure alive but has also evolved his vision by partnering with digital economy experts to reimagine governance models, strengthen infrastructure maintenance plans, and integrate e-governance systems into public service delivery.

More recently, Ohakim has embarked on strategic tour across various communities in Imo State, gathering feedback, reaffirming old alliances, and forging new ones. His renewed interactions with religious leaders, traditional rulers, market associations, and youth bodies have helped reignite a spirit of optimism around his aspiration. In a political environment often characterized by disconnection, his direct and personal approach stands out and resonates with a populace hungry for genuine leadership.

Political observers liken Ohakim’s unfolding strategy to the successful comebacks of Nigerian governors like Ayodele Fayose (Ekiti), Kayode Fayemi (Ekiti), and Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano)—leaders who returned to power by rebuilding coalitions and refining their initial agendas. Ohakim has spent the intervening years nurturing alliances across party lines, forging new partnerships with private sector leaders, and positioning himself as a bridge between experience and innovation.

At the heart of his 2027 campaign is the powerful theme of “unfinished business.” Testimonials from farmers, traders, youths, students, and other stakeholders who once benefited from his interventions now underscore the argument for a second opportunity to complete and expand upon his vision.

One unavoidable challenge to Ohakim’s comeback is the ongoing debate over the Imo Charter of Equity. Stakeholders from Owerri Zone have long advocated for power rotation to their region, arguing that equity demands it. However, supporters from Okigwe Zone counter that their mandate was prematurely cut short in 2011, giving their quest for a full eight-year term a legitimate foundation.

With political leaders increasingly emphasizing that “those who seek equity must come with clean hands,” there is a growing acceptance that competence, experience, legacy, and the ability to deliver may ultimately outweigh zonal sentiments in determining the next governor of Imo State.

As the countdown to 2027 begins, many Imo indigenes are rallying behind Ohakim, clamouring for him to be given the chance to “finish what was started.” His success will depend largely on his ability to harness the strength of his grassroots network, defend his past achievements, present a visionary and executable agenda, and inspire a broad coalition of hope across the state.

More critically, Ohakim’s return bid seems to be gathering momentum at a time when Imo citizens are increasingly demanding leaders with proven competence and one who can continue the good works of the present administration of Governor Hope Uzodimma rather than making mere political rhetoric. With some of the present challenges facing the state, many Imolites believe that revisiting an experienced hand like Ohakim offers a safer path to stability, continuity and progress.

If he succeeds, Ohakim’s political remontada may not just complete an unfinished story—it could redefine what political comebacks look like in Nigeria.

The final whistle may still be a few years away, but one thing is clear: the game has already begun.

Obinna Nwachukwu writes from Onuimo in Imo state

Hakeem Baba-Ahmed recently resigned his appointment as Political Adviser to the President in the Vice President’s Office. The former Publicity Secretary of the Northern Elders Forum, NEF, who has been a critic and vocal voice against bad governance, in this interview, revealed that he never had a place in the Bola Tinubu administration.

He also speaks on the 2027 election, why Nigerians should not trust the drivers of the planned coalition and what is expected of Nigerians. Excerpts:

As a Political Adviser to Mr. President, in the office of the vice president, what were some your experiences?

I did my job as best as I can when I worked with the Vice President.

I believed the administration could have used people like me better, we were never in the mainstream of policy design, policy implementation, policy monitoring, mitigation of aura, steps and errors, building bridges with the communities and more importantly giving advice consistent with my mandate which is to give advice on political matters, I don’t think the administration had enough interest in what we could do.

But to the degree that I was available and I was there, I did my best and at the the end, I found that I really had no place in the administration. Many things that I could have advised on were going on, it didn’t look like my advice was necessary and I also disagreed with many of the things that were going on and the best way to deal with this kind of thing is to leave. But I left, I expressed gratitude for the opportunity to serve my country through the administration. I got to respect a lot of people in the government, forgive me if I don’t mention names. And ifI am also to be honest with you, I was disappointed that the administration has an opportunity to correct the ills and mistakes of the Buhari administration and it hasn’t, that’s all.

Can we know some of the pieces of advice that you gave to the government as political Adviser that were ignored?

No, maybe perhaps you read my open letter to the President wrongly. I never said I gave advice which were ignored. I said those who were involved in advising government or implementing the policies of the government were not of the calibre and the quality that an administration like President Tinubu’s, which was dealing with a very bad inheritance and which faced a lot of challenges which has created its own challenges, should have.

It wasn’t formed by the realities on the ground and he (Tinubu) and the presidency itself was isolated to be available to be advised, I think that was the point I made.

What are the areas you think that if the government takes positive steps to address will improve the lives of the citizenry?

I think they need to review their entire mandate, they should look at Nigeria as it is now and not just simply push out press releases and press statements.

They are spending a huge amount of energy celebrating, getting people who have brought the country to its knees to now join them. If this government thinks that getting defectors from parties that have failed the country, people, who have failed the country who are now looking for refuge and getting them to join their party, they are making a terrible mistake.

The future doesn’t look healthy with the APC which is overburdened by its own liabilities as well as the liability from other parties. They should look at where they are now. They still have two years, they can work very hard but the most important advice I gave in my open letter is that President Tinubu should work very hard to address the current challenges, to find younger people, more energetic people, people with the vision to fix the country.

People who recognise the fact that the future belongs to them and assure them. And then create a generation of politicians that will take over from him and people like him who just live in a small room called APC. All these huge number of people who have questions to answer on the way they run this country, have no business asking us to trust them again. They should look for younger people, people with more experience, people with more knowledge, people with the vision and passion to fix Nigeria. Those are the people I think President Tinubu should encourage his party to entrust the responsibilities .

As a seasoned politician are you ready to join the coalition so that the country will perhaps get it right?

Let me correct you, I am not a seasoned politician, I have been a public servant, what other people call as a technocrat virtually all my life. I have also been a critic of poor and bad administration. I am not interested in joining any coalition of people who have wrecked the country and who are looking for refuge and other opportunities to continue to do what they were doing before, I am not interested in that kind of politics.

Nigerians bear the brunt of any good or bad government, as the 2027 election draws near, what is your advice to them?

I will tell them to open their eyes and be very careful. 2027 will be a very, very important and decisive election. It will determine whether we will continue to sink under the incompetence and indifference of the last 12 years, eight years of Buhari and now four years of Tinubu, or we want to recreate Nigeria and re-engineer it so that it can address the problems of insecurity and poverty and deterioration of inter community relationship.

Nigeria can survive and can overcome its problems but it certainly cannot do so under the present leadership or the kind of coalitions of all these politicians who are desperately clinging to power, making it to appear as if the future belongs only to them. The future belongs to Nigerians. Nigerians should be very careful, they should not be carried away by all this business of North and South, ethnicity and religion. Everybody is a victim of the same problem created by the same people who are now asking us to trust them, they should not trust them.

All the talk in the political arena, right now, is about the elections in 2027, two years away: how Tinubu is going to win a 2nd term in office or how a coalition fronting Peter Obi or Atiku is going to unseat him.

2027 is still a good two years away and what the President was [supposedly] elected to do in his first term he hasn’t even scratched the surface of it apart from indulging in the usual blame-game on his predecessor, complaining about lack of funds and presiding over party-in fighting. And just like Nero played the fiddle while Rome burned he still manages to go on long foreign holidays oblivious to what is going on in the country.

Politicians in Nigeria seem to forget, very quickly, why they were voted into office in the first place: they are there to serve the needs of the people, not to enrich themselves, legally or illegally, not to make a name for themselves and certainly not to ignore the needs – and security – of the people who voted them into power.

The average politician is of “…anywhere belle face…”, which is to say for Me, Me and Myself: no morals, no principles and no integrity. They jump ship quite often and ‘if ‘lagbaja’ is paying then I’m joining his party’ which will explain the mass exodus of governors, senators and other politicians decamping to the ruling APC party, risking the nation fast becoming a one-party state.

As we’ve seen from history one-party states don’t work: it only promotes corruption, inefficiency and cronyism. The old USSR collapsed for the simple reason the party fat cats were more concerned about maintaining their bourgeoisie lifestyles than looking after their people: they forgot what they were there for.

The same is happening in Nigeria now.

How much does a ‘congo’ of rice or garri cost? Or a tray of eggs? How much does it cost to fill up your car tank, if you can? Or how much is your electricity bill, even though you didn’t get any power? And what about security? What’s to say you won’t be robbed, kidnapped or killed tomorrow when you are out and about? This and a multitude of other problems is what is happening on the streets of Nigeria on a daily basis. Of course, the high and mighty and politicians live in their high walled private estates with fresh food flown in from abroad weekly, armed guards to watch over them and totally oblivious to what’s going on around them.

There has been no improvement on the situation and things are only getting worse. Sadly, the only thing on your average politician’s mind is how he/she is going to get re/elected in 2027 by crook or by hook and they got a slew of PR experts and marketing gurus to come up with new campaign slogans and a basketful of promises they’ll never fulfil. In a sane climate if a politician is doing the job he was elected to do to the people’s satisfaction, in the first place, he wouldn’t have to worry about re-election: the people would vote him in willingly.

When you’re employed by a company, for instance, you’ll be subject to weekly, monthly or quarterly assessments by your immediate superior. You are expected to hit certain targets and if your performance falls below what is expected of you you’ll be fired! Why can’t the same rule apply to our politicians? If you don’t do what we expect from you, you are out at the next election. Performance is the key word here and this is how it should be. But come the next election and the starving, belittled, abused, unemployed, sick and endangered people will still vote for the incumbent President despite the fact he’s done nothing proactively to turn things around in his first term, as his predecessor did nothing and as his predecessor did nothing…should I continue to go backwards in time? People seem to have a very short memory until the hardship kicks in.

The Chinese say “..a journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step..”, Nigeria’s problems, as gargantuan as they are, can only end when politicians put their selfish interests aside and make a conscious effort to start changing things, a step at a time. Start with tackling the high cost of living. Remember a hungry man is an angry man. Try by making the basic things in life such as food, fuel and electricity affordable: empty promises don’t fill a hungry man’s stomach it only fuels dissent.

And the people have themselves to blame too, why vote in a person who’s going to do nothing for four years and vote him in again?

Its beggar’s belief.

So why all the politicians are fretting about themselves, stabbing each other in the back in an attempt to get re-elected, I simply ask ‘na 2027 we go chop?’(-if only it were possible!). Very soon the slogan ‘ebi pa wa o’(we are hungry) will become the new national anthem hopefully forcing politicians to forget their obsession with the 2027 elections and do something….perhaps!

In the combustible terrain of Nigerian politics, especially at the sub-national level, defection is more than just a political maneuver, it is a weapon. It is a signal, a message, a realignment, and at times, a declaration of war. The recent defection of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has all the trappings of a calculated political chess move that throws up urgent questions about the future of one of Delta State’s most visible politicians: Senator Ovie Omo-Agege.

Omo-Agege, a key player in Delta’s power circle and former Deputy Senate President, has had his eyes on the governorship seat for years. Despite losing to Oborevwori in the fiercely contested 2023 gubernatorial election, he remained the face of the APC in Delta State. But with the entry of the sitting governor into his party, armed with the weight of incumbency, Omo-Agege’s pathway to gubernatorial power may have just gotten dramatically narrower, if not completely blocked.

Oborevwori’s defection is not a simple change of political jersey. He did not switch allegiance as a lame duck politician. He moved with the power of incumbency and the strategic advantage of being in control of the state apparatus. The implications of this move go beyond Oborevwori seeking refuge in APC due to cracks in the PDP, it is about consolidating power for 2027 and beyond.

Political watchers are already reading between the lines. The question being whispered in political backrooms and party secretariats is simple yet profound: Was this defection orchestrated to kneecap Omo-Agege within his own house?

To understand the gravity of the threat Oborevwori now poses within APC, it is crucial to understand Omo-Agege’s journey. A man not unfamiliar with controversy, Omo-Agege has been a lawyer, commissioner, Secretary to the State Government (SSG), senator, and Deputy Senate President. Known for his boldness and political brinkmanship, he became one of the most prominent APC figures in the South-South, a region largely dominated by PDP.

After championing progressive legislation in Abuja and building a formidable political structure in Delta Central, especially among his Urhobo ethnic group, he was seen as the most viable alternative to PDP’s dominance. His 2023 governorship bid was powered by a heavy war chest, ground troops, federal backing, and a strong media narrative of “liberation” for Delta State. Yet, he lost.

But like most political heavyweights in Nigeria, losing an election did not push him into oblivion. If anything, it strengthened his resolve to remain relevant and mount a comeback in 2027. That plan, however, seems to be under serious threat now.

Until Oborevwori’s defection, Omo-Agege was largely seen as the undisputed leader of the APC in Delta. But that status is now up in the air. In Nigerian political culture, the sitting governor, regardless of when he joins a party, automatically becomes the leader of that party in the state. The reasons are simple: he controls appointments, patronage networks, state funds, and grassroots mobilization structures, including local government chairmen and councilors. These assets are often more critical than federal influence when it comes to swaying delegate votes and controlling party primaries.

For the APC, which has struggled to unseat the PDP in Delta for decades, Oborevwori’s defection is viewed as a win. But for Omo-Agege, it is a political tsunami. He now faces the awkward prospect of having to negotiate space within his own political turf, if not outrightly playing second fiddle to the same man he accused of electoral manipulation just a year ago.#

At this juncture it is germane to ask, “Was Oborevwori’s motivated to decamp from PDP as a way of escape or expansion?” The foregoing question since the last few days he defected to APC has remained unanswered.  In fact, since then, not a few people are asking “Why did Oborevwori defect?” To answer the foregoing question, several theories abound.

Some argue he is merely escaping a sinking PDP ship, particularly with his godfather Ifeanyi Okowa’s influence in decline. Others suggest he is preparing to cut his own political path without being shackled by lingering intra-party crises that have plagued the PDP at both state and national levels. However, a more strategic interpretation is gaining ground: that Oborevwori’s entry into APC was engineered by powerful forces in Abuja to neutralize Omo-Agege and consolidate APC’s hold in Delta by offering the party a sitting governor in return for internal restructuring.

This theory is not far-fetched. Political analysts familiar with Abuja’s power play know that national leaders are not emotionally attached to old loyalists. They are more concerned with win-ability, optics, and strategic advantage. And in the 2027 political calculus, a sitting governor seeking re-election on the platform of APC may offer better prospects than a former senator, regardless of how loyal the latter has been.

Although elections are still over two years away, the groundwork for 2027 is already underway. Within Delta APC, power blocs are forming, and battle lines are being drawn. If Oborevwori seeks a second term under the APC, it will require full control of the party’s structure. That puts him on a collision course with Omo-Agege, who will also be eyeing another chance at the top seat, perhaps his last viable opportunity, given political realities and the shifting sands of age and relevance.

Against the backdrop of the foregoing view, there is no denying the fact that Delta APC now faces the challenge of balancing political egos without imploding. If the leadership at the national level chooses to back Oborevwori, perhaps as part of a broader realignment in the South-South ahead of 2027, Omo-Agege may find himself increasingly isolated, unless he can negotiate power-sharing or stage an internal rebellion.

Delta’s politics is shaped as much by ethnic identity as by political ideology. The tripod structure, Delta North (Anioma), Delta Central (Urhobo), and Delta South (Ijaw, Itsekiri, and Isoko), has an unspoken rotational agreement. Oborevwori is Urhobo, like Omo-Agege, and with him currently occupying the top seat, many believe the next governorship cycle (barring Oborevwori’s re-election) should tilt towards either Delta North or Delta South.

This further complicates Omo-Agege’s ambition. If zoning holds, he may be effectively disqualified from contesting, especially if Oborevwori is not seeking re-election. But if Oborevwori decides to run for a second term under APC, and the national party backs him, Omo-Agege’s window closes further.

President Bola Tinubu’s own political style adds another layer to this drama. Known for pragmatism and reward-based politics, Tinubu may find Oborevwori’s defection appealing, especially if it adds a South-South governorship to his political portfolio in 2027. But Tinubu also respects loyalty and strategic alliances, and Omo-Agege has been loyal.

Now another question, “Will Tinubu attempt to broker peace between both men? Or will he back the man with executive power in the state?” Either way, Omo-Agege will need more than loyalty to secure APC’s 2027 ticket. He will need a compelling counter-strategy.

Then another question is the option left for Omo-Agege’s that of reinvention or resistance? Faced with this new reality, Omo-Agege has three clear options that cut across that of negotiating a power deal, lead a legal resistance, or lead a political resistance.

Explanatorily put, he can work out an internal compromise with Oborevwori and the APC national leadership, perhaps stepping aside in exchange for a senatorial return, ministerial slot, or control of some critical state structures.

If sidelined, Omo-Agege may rally aggrieved APC members and stake his claim in the court of public opinion and intra-party politics. This could split the party and damage its electoral chances, but may secure him leverage.

Though risky, a strategic defection to another party, possibly Labour Party or even a Third Force, could allow Omo-Agege to redefine himself as the real opposition. However, the absence of federal backing could handicap such a move.

The political theater in Delta State has just taken a dramatic twist, and the leading actors, Oborevwori and Omo-Agege, are set for a backstage tug-of-war that will shape the next act in the state’s political narrative.

In a system where defection is the norm, not the exception, the game is no longer just about loyalty or ideology, it is about structure, incumbency, and control. With Oborevwori’s defection, the APC now finds itself having to choose between two elephants. And as the old saying goes, when elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers. In this case, that grass may be Omo-Agege’s long-nurtured gubernatorial ambition.

Unless he reinvents himself, regroups his base, and retools his strategy, he may find himself not just sidelined but entirely shut out of the 2027 equation. The storm is gathering, and only time will tell who emerges with their political sails still intact.

Prominent Business Executive and Socialite, Aisha Achimugu, has declared “hunger strike” in the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) custody following her arrest by operatives of the commission.

A statement by the legal team of Achimugu, led by Mr Chikaosolu Ojukwu, SAN, on Tuesday in Abuja said that their client was arrested at about 5 a.m., at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) recalls that the EFCC had in March declared Achimugu wanted over allegations of criminal conspiracy and money laundering.

NAN also recalls that a Federal High Court in Abuja, presided over by Justice I.E. Ekwo, had on Monday ordered Achimugu to appear before the EFCC on Tuesday, and to also, appear before the court on Wednesday.

Ojukwu said that their client had arrived voluntarily from London to honour the EFCC invitation before her arrest by operatives of the commission.

He said that the socialite had through her lawyer informed the Federal High Court in Abuja on Monday that she would visit the EFCC on Tuesday.

He explained that the planned visit was in connection with an ongoing investigation into an alleged case of criminal conspiracy and money laundering brought against her.

”In the light of what transpired in court on Monday, our client returned based on the undertaking before the court to honor the EFCC’s invitation, but was arrested at the airport.

”She has immediately gone on a hunger strike. She is a prisoner of conscience and our stand in the arrest is that it has run contrary to the rule of law,” he said.

NAN reports that efforts to reach out to the EFCC spokesman, Dele Oyewale on the arrest of Achimugu proved abortive as the phone rang severally without picking.

Ojukwu said that Achimugu was a well-known business magnate and the Group Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of Felak Concept Group, a consortium comprising several companies in engineering, maritime, oil and gas, and information technology.

(NAN)

Last week, the entire political structure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in what has been tagged political tsunami dissolved into the All Progressives Congress (APC) because, in the words of Sheriff Oborevwori, the Delta State governor, “the drinking pattern needed to change as a result of changes in the taste of the palm wine”.

To observers of Nigerian politics that have watched the descent of ‘PDP family feud over the sharing of our resources” into war of attrition, the development sounded the death knell of the PDP.

To PDP enablers and self-proclaiming crusaders of democracy however, the development constitutes a threat to survival of democracy which is believed to thrive better within multi-party system. But from their chat with Chief Bode George, anchored by Reuben Abati of Arise TV and his crew and with Dele Momodu by Channel TV’s Seun Okinbaloye however, death of PDP spells doom for our democracy and should that happen, the president and his APC should be held responsible.

The truth is that PDP is not a political party in spite of its media enablers’ efforts to cloak it in borrowed robes of political party. John Campbell, a former American ambassador to Nigeria had during proceedings at a hearing on the topic: Nigeria In Turmoil on March 19, 2010 described PDP as “an elite cartel at the centre of power in Nigeria… a political party that came together with no ideological or programmatic basis, but simply as essentially a club of elites for sharing of oil rents and political spoils”.

That thesis has been validated several times over.

The first act of betrayal of Nigeria by PDP National Assembly members who publicly expressed the eagerness to recoup their election expenses having sold houses to prosecute the election was the passage of Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) Bill within three months. With that, the number of fuel importers went from four major oil companies to over a hundred. The new outfit which merely duplicated the functions Ministry of Petroleum Resources became an instrument by which PDP stalwarts and their children defrauded the nation to the tune of about NI.7 trillion “without importing a pint of fuel” according to Audu Ogbe, the then PDP chairman.

Then President Obasanjo and his PDP in the name of privatization between 1999-2014 sold off most of Nigerian public enterprises estimated at over $100b for a paltry $1.5b to their members or their fronts. It was on account of this the 7th Senate report of November 30, 2011 directed the National Council on Privatization to:

 “Rescind the sale of Abuja International Hotels Limited (Nicon Luxury Hotel) as well as Sheraton Hotel and Towers;  that the sales of assets of Daily Times Nigeria PLC  by Folio Communications Limited and its directors  be investigated by anti-graft agencies and the sold assets recovered; that the Share Purchase Agreement of Volkswagen Nigeria Limited now (VON)  be rescinded and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to investigate the economic crimes being perpetrated against the nation at VON Automobile Nigeria Limited premises in Lagos by Barbedos Ventures Limited; that NICON Insurance PLC  should immediately refund with interest, the sum of N900 million to the Federal Government being money paid by BPE in February 2007 as contribution for recapitalization with accrued interest; that Nigeria Re-insurance PLC  should immediately refund the sum of N1 billion paid by BPE in February 2007 as contribution of the Federal Government for recapitalization with accrued interest and that  the former Directors-General, Nasir el-Rufai,  Julius Bala and  Irene Nkechi Chigbue should be reprimanded by the National Council on Privatization”.

The privatization of the power sector was not different. After an injection of between $8.2-$15b of taxpayers’ money by the federal government, 15 companies made up of 10 Distribution Companies (DISCOs) and five Generation Companies (GENCOs)  paid $2.238b to take over 60% of unbundled PHCN in August 2013. President Jonathan on the occasion assured Nigerians that his administration will ensure that “Nigerians enjoy a minimum of 18 hours of electricity supply a day”.

Speaking on this betrayal of Nigeria, Bola Tinubu, during   the 11th Bola Tinubu Colloquium had said, “The PDP administration shared our generation, distribution and transmission to their friends and cronies without very deep and thoughtful research and evaluation. It has now become pork chops. He therefore  suggested  that “for a more constructive reform to improve generation, transmission and distribution, this privatization must be reviewed by putting experts together at all costs”, without prejudice to the legal implications.

PDP members that always regard themselves as family members are tarred with the same brush. Obasanjo who chased Diepreye Alamieyeseigha from Germany to London from where he escaped to Nigeria, dressed as a woman for defrauding his Bayelsa State; Obasanjo who ensured 17 of PDP and ANPP 24 governors between 1999 and 2007 were dragged by EFCC to court for financial malfeasance; Obasanjo who described National Assembly members  as “pen robbers”  for budget padding, arm-twisted governors and government contractors to collect N7 billion to build a personal presidential library while the national library he initiated in 2006 is still under construction 20 years after.

His godson, President Goodluck Jonathan, taking after his footsteps also secured N7 billion from serving governors and government contractors to build a church and recreation centre in his native Otueke village. Atiku Abubakar, Obasanjo’s vice president was indicted for his role in the privatization programme forcing Obasanjo to declare: “If I support Atiku for anything, God will not forgive me. If I do not know, yes. But once I know, Atiku can never enjoy my support.”

Dimeji Bankole, a former speaker of the House of Representatives was accused of immorally purchasing his official house while David Mark, the former senate president in “2011 purchased the official residence of the senate president, built on 1.6 hectares of land, a national monument that was not meant to be acquired by an individual and was never reflected in the federal government’s gazette as required”.

Bukola Saraki, another PDP leading light, was the whistle blower in the PDP N1.6trillion fuel subsidy scandal. In anger, he joined other disgruntled PDP members to pull down PDP for alleging the company in which he had interest was involved in the fuel subsidy scandal. In APC, Saraki confessed to literarily stealing the senate presidency by ceding the control of the senate with 60 APC majorities to PDP with 49 senators. He also traded off the deputy senate president’s position which by convention belongs to the ruling party with a majority, to Ekwerenmadu of PDP.

Prof Itse Sagay, a renowned constitutional lawyer had back then described Saraki’s victory as “a victory for impunity, a victory for fraud and a victory for political desperation and indiscipline. Similarly his victory was dismissed by Anwalu Yadudu, former Dean Faculty of Law, Bayero University as ‘lies in the face of democratic ideals, having stemmed from ‘a flawed election by a fraction of yet to be constituted senate”.

Nearly all the leading lights of PDP allegedly partook in the sharing of $2.4 billion loan for military wares and welfares. While Dazuki’s account’s officer reportedly claimed his boss asked him to get $11M from the CBN, Dasuki’ was widely quoted as saying the president asked to change N10b dollars to be shared to delegates.

Other PDP partakers according to EFCC include Iyorchia Ayu, Bode George, Attahiru Bafarawa, Raymond Dokpesi, Peter Odili, Jim Nwobodo and N950m shared in Shekarau’s house. Aziboala, GEJ’s cousin allegedly received N6 billion, Nenadi Usman N3.5 billion; Ayodele Fayose N3 billion and Musiliu Obanikoro, N4 billion. Tony Anenih – N400 million; Olisa Metuh took N400 million, Jolly Nyame- N2.4 billion and Joshua Dariye -N700 million etc.

Prof Chukwuma Soludo told Nigerians that “Over N30 trillion is mismanaged, unaccounted for or missing under Jonathan” while Obi Ekwesili, Obasanjo’s education minister lamented that “Our reserve is depleted and our savings are squandered. Our nation is in trouble.”

The greatest tragedy that can befall a nation, according to Wole Soyinka, the conscience of the nation, “is for her citizens to suffer collective amnesia”.  PDP and its media enablers believe Nigerians have short memories,

They also think we are incapable of drawing a parallel between massive defrauding of the nation in the years of the locust and the ‘japa’ syndrome which has taken thousands of our jobless youths into second slavery in Europe and America.

I am not sure Nigerians, earnestly awaiting PDP rites of passage will shed tears for PDP who, while in power, fought over sharing of our resources and properties kept in their care for our children and out of power, are today engaged in war of attrition over who, out of established fraudsters, should lead the next assault on Nigeria.

The Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) has ordered all banks in Nigeria to immediately identify and close any tax and levy collection accounts not authorised under the agency’s TaxPro Max system.

This directive, announced through a public notice issued by the Executive Chairman of FIRS, Zacch Adedeji, and circulated to journalists on Monday by his Special Adviser on Media, Dare Adekanmbi, forms part of ongoing reforms by the agency to enhance transparency, accountability, and efficiency in Nigeria’s tax collection framework.

According to the notice, all tax and levy collections must now be processed exclusively through the TaxPro Max platform, the digital solution introduced by the FIRS to centralise and automate tax administration processes.

What the FIRS is saying 

The notice, titled “Directive to close unauthorised FIRS tax collection accounts”, emphasised that any accounts outside the TaxPro Max system are considered unauthorised. Consequently, banks are expected to discontinue the use of such accounts without delay and ensure strict adherence to the new collection procedure.

“Effective immediately, all tax and levy collections on behalf of FIRS must be processed exclusively pursuant to an assessment raised on the TaxPro Max platform.

“All banks participating in the FIRS Collection, Remittance and Reconciliation Scheme are hereby advised to comply with this directive within the stipulated period.

“We count on your cooperation to ensure a smooth transition to this centralised system, thereby contributing to a more transparent and efficient tax collection process,” the notice stated.

FIRS further reiterated that banks participating in its Collection, Remittance, and Reconciliation Scheme must only process transactions originating from TaxPro Max-generated assessments.

The agency noted that the move would also enhance real-time reconciliation of collections, minimise revenue leakages, and support its broader digitalisation agenda.

TaxPro Max system 

The TaxPro Max platform, developed locally, is a comprehensive digital tax administration solution designed to facilitate end-to-end tax activities. These activities include taxpayer registration, filing of returns, payment processing, automatic issuance of receipts, and the generation of tax clearance certificates.

Since its deployment, TaxPro Max has become central to the FIRS’s strategy to modernise Nigeria’s tax administration infrastructure, reduce human contact in tax processes, and improve ease of compliance for taxpayers.

By mandating exclusive use of the platform, FIRS aims to eliminate the proliferation of multiple collection accounts and bring uniformity to how taxes are assessed, collected, and reconciled.

Implications for banks and taxpayers 

With this directive, banks are expected to align their internal tax collection mechanisms with the TaxPro Max system to avoid regulatory breaches. Financial institutions that fail to comply with the directive risk sanctions or exclusion from participating in future FIRS tax collection activities.

For taxpayers, the transition means that all payments to FIRS must now be based strictly on assessments raised via the TaxPro Max portal. Payment through any unauthorised channel or to any unauthorised account will be invalid and could expose taxpayers to penalties.

To support the transition, the FIRS encouraged taxpayers and banks seeking clarification or assistance to reach out to its Revenue Accounting and Refund Department (RAAD).

The directive by the FIRS marks a significant step towards tightening Nigeria’s tax collection processes and minimising leakages through unauthorised accounts. It also highlights the agency’s commitment to leveraging technology to drive transparency and accountability across the tax ecosystem.

[Nairametrics]

The eight branches of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) in Rivers State have firmly rejected a query issued to the Chairman of the Port Harcourt Branch, Cordelia Eke, by the Sole Administrator of the state via the Ministry of Justice.

The query, dated April 25 and signed by Director of Administration at the Rivers State Ministry of Justice, Ebiriemg Deresima, accused Eke of engaging in “serious misconduct.”

It alleged that she co-signed a communique which criticised the state administration for acts described as “severe and brazen acts of lawlessness and impunity,” including the alleged dismantling of democratic structures and suppression of peaceful demonstrations.

The query further claimed that such actions violated the Public Service Rules and were considered inappropriate for a civil servant.

Reacting in a joint press release on Monday, the chairmen of the Rivers NBA branches described the move as a clear attempt to intimidate Eke and other legal professionals in the state.

They emphasised that the communique in question was not authored by Eke in her capacity as a public servant but as the elected Chairperson of the Port Harcourt Branch of the NBA — a role that empowers her to express the collective stance of the branch.

According to the statement, the communique dated April 9 was a product of formal NBA deliberations and conveyed the consensus of all NBA branches in Rivers State.

The chairmen also stated that their position was consistent with that of the NBA at the national level, as outlined by the Association’s President, Mazi Afam Osigwe, SAN.

They went on to describe the query as part of a broader campaign by the Sole Administrator to silence opposing voices and dismantle democratic principles under the pretext of fostering peace.

“The query to our brother Chairman is nothing but a ploy by which the Sole Administrator seeks to intimidate her into discontinuing her functions and duties as Chairman of NBA Port Harcourt Branch, and an attempt to intimidate lawyers in Rivers State and by extension other good people of Rivers State from standing up and speaking against executive rascality and impunity,” they said.

“It must be noted that the main objective of the Nigerian Bar Association is the promotion of the rule of law thus, as watchdog of the society, it is our duty to speak truth to authority on behalf of lawyers and the general public and cannot be intimidated to shy away from this sacred responsibility.

“Consequently, we, the Chairmen of NBA Branches in Rivers State, condemn in its entirety the query issued to our Brother Chairman of NBA Port Harcourt Branch and demand an immediate withdrawal of the same.

“We consider the issuance of this query to our brother Chairman as an unfortunate act the Sole Administrator has decided to use to suppress freedom of speech and constitutional rights of the good people of Rivers State against his various incidences of dismantling of peaceful democratic institutions already in existence in Rivers State and other acts and actions capable of causing breach of peace instead of maintaining the peace which was the primary claim for his appointment as Sole Administrator in Rivers State. We condemn in its entirety the query issued to our colleague and demand its immediate withdrawal,” the chairmen stated.

The statement was signed by the chairpersons of various NBA branches in the state: Dr. Hilda Desmond-Ihekaire (Ahoada), Simple Dioha, Esq. (Isiokpo), Abiye Abo, Esq. (Degema), Dr. N. A. Duson (Bori), and Dr. Celestine Nwankwo (Okehi), among others.

Reaffirming their stance, they pledged to continue resisting any acts of intimidation or victimisation against NBA leadership, members of the legal profession, or the people of Rivers State.

[NaijaNews]