President Bola Tinubu has sworn in Esther Walson-Jack as head of the service (HoS) of the federation.

She was sworn in before the commencement of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting on Monday.

In a statement on July 17, Ajuri Ngelale, the presidential spokesperson, said her appointment will take effect on August 14.

Ngelale said Folasade Yemi-Esan, the outgoing HoS, will retire from the civil service on August 13.

“Walson-Jack was appointed as Federal Permanent Secretary in 2017 and has served in several ministries,” the statement reads.

“The new appointee will take over from the incumbent Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Dr. Folasade Yemi-Esan, CFR, who is due to retire on August 13, 2024.

“President Tinubu, while thanking the outgoing Head of Service for her stewardship, tasks the incoming Head of Service to discharge her duties with innovative flair, integrity, and stringent adherence to the extant rules and regulations of the Civil Service of the Federation.”

Walson-Jack holds a Bachelor of Law degree from the University of Lagos and was called to the bar in 1987.

Before joining the federal civil service, she was the solicitor-general of Bayelsa and also served as the permanent secretary of the state ministry of justice.

[TheCable]

“There in front of the Tabernacle, Solomon went up to the bronze altar in the LORD’s presence and sacrificed a thousand burnt offerings on it. That night God appeared to Solomon in a dream and said, ‘What do you want? Ask, and I will give it to you!” 2 Chronicles 1:6-7

Sacrifice! You cannot effectively serve or relate to God without living a life of sacrifice. Sacrifice is defined as the offering of something precious to a god, the giving up of something of great value to oneself for a special purpose or to benefit somebody else, and also personally, deliberately, denying yourself pleasures, comfort, rights and privileges to achieve a purpose or a goal. If we would start from the first, it’s an established fact that humans cannot have any fellowship with spirits or the spirit world without sacrifices. And these come in form of altars, worship, dedication, devotion, offerings, etc. Whether it is the worship of God the creator of the universe or the worship of Satan and his host of demons, it is the same. You must be ready and willing to live a life of sacrifice to maintain the relationship. Sacrifice gives you access to the spirit world. It gives you access to the supernatural. It gives you spiritual privileges. Sorry, here, we will not be able to discuss this practice in the satanic kingdom. We’ve already done that adequately in my books Power of Midnight Prayer and Breaking Generational Curses: Claiming Your Freedom by Gabriel Agbo.

Now, from the beginning, God related to man through sacrifices. After giving man the freedom to eat every fruit in the Garden of Eden, he went ahead to warn him not to touch or eat the fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. Yes, the fruit looked good and delicious but God told him, “Don’t touch it!” That was expected to be a mark of consecration, self-denial, sacrifice, but man fail woefully here. Look at Cain and Abel, it was the sacrifice they both performed to God that brought their problem. Abel’s sacrifice was accepted while Cain’s was rejected. Now, fast forward to Abraham, when God decided to make a covenant with Abraham, affirming his promises of protection, generational blessings and a son to him, he initiated a very powerful sacrifice to seal the promises. I see your own promises will be sealed today in Jesus’ name! Listen, “Then the LORD told him, ‘Bring me a three-year-old heifer, a three-year-old female goat, a three-year-old ram, a turtledove, and a young pigeon. Abram took all these and killed them. He cut each one down the middle and laid the halves side by side. He did not however divide the birds in half. Some vultures came down to eat the carcasses, but Abram chased them away. That evening, as the sun was going down, Abram fell into deep sleep. He saw a terrifying vision of darkness and horror. Then the LORD told Abram… ” Genesis15:9-17

After the sacrifice the Almighty came down in a very powerful way and made a generational covenant with Abraham. Abraham saw a mysterious smoking fire pot and a flaming torch pass between the halves of those mutilated animals. God was receiving the offering and was speaking out very power promises to Abraham, to his children and many generations to come. In fact, He was also telling him what will happen in the next four hundred years! My God! Sacrifices are very powerful. They move the hand of the supernatural. They access the inaccessible and break the unbreakable. What are you sacrificing to your God? I see God starting something new with you today. Get my book / audiobook Power of sacrifice by Gabriel Agbo immediately. You can find it in all major world languages. This message is changing your life forever! We will continue next week. God bless!

 Rev Gabriel Agbo is the author of the books / audiobooks: Power of Midnight Prayer, Receive Your Healing, Breaking Generational Curses: Claiming Your Freedom, Never Again!, I Shall Not Die, Move Forward, Power of Sacrifice and many others. Tel: 08037113283

One of the first major policies of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's regime was the floating of the Naira to unify foreign exchange rates and save Nigeria the billions of dollars previously used to defend the Significant arbitrage between the official exchange rates and the rates in the parallel market, previously existed which many individuals and businesses exploited. Although the policy was implemented with good intentions, it has resulted in the devaluation of the Naira by over 200% and consequences for the Nigerian business environment.

Since equipment, spare parts, raw materials, and other inputs for production are often imported, the devaluation of the Naira has increased the costs of operation for manufacturing companies. These companies are careful not to immediately transfer all these increased costs to consumers to avoid losing patronage. Consequently, they have had to deal with reduced profit margins, and some unethical ones may reduce quality, while others seek ways to cut costs; reducing staff strength is often one of the first measures taken.

Non-manufacturing companies were also impacted, as energy costs soared significantly—at one point, the price of diesel rose to over 1,500 Naira per litre before the Dangote refinery commenced production. Many companies that could not cope with the increased cost of doing business have shut down, while the high capital required to start most businesses has equally become a barrier to entry.

The devaluation of the Naira has led to foreign exchange losses for many companies, with some reporting losses in billions of Naira. Small and medium-scale enterprises also suffered losses. Typically, when businesses whose functional currency is the Naira take on credit facilities in foreign currency (loans or goods, services, machinery, spare parts on credit, etc) they face foreign exchange risks, leading to losses whenever the Naira is devalued. The value of foreign exchange obligations in naira terms increases. The losses could be avoided or reduced with appropriate hedging practices. These credit facilities are often attractive due to favourable terms compared to what is obtainable within Nigeria.

When the Naira was floated, its value remained highly volatile for a while making it difficult for businesses to plan appropriately. During this period of instability, many businesses avoided making major investment decisions, awaiting a stable economic environment to avert losses. This resulted in a decrease in foreign direct investment during that period. Worrisome is that in recent weeks, the Naira has once again shown signs of instability, which the government is addressing.

The devaluation of the Naira made Nigerian exports more attractive and competitive, to the advantage of export-oriented businesses. Some argue that this has contributed to food inflation in Nigeria, as people from neighbouring countries increased their demand for foodstuffs from Nigerian farmers, finding them a cheaper option due to the Naira’s devaluation. This reduced food availability in Nigeria which was already grappling with inadequate supply, leading to demand-pull inflation. Government efforts to improve food production in the country are ongoing. It is important to note that the increased cost of food production and transportation also contributed to food inflation.

On the other hand, the devaluation of the Naira has led to lower purchasing power of individuals and a reduction in household consumption. Businesses have seen demand for their goods and services dip, leading to the closure of some of them. To cope, some had to review their prices, reducing their margins to stimulate demand. Many businesses have been unable to cope with the combined effect of increased costs of doing business and decreased sales. Implementation of the new national minimum wage is expected to increase household consumption.

While acknowledging that the floating of the Naira has enormous benefits for the Nigerian economy, including improved transparency in the Nigerian forex market and saving the country billions of dollars previously used to defend the Naira, it may be wise for the government to provide some form of intervention to the manufacturing industry which is a major driver of the economy. This could be in the form of reduced taxes or long-term low-interest loans. The government could also consider using part of the revenue expected from the proposed one-time windfall tax on foreign exchange gains of banks to support Nigerian industries. Furthermore, the government should put all measures in place to ensure the stability of the value Naira to promote investor confidence and prevent businesses from incurring huge forex losses in the future.

The decision taken by Nigeria, under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration to be floating the naira, allowing its value to be determined by the open market rather than pegging it to another currency or managing it through a fixed exchange rate, is a crucial economic policy choice. For Nigeria, the idea of floating the naira has been discussed and debated for years, with proponents arguing that it could bring about greater economic stability and transparency. However, as Nigeria has taken this significant decision, and is now in it, it is essential to draw lessons from the experience of Zimbabwe, a country that has undergone a turbulent journey with its currency.

Without recourse to denigration, Zimbabwe's economic history is a stark reminder of how currency mismanagement can lead to catastrophic consequences. Once considered one of Africa's most promising economies, Zimbabwe faced hyperinflation in the late 2000s, leading to the abandonment of the Zimbabwean dollar in 2009. The country then adopted a multi-currency system, primarily using the US dollar, in an attempt to stabilize its economy.

However, in 2019, Zimbabwe reintroduced the Zimbabwean dollar, abandoning the multi-currency regime. The reintroduction was accompanied by the floating of the currency, but it quickly became apparent that the move was premature. Without the necessary economic fundamentals in place, the currency's value plummeted, leading to a rapid loss of confidence among both local and international investors. The result was a return to hyperinflation and severe economic instability.

As gathered from literatures and books on Economics, as I am not an Economist, but a Journalist on the Business Desk of a national newspaper, permit me to share the “little knowledge” I gained by virtue of my profession, having had the opportunity of listening and interacting with Economic analysts and observers alike, by opining that Zimbabwe’s experience highlights the importance of having strong economic fundamentals before floating a currency. A country's currency value is not just determined by market forces but also by the underlying strength of its economy. For Nigeria, this means that before considering a float, the government must ensure that the economy is robust, with controlled inflation, a diversified revenue base, and a stable political environment.  This is as a weak economy will likely lead to a rapid depreciation of the currency, exacerbating inflation and worsening economic conditions.

Again, I for the umpteenth time read and heard that building confidence in the financial system is indispensable. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as confidence is key when floating a currency. It is little wonder that Zimbabwe's reintroduction of the Zimbabwean dollar was met with skepticism, both domestically and internationally, due to the lack of trust in the government's ability to manage the currency effectively. For Nigeria, building and maintaining confidence in the naira will be essential. This can be achieved through transparent and consistent monetary policies, clear communication from the Central Bank, and a commitment to protecting the currency from political interference.

In a similar vein, not a few Economists and Bankers are unanimous in their views that given the president economic predicament that Nigeria is undergoing that foreign exchange reserves matters.  The reason for their views cannot be farfetched as one of the challenges Zimbabwe faced was the depletion of its foreign exchange reserves, which made it difficult to support its currency. For Nigeria, maintaining adequate foreign exchange reserves will be critical as she is at the moment floating her currency. These reserves provide a buffer against speculative attacks on the currency and can be used to stabilize the naira if necessary. Therefore, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) should focus on rebuilding and maintaining healthy reserves before considering a float.

As gathered, there is also the need to manage expectations. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as the initial period after a currency float can be volatile, with sharp fluctuations in the exchange rate. In Zimbabwe, this volatility led to panic and a loss of confidence. Nigeria must manage expectations by preparing the public and investors for potential short-term instability. This includes setting realistic goals for the currency float and being prepared to intervene if necessary to prevent excessive volatility.

In fact, Zimbabwe's currency crisis was exacerbated by poor policy decisions, including the excessive printing of money and the lack of fiscal discipline. Nigeria must learn from these mistakes by ensuring that its fiscal policies are aligned with its monetary policies. The government should avoid the temptation to finance budget deficits through excessive borrowing or money printing, as this could undermine the success of a currency float.

Again, it is germane to opine that Nigeria's economic landscape is vastly different from Zimbabwe's, but the lessons are still relevant. Nigeria's economy is larger, more diversified, and more integrated into the global financial system. However, it also faces significant challenges, including inflationary pressures, high unemployment, and a reliance on oil exports for foreign exchange earnings. These challenges must be addressed before a successful float of the naira can be attained.

Furthermore, Nigeria's political environment is complex, with various interest groups and regional considerations that could influence the outcome of a currency float. Therefore, as the government floats the naira, it must always be cognizance of the fact that there are risks and benefits therein and with a commitment to managing the process effectively.

As Nigeria insists on floating the naira, it is crucial to look to Zimbabwe as a cautionary tale. While floating a currency can bring about greater economic flexibility and transparency, it is not a decision to be taken lightly. Nigeria must ensure that it has the necessary economic fundamentals in place, build confidence in the financial system, and be prepared to manage the volatility that may arise. By learning from Zimbabwe’s experience, Nigeria can make a more informed decision and potentially avoid the mistakes that led to economic turmoil in its southern neighbor.

As the calendar inches closer to August 12, it is time to celebrate one of Nollywood’s brightest stars, Destiny Etiko. This year, as she marks another milestone, we reflect on her remarkable journey in the film industry, where she has made an indelible mark with her incredible talent and captivating performances.

Destiny Etiko is more than just a name in Nollywood; she is a force to be reckoned with. From the moment she stepped into the limelight, she captured the hearts of audiences with her natural acting skills and undeniable charisma. Over the years, she has continued to evolve, taking on roles that challenge her and showcase her versatility as an actress.

Beyond the screen, Destiny Etiko is a beacon of inspiration for many. Her story is one of determination and hard work. Despite the challenges that come with the entertainment industry, she has remained steadfast in her pursuit of excellence. She has risen above every obstacle, proving that with talent and tenacity, anything is possible. Her success is a testament to her unyielding dedication to her craft and her unwavering belief in herself.

Destiny’s influence extends far beyond Nollywood. She is also a role model for young women across Nigeria and beyond, showing them that it is possible to achieve their dreams regardless of their background. Her philanthropic efforts, particularly in supporting the less privileged, further demonstrate her commitment to giving back to society and making a positive impact in the lives of others.

One of Destiny’s most iconic performances came in the movie “Idemili” (2014), where she portrayed the role of Ekemma, a young woman entangled in the complexities of tradition and modernity. Her performance was nothing short of riveting, earning her widespread recognition and cementing her place in the industry. The movie not only showcased her acting prowess but also highlighted her ability to bring depth and emotion to her characters.

Destiny’s filmography is as diverse as it is impressive. In “My Private Part”, she displayed her talent for drama and suspense, keeping viewers on the edge of their seats with her intense and emotionally charged performance. Then, in “The Return of Ezendiala”, she took on a more traditional role, embodying the cultural richness of Nigeria with grace and authenticity.

Born in Udi, Enugu State, Destiny Etiko has always had a flair for the dramatic. Her journey into the world of acting began at a young age, and it did not take long for her to become a household name. With her debut in 2012, Destiny quickly established herself as a force to be reckoned with, delivering performances that are nothing short of spectacular. From the girl-next-door roles to the fierce and feisty characters, she has shown her versatility and range as an actress, earning her a place among the top stars in Nollywood.

But Destiny is more than just an actress; she is a phenomenon. Her beauty, both inside and out, radiates in every role she takes on. With each movie, she brings a unique blend of grace, strength, and authenticity that resonates deeply with her audience. Whether she’s playing a tragic heroine or a comedic lead, Destiny’s performances are always compelling, leaving viewers spellbound.

Not one to shy away from challenging roles, Destiny also starred in “Fear of a Woman”, where she played a character that was both vulnerable and strong, a testament to her ability to navigate complex narratives with ease. In “Black Xmas”, she proved once again that she could handle any genre thrown her way, bringing both humor and heart to the screen.

Destiny’s commitment to her craft is evident in every project she undertakes. Her dedication to bringing her characters to life has earned her numerous awards and accolades, and more importantly, the admiration of millions of fans across the globe. Whether she’s playing a loving wife, a fierce warrior, or a comedic relief, Destiny brings authenticity and passion to every role.

As we celebrate Destiny Etiko on her upcoming birthday, we acknowledge not just the years she has spent in the industry, but the countless lives she has touched with her performances. Her journey is one of hard work, resilience, and an unwavering love for the art of storytelling.

Destiny Etiko, as you turn a year older, we celebrate the incredible woman you are, both on and off the screen. May this new chapter bring you even more success, joy, and opportunities to continue doing what you do best, entertaining and inspiring us all. Happy Birthday in advance!

In the annals of Nigeria’s socio-political history, certain terms have emerged as symbols of the collective frustrations, aspirations, and resilience of its people. Today, as we navigate the turbulent waters of our national life, two phrases stand out, “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga”. These expressions encapsulate the prevailing sentiments of chaos, disillusionment, and the enduring quest for good governance that characterize the current era.

The term “Zanga Zanga” is a colloquial expression often used to describe protests, upheavals, and widespread demonstrations. It signifies the raw energy of the masses, particularly the youth, who have taken to the streets in recent years to demand accountability, justice, and a better future. This phrase embodies the spirit of defiance and the refusal to accept the status quo, no matter how entrenched it may be.

“Nigeria Jagajaga,” on the other hand, is a phrase popularized by the legendary Nigerian musician, Eedris Abdulkareem in his 2004 hit song of the same name. The phrase translates loosely to “Nigeria is in disarray” or “Nigeria is messed up,” and it struck a chord with many Nigerians who felt that the country’s potential was being squandered by poor leadership, corruption, and systemic failure. Nearly two decades later, the phrase still resonates, perhaps even more profoundly, as the challenges facing the nation seem to have intensified.

Nigeria’s youth, who make up a significant portion of the population, have grown increasingly disillusioned with the state of the nation. High unemployment rates, poor infrastructure, insecurity, and a lack of opportunities have fueled a sense of hopelessness. However, rather than resigning themselves to a bleak future, many young Nigerians have embraced the spirit of “Zanga Zanga” by taking an active role in demanding change.

From the #EndSARS movement, which called for an end to police brutality, to ongoing protests against bad governance and economic hardship, the youth have shown that they are unwilling to remain silent in the face of injustice. Social media has become a powerful tool in their arsenal, amplifying their voices and connecting them with like-minded individuals across the globe.

The “Zanga Zanga” era is characterized by a heightened awareness of civic rights and responsibilities. It is a time when the youth are not only challenging the old order but also seeking to redefine what it means to be Nigerian in the 21st century. They are demanding transparency, accountability, and a government that truly serves the people.

Despite the vibrant activism of the youth, the phrase “Nigeria Jagajaga” remains a stark reminder of the entrenched issues that continue to plague the country. Corruption remains endemic, with public funds often siphoned off by those in power. Insecurity has reached alarming levels, with insurgencies, banditry, and communal clashes leaving many regions in a state of perpetual fear. The economy, while showing signs of growth, has not translated into tangible benefits for the majority of Nigerians, who continue to struggle with poverty and inflation.

The disarray captured by “Nigeria Jagajaga” is evident in the crumbling infrastructure, inadequate healthcare system, and failing educational institutions. These issues are not new, but they have become more pronounced, leading to a growing sense of despair among the populace.

The juxtaposition of “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga” highlights the duality of the current era. On one hand, there is a deep-seated frustration with the state of the nation; on the other, there is an unyielding determination to effect change. This era presents an opportunity to channel the energy of the youth into constructive action that can help address the systemic issues plaguing the country.

For meaningful change to occur, there must be a concerted effort to bridge the gap between the government and the governed. Leaders must be willing to listen to the voices of the people, particularly the youth, and take decisive steps to address their concerns. This includes implementing policies that promote economic growth, create jobs, and ensure security for all Nigerians.

Moreover, the spirit of “Zanga Zanga” must be sustained beyond protests. It must translate into increased political participation, with more young people running for office, voting, and holding their leaders accountable. Civil society organizations and the media also have a crucial role to play in keeping the government in check and advocating for the rights of the people.

Without a doubt, the era of “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga” is a defining moment in the nation’s history. It is a time of great challenges but also of great potential. The phrases themselves serve as a call to action, urging every Nigerian to contribute to the rebuilding of the nation. While the road ahead may be difficult, the collective will of the people, especially the youth, can pave the way for a better, and more prosperous Nigeria.

Undoubtedly, the political matrimony between President Bola Tinubu and Northern Nigeria is at Talaq stage. Talaq is the Islamic unilateral repudiation of a marital union. There are no sobs, no wails. No dabbing of the face with a handkerchief. But, the dusts provoked by the matrimonial dislocation hang notoriously in the sky. Even bystanders miles away can see them. The marriage is only 15 months old but the couple’s patience for each other is rope-thin. As our elders say, right in the presence of the kolanut seller, irreverent worms slide inside his pods. A matrimony celebrated with pomp and ceremony is now a chaotic market row. The gluttonous cat has eaten the poisonous meat of a toad. A post on X late last week even claimed that “Northerners have (begun) Al-Qunut prayers against Tinubu…Al-Qunut prayers (are) done…to eliminate evil.” There is a litany of allegations hung on the neck of the seismic marriage. It ranges from prostitution, abandonment, betrayal to battery. While the world sees the palm fronds, (mariwo) the egungun of the matrimony would seem to have been long gone.

Well, as the saying goes, a household of misbehaving children is a reflection that it is devoid of elders with wisdom – (T’ómodé ilé bá ńse réderède, àgbà ibè ni ò ní làákàyè). Elders then summoned the couple and demanded the reason for their tiff. Flaunting patriarchal righteousness, the husband has kept mum, dragging smoke off his burning cigarette intermittently. The Northern wife however did the narration, tears coursing down her cheeks. On her knees, she tells the story of Lagere, the cripple and Python, a huge heavy-bodied reptile which kills its prey by constriction. Lagere was a prince crippled from birth. At his turn to succeed his father, Kingmakers bucked, citing an existing tradition forbidding disabled on traditional stools. Downcast, Lagere hopped down river road to commit suicide. As he folded his deformed leg to jump into the river, a huge python emerged from nowhere and demanded why he contemplated suicide. Moved, Python promised to help him. The snake jumped up, wrapped himself round Lagere and constricted him. Upon unwrapping self from the cripple, the deformed leg received strength. Overexcited, Lagere swore to show gratitude to Python.

Before he was crowned king, continued the Northern Wife, the Ifa Oracle summoned to divine Lagere’s reign muttered a saying, the purport of which was cryptic to all at the time. The Oracle said, “Oore tán, asiwèrè gbàgbé” meaning, at the fullness of time, the foolish will forget a kindness of the past. Lagere then ordered that a groove be earmarked in the palace for the worship of the mysterious reptile. He indeed worshipped Python for months. One day, however, having smoked alien weeds, the king’s head exploded with pride. Lagere reasoned that His Imperial Majesty shouldn’t be seen groveling before an ordinary reptile. He then ordered that the animal be brought to the palace to be sacrificed to him. On seeing what King Lagere was about to do with him, Python cried passionately and asked for mercy. Lagere would not listen. But as he was being dragged down for propitiation, Python suddenly pounced on Lagere, twined self round him. Instantly, he returned to his old cripple state. The town then dethroned Lagere. “That, elders of the land, is my story,” narrated the Northerner wife.

Being a student of Nigeria’s political history and one right inside its vortex, from its beginning, it should have occurred to Tinubu and his Northern bride that their matrimony would be short-lived. As the one who holds an umbrella all-day long would find out only later at sunset that they carry a heavy object, only at dusk would an Oko Ìyàwó Elépòn Búlúù (a vulgar Yoruba folksy appellation for a newly-wedded groom) realize that wedlock is the least of matrimonial rituals. Meeting responsibilities of matrimony is the toughest nut to crack. So long as there is a colony of lice on clothe, the fingernail cannot be devoid of blood. While narrating her ordeals and betrayal of trust from Lagere, the Northerner wife had lapsed into a  Yoruba proverb which says that if a monkey is uncertain about the danger upon a tree, it should not be found climbing it (Bi oju alakedun o da igi, kii gun) to which the elders nodded in unison.

Before the End Bad Governance protests which began on August 1, the depth of the matrimonial discord between Tinubu and the North was, at best, at the level of guesswork. For instance, we knew that it is almost an impossibility that tantrums won’t follow a stubborn child given a knock on the head. When the Tinubu government thus disgraced Nasir el-Rufai last year, tantrums were expected. So when the Tinubu government, for which he pulled critical chestnuts off the fire, rewarded him with a non-ministerial clearance by the Senate, many could swear by their mothers’ graves that the northern Eliri, the minutest of all rats, will become one of the rebellious faggots that will upset the fire. And that, whenever the North was reorganizing for an Araba, Eliri would play a prominent role. Araba should remind any student of Nigerian history of the historical Northern Nigerian cry of disaffection with the Nigerian state of affairs immediately Aguiyi Ironsi promulgated the highly objectionable Decree 34 which rendered Nigeria’s federalism unitarist. The North had earlier visited midless pogrom on eastern Nigeria. I got a whiff of the heartlessness of the bloodletting from a live play of Yoruba Apala music lord, Ayinla Omowura, recently. He sang, “wón ńpa yíbò bí eni p’eran alápatà…” – they butchered Igbo people as though killing cows in a meat shop.

In June, Northern politicians began coalescing around Muhammadu Buhari. They advertised this in a visit which anyone familiar with the colour, tone and tenor of historical serpentine regrouping of the north would know was the beginning of a call to put spanner in the works. Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and Aminu Tambuwal, Sokoto state’s ex-governor, kicked off the visit. It was to Buhari in his Daura hometown. Within 24 hours, el-Rufai followed suit. Photograph of the former governor’s legendary stoops to shake hands, similar to Iscariot’s kiss of Jesus, a notorious signature tune heralding betrayal, was amply advertised. Packaged as “Sallah homage,” political watchers claim the visits were the beginning of a packaged northern tempest against the Yarbawa who the north was wedded to in a matrimony that has now gone sour. Shehu Sani, Afro-haired ex-senator said this much in a release and attributed it to an attempt to build a strong northern alliance using Buhari as a rallying point to challenge and evict Tinubu in 2027. On the comedic scene, a Bello Galandachi satirizes the rot in the Tinubu government almost weekly.

The End Bad Governance protest was the strongest alibi for Northern Nigeria to ventilate its 15-month accumulated angst. It has been said that the protest, which kicked off on August 1, was a reflection of the geographical and ethnic politics that Nigeria had practiced from pre-colonial times. While the southeast, in a bid to stamp its disavowal with its typecast as a bellicose race, signed off from the protest, the southwest, which goes on protests, whether it is convenient for it or otherwise, marched out, while the north, often pacifist in matters that doesn’t personally concern it, was at the height of its hostility. The social reality of protest against the status quo in Nigeria is that, outside of university campuses, protests are a rarity on the streets of the Muslim North. For the eight years of Buhari’s non-governance, the north was as constantly docile as the northern star. But in this protest against bad governance, not only did northern protesters go to the Hobbesian state of nature, inflicting nasty, brutish jabs on sanity, some protesters even waved Russian flags, shouting “Putin!”

There is no denying the fact that the current Tinubu government has made life very excruciating for the people of Nigeria. Perhaps, like no other government in recent history. The pain is such that, as the elders will say, it is only a child who has not beheld the sight of a lion’s devoured carcass in the forest who will pray to be killed by a leopard (Bí omodé ò rí àjekù kìnìhún nínú igbó, á ní kí eran bí ekùn ó pa òhun).The truth is also that, the government has democratized sufferings across board in Nigeria. Tinubu dishes out pains, death, escalating food inflation and hopelessness to Nigerians without any ethnic, religious or social discrimination. As the poor of Kaura-Namoda feels the cluelessness of Aso Rock, the poor of Nchatancha and Telemu equally feel it. But the way the North has taken the lead in escalating the protest this murderously, the question that begs for answer is, what exactly is that region beefing Tinubu about? Hunger? Certainly not. Since we have agreed that no part of Nigeria is spared Tinubu’s merciless, slavish Bretton Woods economic policies, why then is the north crying so vociferously as if it is the only bereaved?

After his announcement as winner of the 2023 presidential election, one of the victorious thoughts that must have crossed Tinubu’s mind was that the ground Chief Obafemi Awolowo wobbled while treading, he gallantly stomped on it. Awolowo’s famous 1959 election campaign round the north, which roused Ahmadu Bello from his slumber, culminating in a Sardauna embarking on a political campaign which got his royal face caked with dusts in the process, opened Awolowo’s eyes to the myth of a monolithic north. Awolowo then came to the conclusion that an alliance of Southern Nigeria with the Middle Belt and Christian North holds the key to a southerner’s presidency of Nigeria. An alliance of his AG with NCNC to form UPGA had Michael Okpara, Eastern Premier, campaigning on the streets of Ibadan. This model still didn’t work during the Second Republic. Citing S. L. Akintola in his book, House of War (2003) Dare Babarinsa said Akintola, Western Nigeria Premier, rationalized his romance with the feudal north in that, the economic, educational and commercial aggressiveness of the Igbo was a greater danger to the Yoruba than the political hegemony of the Hausa/Fulani. An alliance with the NPC, he believed, was the surest way of rescuing the Yoruba from political annihilation. MKO Abiola lapped up the Akintola power model. From his alliance with Muhammadu Buhari in 2014, Tinubu also dusted the Akintola and Abiola handbook hook, line and sinker. On a superficial level, the trio of Akintola, Abiola and Tinubu would seem to be right and Awolowo wrong, right?

The above, however, cannot elicit a QED (quod erat demonstrandum) answer. The northern establishment’s political pedigree hoists it as a typical African witch. Of the many symbols and attributes of the witch, she holds tightly to her ferocious mystic power, using it as bait. She is also reputed with the upside-down symbolism. Among the Akan tribe of Ghana, the witch is literally “inverted.” Hans Werner Debrunner, in his Witchcraft in Ghana: A Study on the Belief in Destructive Witches and Its Effect on the Akan Tribes (1961) said of witches, “Before they leave the body, they turn themselves upside… They walk with their feet in the air, that is, with the head down, and have their eyes at the back of the ankle joints.” The Ewe in same Ghana also believe that witches walk backwards and, in walking upright, have their feet turned backwards. The witch is represented by such animals like snakes, owls, hyenas, and leopards, characteristically nocturnal animals.

As it romances political power like the witch, the Northern establishment has an inverted thinking as well. Awolowo’s welfarist philosophy futuristically foretold that a feudal north not weaned of its weaponization of the large population of its Talakawa and roam-about Almajiri children would pose huge danger to the rest of Nigeria. That prophecy has made him a Nostradamus today. In a 1978 presidential speech, Awolowo had said, “For the North, I have three things, Education, Education and Education.” He also maintained that, “The children of the poor you failed to train will never let your children have peace”. The bulk of Nigeria’s social malaises today – insecurity, bloated population, renteer system of overdependence on the lean purse of the federal – come from the north. This has bred multidimensional poverty, misery and anger in the region. Governor Uba Sani recently said the region has over 70% out-of-school children and same number living in grueling poverty. You cannot solely blame Tinubu for all these as the north’s vulture has been suffering the merciless trouncing of rainfall strokes for more than a century. From Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar to Musa Yar’Adua, as well as their northern accomplices, successive northern leaders share huge slices of the hopelessness that the north is today. Not minding the multidimensional poverty, the northern establishment still frantically shuts the door against education of this crop of persons, lest they be liberated from its chokehold.

At the turn of Lagere to narrate the root cause of the tiff, the elders were aghast. Rather than him being an ingrate, the python is almost the equivalent of Omolokun, he said. Omolokun is a Yoruba Ifa deity scholar and practitioner, Araba Ifáyẹmi Ọ̀ṣúndàgbonù Elebuibon’s drama series that ran on western Nigerian television in the 1980s. A couple, suffering decades of bareness, besought a deity for a child it named Omolokun. A spoilt brat who demanded the impossible at every point, when Omolokun one day demanded a human being to be propitiated to him, it dawned on the couple that it had a misbegotten ghormid in its household. Lagere reminded the elders that but for him, their son, Buhari, could not have won the presidency. Like Omolokun’s parents, the Lagere in Aso Rock has bent over backwards to please his Python, allocating consequential federal ministries to the North and in many cases, devoting junior and senior ministries to it. Recently, Lagere even established a Federal Ministry of Maalu as sacrifice to Omolokun. Yet, the northern establishment is steeped in roiling anger and cannot be pacified.

Lagere compared the excesses of his Northern wife to an excessive liquour that intoxicates; excessive sun that runs a child mad; excessive stronghold that begets madness and a spinach vegetable which, if it grows in excess by the stream, is rendered a common weed (Bí otí bá kúnnú, otí á p’omo; bí òòrùn bá pò l’ápòjù, á s’omo di wèrè; bí a bá l’óba l’ánìíjù, á sínni n’íwin; bí tètè ègún bá pò á di òleri). Lagere concluded that he had reverenced the cow enough and even went overboard to call it “Brother.”

The target of the Northern Witch is to stop Lagere’s reign. By now, Tinubu must have realized that the Awolowo who divined education and welfare as antidote to the tyranny of the Northern Witch was no fool.

The Witch cannot be appeased. It is insatiable. Like Omolokun, this Witch will demand flesh and blood. Suffusing Nigeria with plenty and Northern Talakawa with education is the only route to rescue Lagere from the chokehold of his Python captor.

Reports that the Oyo State government has just created an agency for the enforcement of the rule of law sounded strange to me because I could not appreciate how a subnational entity can successfully implement an assignment that is essentially federal. Although I am aware that some states often maintained federal roads in their states and occasionally got reimbursed by the federal government, I was unsure of the applicability of such to the implementation of a contentious subject like the rule of law. Would it not lead to clashes between federal officials and those of the state concerned? Due to the boring details of the reports, I called an old schoolmate in Ibadan to get a better brief on the subject.

Whereas my friend, Bisi, had himself not heard of the proposed rule of law agency, he believed that it was a credible story having been credited to the Ibadan-based Oyo state government which could decide to be innovative like its predecessor of the first republic. For the next 20 minutes, Bisi kept talking about the glorious days of the defunct Western Region which led the rest of Nigeria in establishing several structures such as the first television station in Africa that others struggled hard to emulate. He pleaded with me passionately not to doubt the capability of the Oyo state government because it was operating from the same ‘charismatic location’ designed by the legendary Obafemi Awolowo.

Realising that my friend and I were obviously not on the same page, I ended the discussion and went back to other media reports to get a more realistic information on the rule of law story from Ibadan. Alas, the type of rule of law in focus in Oyo state concerns those relating to health and environmental standards and road traffic safety etc. for which Governor Seyi Makinde had signed into law a bill for the establishment of an Enforcement Authority. Indeed, Makinde had earlier authorised previous rules on the protection of mining communities as well as safe handling and storage of harmful substances in his state.

While there is merit in the decision of the Makinde-led government to prioritize the enforcement of state laws on environmental protection, sanitation and waste control as well as road traffic, open rearing and grazing regulation etc., two immediate questions standout.  First, why are these laws the only ones that deserve to be emphasized when the rule of law presupposes that all things ought to be done according to law? In other words, if the agency is not mandated to deal with breaches of other laws, we are just bothering about the rule of some laws instead of all laws. In addition, it is an open secret that some people are visibly more privileged and better positioned whereas ideally, everyone is supposed to be equal before the law.  

In fact, equality before the law is a global concept which Nigeria should not find difficult to embrace. As Bracton, the 13th-century British scholar and jurist once explained, everyone including the King is under the rule of law because ‘it is the law that made him King.’ Oyo state fully appreciates this hence at the inauguration of its relevant agency last week, the governor said “the rule of law as we know is the cornerstone of any functioning society as it ensures that everyone, regardless of status, wealth or background is held to the same standard and that justice is administered fairly and impartially.”

But, if the Oyo State Agency ensures that some citizens are sanctioned for breaching the specific laws that it was set up to handle while others are neither questioned nor sanctioned for the same breaches, the Agency is probably here to intensify Nigeria’s legal dilemma. One is really tempted to believe that the prioritization of the implementation of certain laws such as those on environmental sanitation or traffic will only embolden corrupt law enforcement officials to further extort funds from citizens. That notwithstanding, the approach adopted by Oyo state is still better than that of any other state where no effort is made to implement any law whatsoever.

If doing all things according to the law is precisely what the rule of law stands for, Nigeria can hardly be defined as under the rule of law. For example, citizens are supposed to be arrested for only offences known to the law, yet quite often, people are arrested for being allegedly rude to some big personalities. Even if waving another country’s flag is embarrassing, there is no law prohibiting the act. If so, what offence would those arrested for it last week be said to have committed? Again, no citizen is allowed to be detained for more than 48 hours; yet, the Nigerian prisons, now described as correctional centres are overpopulated because of a large number of suspects that are detained ad infinitum without trial.

Nigerian rulers hardly make rules or even policies that can enable every citizen to be equal before the law. For instance, although a salutary policy of assisting the elderly in our society with some stipends was surprisingly initiated some years back in Ekiti state, it did not last. But then, such elders could never have been described as equal to those in other states where such policy never existed. In every state of the federation, taxation and building rules as well as development projects in urban centres are not same as those of the rural areas. In the circumstance, does it make sense to say that Nigerian rules/laws are intended to make everyone equal?

Another aspect of the rule of law that is hardly adhered to is that which prohibits arbitrary amendments to laws. Whereas the constitution specifically puts security of the citizenry as one of the two-sided primary purpose of government, the immediate past government of President Muhammadu Buhari did not only insisted that security was the business of everybody but actually asked Nigerians to rely on self-help thereby changing the law without an amendment in line with the due process of law.  On its part, the police force which is the primary agency in Nigeria that is saddled with the implementation of the provisions of the law, often change some laws while implementing them.

Nigerians are legally entitled to use protests to ventilate their grievances as it is in a typical democracy, but quite often, the police hold on to either their own predisposition or to some obsolete laws thereby technically amending the relevant provisions of the Nigerian constitution. A good example is the inclination of the police to continue to abide by the repealed Public Order Act of 1979 which required anyone seeking to carry out any protest to first apply and obtain a police permit. 

Last Wednesday’s invasion of the national office of the Nigerian Labour Congress NLC by armed policemen has been condemned by a large number of Nigerians. To start with, many frown at the fact that the event took place at night. We now know however that although some of the armed men were not in uniform, the Department of State Services, DSS, did not participate in the alleged invasion. The Police have already confirmed that the operation was the handiwork of their operatives adding that their only target was a foreign crime suspect that they had traced to a shop within the Labour House.

Luckily, the nation was for once not emotionally assaulted by anyone calling the armed operatives, ‘unknown gunmen.’ It is rather unfortunate that in a country supposedly under the rule of law, nothing has been said about the allegation that the invasion was without a court warrant approving the operation. That is the aspect of the rule of law that worries more people than the establishment of an Authority to ensure the implementation of sanitation and traffic laws that exacerbate traffic hold-ups and corruption. 

Accordingly, the Nigerian government should prioritize the implementation of the rule of law which ensures the supremacy of law; equality of all citizens before the law; and the amendment of every law only through the due process of law. Oyo state in particular, should keep to the posture of Governor Makinde who has proven to be a true democrat and never return to the style of his predecessor who demolished a radio house because its proprietor could not be cowed into a pro-government journalist.

YESTERDAY, the #ENDBADGOVERNANCE protests ran its full gamut. In the days, weeks, months and years to come, pundits, critics and analysts will continue to discuss, review, critique and draw useful lessons from it. Did it fail? Did it succeed? Have lessons been learned on both sides of the divide? Will the protagonists as well as antagonists of the protests organize and behave better in future? The answers will depend on who is providing them! One thing is certain, however: No one will forget the protests in a hurry, just like we have not forgotten its precursor #ENDSARSNOW protests years after – the organizers; families, friends, loved ones and comrades of the victims; the government itself; those who had their hands smeared with the blood of the innocent, as well as those who d their conscience permanently seared in that episode – many are those who will go into their grave with their memories haunted by whatever role they played in the gory event of the massacre of defenceless Nigerian youths fighting for a better future for themselves and their fellow citizens.

Lives have also been lost needlessly in the follow-up #ENDBADGOVERNANCE protests. Those who genuinely meant well with the protests; the opportunists who took advantage of the honest grouse of patriotic citizens to stoke the embers of chaos and anarchy; those who, for selfish and self-serving reasons have an axe to grind and who stayed in their comfort zones home and away while instigating others to bring the roof down our head; the genuinely aggrieved, impoverished and long-suffering hapless Nigerians run ragged by insensitive and oppressive government policies; the illiterate, uninformed hoi polloi always acting in a self-destructive manner; those who, in these protests, suffered unmitigated losses for no fault of theirs; and the government itself always caught flat-footed time and time again – all will reflect on the events of the last 10 days for a long time to come.

One of such reflections is printed here today. Titled “Grinding poverty and endless protests in Nigeria”, it is written by my comrade and classmate at “Great Ife”, Wale Olajire Ajao. Enjoy it! “In Nigeria today, grinding poverty co-exists with endless protests and agitations. Why? Precisely because the Nigerian Government has become notorious for generating poverty – from independence on October I, 1960 till today. How? In the sense that the government since independence has not diversified the economy; corruption-cum-mismanagement has also continuously been on the rise. Till date, Nigeria remains a mono-cultural economy that relies on income from the sale of crude oil in the world market. The Government all these years has not diversified its major source of revenue. The poor performance of this mono-product economy has been compounded by the steadily rising scourge of corruption unleashed on the country by its political as well as business class.

The first major shock to the economy came in 1980 under the civilian government of  President Shehu Shagari when we suffered a sharp drop in revenue due to the fall in the price of crude oil in the global oil market. On December 29, 1983, the Shagari administration declared austerity measures aimed at restoring the fortunes of the economy. In the first half of 1986, we witnessed another drop in the price of crude oil at a time the country was heavily indebted to international finance organizations. Military president Ibrahim Babangida devalued the Naira under what was code-named Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which, actually, was the foundation of the economic hardship we suffer today. From that time, we have ceaselessly battled with the very tough impact of currency devaluation. The long-run effects of currency devaluation and unending kleptomania in government over the years have resulted in the consistent co-existence of poverty and protests in the country, such that, by 2006, poverty had reached an incredibly high level.

Millions of street urchins, almajiris, area boys and miscreants were produced by the system. Corruption has become endemic to the extent that, by 2015 when the immediate past president, Muhammadu Buhari, assumed office, our country was on top of the global corruption index published by Transparency International (TI), a non-governmental organization that profiles global corruption. Also, by 2015, the total number of out-of-school children in Northern Nigeria alone had risen to ten million. All over the country during the same period, the total number of out-of-school children was not less than twenty million; with these constituting themselves into a menace, always hijacking otherwise peaceful protests and agitations and turning them into golden opportunities to loot and commit arson. The eight unbroken years of rudderless leadership under Buhari further aggravated our economic woes.

Under Buhari, youth unemployment rose to an unprecedented level. Insecurity became heightened and multi-faceted. Buhari succumbed to ethnic chauvinism as he condoned the atrocities of his kinsmen-herdsmen, noticed at first in Benue and Plateau states but this later spread all over the country like bushfire in the harmattan. The painful result of the criminal activities of the

Fulani herdsmen and a few retaliatory attacks by farmers is the drastic reduction in food production all over the country, which has now been compounded by fuel subsidy removal, electricity subsidy removal and floating of the Naira, despite the fact that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu ought to know that as an import-dependent mono-cultural economy, a combination of these policies in a single stretch without carefully-prepared palliatives already put in place would unleash unimaginable hardship on the citizenry. His hopes, and pleas, were that as time went on, significant economic improvement would compensate for the period of hardship. Unfortunately, one year later, there has been no respite as inflation is on the rise everywhere and life has become harder for the vast majority of our people day after day.

From May 29 last year, Tinubu has rolled out palliative measures after palliative measures, following his harrowing International Monetary Fund(IMF)-induced policies. Aside from the fact that the conception and manner of implementation of the palliative measures look like an after-thought, that the palliatives also suffer diversion by highly-placed political actors has made matters worse. By 2020 when the #ENDSARSNOW protests were embarked upon by the youths, youth unemployment nationwide had neared an alarming 40 percent; illiteracy was as high as 45 percent while poverty level hovered around 60 percent, in the midst of constant police brutality unleashed mainly on youths; eventually culminating in the #ENDSARSNOW protest which, as usual, was later hijacked by millions of hopeless and helpless bad boys and girls produced by the Nigerian system. Having impoverished and neglected millions of our children and youths, should we expect normal behaviour from them? Until we give them the right training and proper upbringing, they will continue to remain a menace to society.

Therefore, it was tragic that the President’s speech on Sunday, August 4 said nothing about this group of young persons. Given his pedigree as an anti-military dictatorship activist, one was surprised that Tinubu repeated the mistakes of previous leaders. What mistakes? Reacting to the #ENDBADGOVERNANCE protests the same way Buhari and the Lagos State governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, had reacted to the #ENDSARSNOW protests. Thus, the predictable cycle of protests, looting and arson followed by the concomitant police brutality we are all familiar with, is unleashed on our psyche again and again. Everyone goes home after a peaceful protest has turned violent and our children have been killed by our own policemen who usually justify their action with the cliche “Government cannot fold its arms while the enemies of government destabilize the country!” This unending vicious cycle is what has played out since August 1st when the #ENDBAD GOVERNMENT protests broke out across the country.

Rather than put strong preventive measures in place, the authorities waited until miscreants and anti-protest forces joined the fray before the security forces started shooting live bullets and firing tear gas indiscriminately, to the extent that even journalists going about their legitimate duty of reporting the protests and innocent, peaceful protesters and passers-by got engulfed, with many losing life and limbs to the bargain. At this juncture, it must be said that the passivity of citizens is equally a hindrance to positive development, just as the looting and mismanagement of our resources by the political actors. Had millions of adults come out to join the peaceful protests, they most likely would have, by their sheer population, made it impossible for hoodlums to hijack the process. Had the police, too, strategically positioned themselves in front of our very important assets one week before August 1st when the protests began, maybe the story would have been different.

We must, as a matter of urgency, part ways with the colonial legacy of seeing peaceful protesters as enemies of the government. Our insincere pursuit of democracy will continue to put us on a permanent track of convoluted crises if we do not. It is in this context that I consider the president’s broadcast as a little late and also inappropriate. He ought to have made the broadcast three or four days before August 1st, while the security forces ought to have been fully armed and taken positions days before the protests began in front of our vital assets as a preventive measure to make it impossible for hoodlums to invade or burn those assets.

Let our leaders understand that, by suppressing citizenship activism, which must manifest in a democracy in the form of peaceful protests, they are inhibiting the emergence of viable democratic governance. As long as we keep having high-level illiteracy in the midst of equally high-level corruption and mismanagement, along with embarrassingly high-level of poverty and endless neglect of out-of-school children and the so-called miscreants and Almajiris, we will not get out of the ugly cycle of poverty, of endless protests and agitations and of the endless killings on both sides of the divide. We will permanently keep heaping disgrace and shame on ourselves in the eyes of the international community.

It is not too late for President Tinubu to re-orientate the people working with him and for himself as well to rebuild his own mindset as he summons the courage to return to the fold of campaigners for true federalism and the restructuring of the polity. Let there be strict adherence to the rule of law and respect for fundamental human rights of all citizens, irrespective of background, religion or status. Let him reinvigorate the anti-corruption campaign. He must subscribe to the ethos of responsive governance that sees the people as partners in progress, not abject subjects to be ruled and intimidated from time to time. One way of showing a commitment to return to his original base or camp of the progressives is for President Tinubu to take a second look at the demands of the #ENDBADGOVERNANCE protesters, especially their economic agenda, and see how some of those demands can be met with a view to doing something concrete immediately to reduce youth unemployment, high cost of living, and high cost of transportation. He must also commit to waging a more vigorous battle against insecurity. Working together, we shall achieve peace and justice in our country”.

Well said, comrade! But someone volunteered that President Tinubu is still too engrossed in the fruits, plums and perquisites of office – sacking this, hiring that – to have any inclination yet for anything restructuring or true federalism! Another said if all the #ENDBADGOVERNANCE protests achieved was frightening the daylight out of President Tinubu and his cohorts, that it is worth the effort. But I say, if we think we have survived this scare, let’s fear the rage next time!

How does a Nigerian from the south of the country convince his northern compatriot that he means well when he analyses the problems in the North and their implications for the country?

I honestly don’t know. But having spent the last 25 years in the geographical north of Nigeria and having had the privilege of travelling round the states that make up the former Northern Region in the company of some of my most trusted friends who happen to be northerners, I believe that I am well positioned to write this friendly memo to my brothers and sisters in Northern Nigeria.

Children Bearing Children

The spectacle that confronts a first-time visitor to many of the major cities in the North in terms of how underaged children are treated is scandalous. Hiding under contrived religious injunctions, the society accepts what an outsider would consider as marriage between children. Or how else would you describe a marital union between a 16-year-old boy and a 10-year-old girl?

In many cases, the boy grew up on the streets, having been sent to an Islamic teacher from an early age as an almajiri. Some of the almajiris are as young as five years old. The mallam himself needs material succour and he uses the children under his care as street beggars. There are millions of such children all over the major towns looking unkempt, undernourished and desperate. It is from their ranks that politicians recruit underage voters during elections and ‘protesters’ for various causes.

The girl child who is married off at the age of 10 or 12 always holds the short end of the stick because, more often than not, she ends up having Vesicovaginal fistula (VVF). The elite who are in a position to legislate against it are firmly opposed to such a move.  So, babies continue to beget babies. Poverty is compounded by destitution and incontinence.

This wasn’t how the North was administered during the time of Sir Ahmadu Bello, the legendary Premier of the Northern Region in the First Republic. Ahmadu Bello prioritised education and ensured a balance between religious activities and educational pursuits. The Northern region became famous for groundnut pyramids, cotton, tin mining, and massive production of staple food items. The late premier instituted scholarships for children of the North without ethnic or religious discrimination.

The ever-prescient Premier of the West, whose greatest legacy was the provision of free and compulsory education in his region, looked ahead and warned his fellow politicians who felt that he was wasting too much money on education that it was in their interest to do so because “The children of the poor you refuse to train (educate) will never let your children have peace.” His prediction is played out at the #EndBadGovernance protests as gangs of youthful vandals went from street to street, smashing cars and frightening the daylight out of the children of the elite.

The sense of entitlement which the Northern elite have had over the years has made them believe that the federal government ought to pick the bills of parenting the almajiris while the elite continue their life of luxury. No other part of the country is breeding children and calling on the federal government to raise them. It is a simple case of irresponsible parenting.

Beggars Everywhere

The present system of bundling the beggars to the South in droves has not had a dramatic effect as expected. How many more thousand beggars can southern cities accommodate before they start screaming? And with the present economic crunch, are the almsgivers of the South themselves not in need of help now?

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has expressed concern that Nigeria has the largest number of out-of-school children globally, with only 63 percent of primary school children regularly attending school. It lamented that a staggering 10.2 million primary school-age children and an additional 8.1 million at the junior secondary level are out of school in Nigeria.

Assessing the situation in an article on Newsdiary Online, Rashidat Yusuf writes: “The shocking revelation to some of us who hardly go far north is the level at which the almajiris (children) have grown up to adolescents and yet are left to wander on their own aimlessly… Little wonder there is so much kidnapping and banditry in this part of the North.”

It is gratifying that some of the northern elite, notable among whom is Prof Usman Yusuf, have risen up to the challenge of campaigning for the rights of the underprivileged, especially the almajiris, and have put the problem squarely at the doorsteps of the state governors and local government chairmen who are best positioned, together with the religious authorities, to mount region-wide advocacy for responsible parenthood and carry out a skill acquisition programme to give the almajiris a future.

Prof Yusuf also wants northerners to realise that they have to share power if Nigeria is to survive. He drew attention to the cabinet positions which northerners currently hold in the Tinubu administration and thinks the spread is fair:

Northern Ministers

Minister of State, Housing and Urban Development; Minister of Budget and Economic Planning; Minister of State, FCT; Minister of State, Water Resources and Sanitation; Minister of Agriculture; Minister of Education; Minister of Police Affairs; Minister of Foreign Affairs; Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare; Minister of State, Steel and Development; Minister of Steel and Development; Minister of Information and National Orientation; Minister of State, Police Affairs; Minister of Special Duties; Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation; Minister of State, Agriculture and Food Security; Minister of Arts, Culture and Creative Economy; Minister of Defence; Minister of State for Defence; Minister of State, Education; Minister of Housing and Urban Development.

The North also has the Vice President, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the National Security Adviser, the Chief of Defence Staff, the Chief of Air Staff, and highly coveted positions in the oil industry and important federal parastatals.

Protests Sponsored?

Last week, Senator Shehu Sani revealed that most of the protesters in Kaduna were sponsored by disgruntled Northern politicians against Tinubu.

*”If anyone tells you that those protesters in the North brandishing flags were out because of hunger, it’s a lie. I can say boldly and credibly that those boys were offered money and flags to stage a revolt against the government to instigate a coup. Take it from me: there is a deliberate attempt to overthrow the Tinubu’s government by some folks in the north here, who hid under the hunger protest to do what they plotted with the flying of Russian flags in Kaduna, Kano, Katsina and Jigawa States.”

According to ancient tradition, a wind from the South means a good harvest, while one from the East means a good year for fruit, but a wind from the North foretells a year of storms.

If the Tinubu administration comes to grief through undemocratic means (tufiakwa 10 times), those who think they’re pursuing a northern agenda today may find that they have played into the hands of separatists and unwittingly proclaimed new nations into existence — goodbye Nigeria!

My humble advice to my brothers and sisters in the North: bend down and do the hard work that will make the North great again!