Joe Ajaero, president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) — not a great one for introspection –rolls out the big guns again, in a battle he is not in any way sure to win.

This is clear from the latest drama out of a simple Police invitation which Ajaero and gang just flipped into some slur against NLC as a body, letting off insane threats of a Labour meltdown, should the police arrest Ajaero.

Pray, does the NLC President, as His Excellency, the Workers’ President, now enjoy immunity from arrest and prosecution under the 1999 Constitution?

Still, like Ajaero’s other past skirmishes since the dawn of the Tinubu administration — all of them needless — he is avid at fluffing whatever goodwill he has left.  Some blokes are just quick — too quick — to push their luck!

At the end, choices are free.  So, Ajaero can hang himself on own whims. But he has no right to hang organized Labour with him.  There, lies the rebuke in this latest gambit.

But again, organized Labour must decide — why cry more than the bereaved?  If Ajaero spurs Labour to gallop with Joe, in his joy ride of doom, it’s their choice too! 

If workers are short-changed — and they will, you can be sure — let them blame no one but selves.  Ajaero has shown to be more than enough distraction, in self-driven gambits that use Labour as opportunistic cover, for his electors to have thrown him off. 

But if they still indulge his rabid journey to perdition, maybe collective suicide of organized Labour would make logical sense.  Again, their democratic choice!

How did this latest excitement start? 

It was an August 7 raid-and-search of a rented shop, on the second floor, at the NLC Abuja Headquarters complex.  But you could clearly see the bad faith, as Labour  — wilfully? — conflated that as raid on its office proper, on the 10th floor.  By the way, the two facilities are eight floors apart!

Incidentally, Benson Upah, who released that initial press statement (per The Punch August 8) just doubled down on his original fib, in his emotive bluster against a second Police invitation to Ajaero, this time with Emmanuel Ugboaja, the NLC general secretary, fixed for September 5.

Why, when asked by The Guardian (September 2 ) that reported his bluster, if the duo would honour the invite, he waffled: “some programmes have already been fixed”!  Meaning: entertaining Police invites is now at the discretion of NLC! 

Femi Falana, SAN, had better correctly advise his clients!  Yeah, government impunity is bad.  But even worse is Labour — and sundry — impunity.  That’s knocking on the door of anarchy.

But it all issued from the first invite, by which the Police asked Ajaero to report at Force Headquarters, Abuja, on August 20.  But Ajaero, with his lawyers, picked August 29 to appear — and triumphantly marched on Force Headquarters, with lawyers and sundry activists in tow. 

So, you can pardon Upah for hallucinating over “some programmes have already been fixed”.  It’s one hubris NLC may yet sorely regret should, after a long waiting game, the Police decide to hang Ajaero and co with own long ropes.  Hubris!

Still, this route of bad faith is a lose-lose.  What does it take to play the civil citizen, go to the Police as invited, then use the same democratic institutions to establish your innocence?  Aren’t there enough systemic checks and balances to do that?

Shortly after that first visit, Ajaero bragged: the Police had nothing on him — which may well be.  But a second invite might just show the man had bragged too soon. 

Either way, it really doesn’t matter — the relay of interviews.  What matters is a clean process to firmly establish allegations for a fair trial — or non-evidence to close the case.  Both parties should be committed to such.  Nevertheless, bad faith makes it unnecessarily complicated.

In fairness to Ajaero and co, though, Labour isn’t the only organized body that takes advantage of its set-up to impose citizen impunity.

Anytime a journalist runs into a storm, the media are all too eager to jump into the fray to defend “free speech” and “human rights”.  It’s an instinctive jump, powered by preening dogma, with little objective analysis of the facts of the case.

The other day too, a former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) was in the dock for alleged failure to declare correct assets — a routine call that comes with his high office. 

Many a petal in the flower of Nigerian Bar all but told the embattled ex-CJN to resist trial; and spit at the same law that created his office to sit in judgment over fellow citizens — co-citizens that are the CJN’s equal, in the eye of the law. 

Might the CJN then be above that very law that exalted him above others? Arch-folly!

Thank God, though: good sense prevailed.  The ex-CJN got convicted at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT). But the jurist stays alive to fight his appeal, before the courts right now. 

That’s due process: submit, even if you have a doubt. Then, prove your innocence.  If Ajaero had followed this process, this distraction wouldn’t have arisen. 

He — with NLC — would have found quality time to fight the cause of workers whose check-off dues gift them their huge salaries and generous allowances.  But no!  A play to the gallery is irresistible! But how does that advance workers’ cause and welfare?

In truth, Ajaero’s self-distractions have caused workers dear — and not the least on the N70, 000 new minimum wage.  After making much row about an outrageous N615, 000, and filibustering over N250, 000, NLC eventually accepted N70, 000, pretty much as a face-saving measure.

Had Ajaero not picked too many needless battles before then, perhaps he could at least have secured N100, 000 for the lowest earner?   By the time the NLC agreed to N70, 000, the threat of strike, NLC’s most potent weapon, had all but lost its sting.

Before then, Ajaero had attempted three failed strikes: one after he was battered black and blue at Owerri, for using NLC to strong-arm voters, to favour the Labour Party (LP) candidate, in the Imo State gubernatorial election.

That ended as double — or even treble? — jeopardy: the LP candidate didn’t only take an electoral hiding, Ajaero himself has since become a near-personal non grata in smart Alec, Julius Abure’s LP.  Add Ajaero’s Owerri drubbing, and it’s a clear treble.

During another strike, some desperadoes switched off the national grid — a clear security and economic sabotage that the government just let slide. 

But it might just be as the Yoruba say: the child abused the Iroko and flushes with early victory.  Does the poor lad think the Iroko crushes traducers in the immediate?

No one — but deluded Labour itself — frets over insane threats to go on strike at the drop of a hat.  It won’t stop anything if plausible evidence exists against Ajaero.

But the government too must be fair to Ajaero.  No government worth its democratic name would frame any citizen — even the most unreasonable of all gadflies.

But a parting advice for Ajaero and co: untrammeled rights lead to blatant wrongs, which coast to anarchy.  Anarchy itself swallows democracy and its flower of rights.

Barring last-minute changes, the Peoples Democratic Party Governors Forum and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, may be heading for a showdown as the party’s National Working Committee meets on Wednesday.

Governance in Rivers State has been partially affected for months due to the ongoing political conflict between Wike and Governor Siminalayi Fubara, both of whom are PDP members.

The feud has caused a split within the state House of Assembly, with a faction led by Martin Amaewhule supporting Wike, while the other faction, led by Victor Oko-Jumbo, is loyal to Fubara.

Despite efforts by President Bola Tinubu and other prominent figures in Rivers State and across the country to mediate, the conflict persists, with the factions engaging in multiple legal disputes in Port Harcourt and Abuja courts.

The PUNCH reported that despite a court injunction stopping the PDP from holding congresses in Rivers State, the Amb Umar Damagum-led NWC conducted the congress which handed control of the Rivers State party structure to Wike.

In an open letter addressed to the party leadership, former Federal Commissioner for Information and South-South leader, Chief Edwin Clark, accused Wike of using his close relationship with Tinubu to mount undue pressure on Fubara and the PDP.

The PDP governors also expressed support for Fubara, urging the party’s NWC to grant him his “rightful” position as the leader of the party in the state.

In response, Wike, at the PDP secretariat in Port Harcourt, said he would take decisive action in PDP-controlled states.

“Let me assure all of you, not while we live will anybody take away the structure of the PDP from us. But let me tell people, I hear some governors who say they will take over the structure and give it back to somebody.

“I pity those governors because I will put fire in their states. When God has given you peace, you say you don’t want peace – anything you see you take.”

When contacted, the Director General of the PDP Governors Forum, Emmanuel Agbo, stated that a meeting to address Wike’s threat was imminent.

“He addressed the governors specifically. The governors will meet and they will take a position. The Secretariat is to convey their (Governors) positions. Until that is done, I don’t have any take on it,” he said.

When questioned about when the governors would convene, Agbo responded: “Once I get a confirmation, I will let the press know.”

Similarly, the NWC meeting is set to take place on Wednesday (tomorrow) at Wadata Plaza, the PDP national headquarters in Abuja.

A senior NWC member who wished to remain anonymous, as he is not authorised to speak on the matter, indicated that the party leaders were expected to review and discuss the PDP recently-held ward and state congresses, and governors’ position on Rivers in the upcoming meeting.

“We anticipate that the PDP Governors will contact the NWC to convey their stance on Rivers State and their preferred approach.

“If they do, this will be addressed at the NWC meeting. The meeting will also discuss the ongoing litigation involving the defected members of the Rivers State House of Assembly,” the source volunteered.

Recall that the last PDP NWC meeting revealed a clear division among the members.

Damagum and several others approved the conduct of the Rivers congress in favour of Wike despite the court injunction, while the National Legal Adviser, Kamaldeen Ajibade (SAN), National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, and the National Financial Secretary, Daniel Woyegikuro, insisted that the correct procedure should be followed in the interest of Fubara.

On July 8, 2024, the Rivers State High Court issued an ex parte order barring key state officials from engaging with the defected lawmakers.

Unexpectedly, Wike’s lawyers appealed the order without the party’s consent, including that of the National Legal Adviser.

Although Ajibade attempted to withdraw the appeal on July 24, a letter dated August 15 from Damagum and PDP National Secretary, Samuel Anyanwu, sent to the Court of Appeal in Port Harcourt clarified that the PDP was not involved in the withdrawal.

“All these issues will be discussed,” the source said.

A member of the National Executive Committee and former PDP National Publicity Secretary, Kola Ologbondiyan, stated that the letter from Damagum and Anyanwu contradicting the National Legal Adviser provides sufficient grounds for the other NWC members to issue a vote of no confidence in the acting national chairman.

In an exclusive interview with The PUNCH on Monday, Ologbondiyan stated that it was up to the NWC to save the PDP, adding that Nigerians were looking to the party to rescue them from the maladministration of the All Progressives Congress-led Federal Government.

He stated, “Yes, a vote of no confidence should be passed in Damagum. The NWC has more than enough capacity; what warranted that decision was the fact that Damagum, acting as national chairman, and national secretary, Samuel Anyanwu, wrote to the court and contradicted the National Legal Adviser.

“Look, it is up to the National Working Committee to make the decision, and the ball is in their court to handle it as they deem fit. But what we are saying is that you cannot use the authority of your office to go against the National Legal Adviser in court.

“It was an aberration of norms. The constitution is clear on the role of the National Legal Adviser. What the national chairman and the national secretary did was a violation of the constitution. I do not foresee a situation in which nothing will be done, and I do not want to contemplate it.”

Another member of the National Executive Committee and the party’s National Deputy Legal Adviser, Okechukwu Osuoha, urged the NWC to treat Fubara like other governors regarding party structure.

In an exclusive interview with The PUNCH on Monday, Osuoha stated, “What is applicable is that the governor of the state is the leader of the party in the state.

“The structure of the party is anchored on the state governor. Therefore, the NWC should apply what happened in other states to Rivers.

“In other states where the PDP has a governor, the structure of the party revolves around the governor. So whatever has been done in other states should be reciprocated in Rivers. After all, all states in Nigeria are equal, and they must consider the important role Rivers State plays in Nigeria. We cannot afford to lose control of the state.”

Also commenting, the PDP Deputy National Youth Leader, Timothy Osadolor, said there should be no pretence or delay among Rivers State party stakeholders and the NWC in implementing the PDP governors’ position.

Osadolor, in an exclusive interview with The PUNCH, stated, “And what is more important is that an amicable resolution to the Rivers imbroglio is achieved for the party’s interest.

“What I know is that there is no dispute as to who the leader of the party in Rivers is and that is Governor Sim Fubara.”

On Wike’s response to the PDP governors, Osadolor said, “I think the speech by ex-Governor Wike was very unnecessary and unsavoury.

“Wike’s statement is unfortunate. A man who should be busy apologising to the party or trying to seek reconciliation should not be grandstanding, throwing tantrums, and issuing threats to governors who are keeping the party’s flag flying.

“So I think it’s high time the Governors’ Forum and the NWC sit down and take a position on leaders like Wike, no matter how highly placed or how much interest the person has. They need to address such leaders squarely and draw the line firmly and clearly.”

Osadolor, who called on the party’s organs to respond appropriately to Wike, stated that his ongoing attacks on the party would no longer be tolerated.

“This is important so that in the future, we won’t have these types of people playing larger than life. The party is supreme and must act as a supreme entity. I believe that an adequate response should be given to the threat he was making.

“As an officer of the party, I would think that he has made one statement too many. It’s time to tell him that, look, you’re either in or you’re out.

“What that means is that if he wants to be in the party, he must play by and live by the rules. If he wants to be outside the party, let him be outside the party umbrella and throw his tantrums. But his move to remain in the party while undermining it will not be tolerated,” he said.

On Monday, the Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Ibrahim Abdullahi, suggested that Wike had been called to appear before the PDP disciplinary committee, led by Tom Ikimi, due to his involvement in anti-party activities during the 2023 elections.

Abdullahi, while appearing on Channels Television’s programme, Sunrise Daily, said “Three weeks ago, we put up two committees in place, that of reconciliation and disciplinary, and Nyesom Wike is one of the persons to face the disciplinary committee, which is headed by elder statesman, Chief Tom Ikimi.

“The disciplinary committee will look into issues of anti-party activities. We’ve been receiving petitions regarding anti-party activities or sabotaging the party throughout the primary, leading to where we are now.

“These petitions against Wike and other party members have been aggregated and sent to the committee.

“Some party members even felt that Wike shouldn’t have gotten to this level still as a member of the PDP and they have been writing to the leadership.”

When contacted, Ologunagba, who played down any showdown in the forthcoming NWC meeting over Rivers matter, confirmed that other NEC members had been expressing their views in support of the Governors’ Forum.

On the possible showdown, Ologunagba stated, “I don’t work on speculations. It would be premature to assume that will happen.

“People have been expressing their views, which align with what the PDP Governors said in Taraba. That will be formally presented before the NWC meeting, and the NWC will discuss and take appropriate actions in line with those advisories and in accordance with the party’s constitution, which recognises the governor as the leader of the party.

“So we will wait for the matter to come before the NWC,” he added.

Ologunagba, while addressing a world press conference in Abuja, on Monday, confronted Wike, asserting that no one was above the party.

He said the Governors’ forum would resolve the Rivers crisis according to the party’s guidelines.

“We believe, and I will say this, that the Governors’ Forum remains one of the most potent organs of this party. We recognise and salute their courage and their contributions to the development of the party. We acknowledge their stabilising role and their reconciliatory efforts for the party.

“There is a connection between Nigerians and the PDP because it is called the Peoples Democratic Party. It is not a party of joiners, people who just came together for business or special purposes. It was founded on values, principles, and vision, which are well stated.

“The Governors’ Forum is a body with its regulations, and they address issues like this as they arise, particularly when they concern them. I respect the Governors’ Forum and believe they will address the matter.

“What we know is that nobody is above this party, and we must take that to heart. It’s like justice: the wheel of justice grinds slowly but ultimately grinds well.

“We urge our governors to do what is necessary to ensure stability in their states. The only way they can achieve stability is through performance. If you compare PDP governors with governors from other parties, you will find that PDP governors are oases of development,” he said.

[Punch]

The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) has clarified that the board is not involved in the admission process for higher national diploma (HND) students.

Earlier, there were claims by some HND students accusing the board of being responsible for their inability to go for their National Youth Service scheme (NYSC).

The students were said to have claimed they were not mobilised for service because they did a part-time programme for their national diploma (ND).

Fabian Benjamin, the JAMB spokesperson, said the board has no involvement, authority, or control over the admissions process for HND candidates.

He said JAMB is also not responsible for other higher institutions’ programmes besides their regular admissions.

The board added that candidates’ HND admissions are “unknown and irrelevant” to the mandate of JAMB.

“The law that established JAMB states, ‘For the avoidance of doubt, the board shall be responsible for determining matriculation requirements and conducting examinations leading to undergraduate admissions, as well as for admissions to National Diploma and Nigerian Certificate in Education courses. However, the Board shall not be responsible for examinations or any other selective processes for postgraduate courses or any other courses offered by tertiary institutions,” Benjamin said.

JAMB earlier gave a 30-day ultimatum to institutions in August to declare all admissions conducted outside its processing system.

[TheCable]

UEFA has revealed that there will be a reduction in the maximum amount clubs can charge for away tickets in Europe’s three men’s club competitions this season.

The new price caps for away tickets are as follows: Champions League games will be capped at 60 euros, the Europa League at 40 euros, and the Conference League at 20 euros. It’s important to note that these caps apply only to visiting fans and not to home supporters.

From next season, the maximum price for Champions League away tickets will be further reduced to 50 euros, and the Europa League to 35 euros. These changes come as part of UEFA’s efforts to enhance the matchday experience for all fans and to keep football an inclusive sport, valuing and recognizing the contributions of travelling supporters who follow their teams across Europe.

Note that this is not the first time price caps have been introduced. In the 2019-2020 season, the maximum prices were set at 70 euros for the Champions League and 45 euros for the Europa League. These adjustments are a response to incidents in previous seasons where fans protested against high away ticket prices.

UEFA President Aleksander Ceferin emphasized that these changes mark another important step in enhancing the fan experience, reaffirming UEFA’s commitment to making football more fan-friendly.

He said: “This marks another key step in reaffirming Uefa’s commitment to enhancing the matchday experience for all fans.

“By introducing more fan-friendly policies, we continue our mission to keep football as an inclusive sport, where supporters who travel across Europe to follow their teams are valued and recognised.”

[NaijaNews]

The Speaker of the Bauchi State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Suleiman Abubakar, has expressed deep concern over statements credited to the Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Mr Nyesom Wike, threatening to incite political crisis in states where their governors were allegedly interfering in Rivers State political crisis.

Rt. Hon. Abubakar, who’s the immediate-past chairman of the Conference of Nigerian Speakers Forum, in a statement made available to journalists, described Wike’s remarks as ‘reckless’ and ‘unbecoming’ of a leader, emphasising that such rhetoric endanger not only the unity of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) but also the stability of the entire nation.

He also called on the PDP leadership and the national security agencies to take immediate action to address ‘Wike’s excesses’ .

“The PDP was founded on the principles of democracy, mutual respect, and the rule of law. It is not the personal fiefdom of any individual, regardless of their past accomplishments or current position.

“Mr. Wike’s attempt to use his influence as a tool of intimidation against other states within the federation is a gross misuse of power and a direct violation of the values upon which our party stands.

“As the Speaker of the Bauchi State House of Assembly, I cannot remain silent in the face of such threats. Mr. Wike’s audacious warning that Bauchi State could face political turmoil simply because we stand for what is right is unacceptable.

“More over, Mr Wike’s continues public outburst do a disservice to the PDP and betray the trust that the people of Rivers state and the broadens Nigerian populace have placed on him . It is the responsibility of the National Security Adviser and the media to ensure that individuals who make such inflammatory statements are held accountable. We cannot allow a situation where one man’s ego and thirst for power jeopardize the peace and unity of our nation,” he stated.

He added that Bauchi State like any other state will not be intimidated with Wike’s threats of political turmoil while reaffirming the state’s commitment to upholding justice, peace and rule of law even as he insisted that any attempt to disrupt the peace of Bauchi State will be met with the full force of the law.

[Leadership]

Nigerians are willing to manipulate their identity to gain access, employment, hospital, power, and access to those who are incharge of resources and authority in the country.

Executive Director of the Kukah Centre (TKC), Fr. Atta Barkindo, said this in Abuja at the public presentation of the 26-page project impact report on ‘Strengthening Social Cohesion in Lagos’, and policy brief on the project with support from MacArthur Foundation.

“Number one, it means people are willing to manipulate any identity, as long as it gives them employment, access to hospital, access to power, access to those who are in charge of the resources and the authority in this country.

“And it also shows that we really have a lot of work to do to convince people about why we need to build social cohesion, national identity, common citizenship, and to see Nigeria as a country that belongs to all of us and where we prioritize meritocracy competence, over and above where you come from, or where you belong to or what your political affiliation is.

“And I think that is why the Kukah center went to Lagos. We all knew what happened in Lagos during the 2023 general elections, and maybe that of Lagos has been amplified because Lagos with lots of infrastructure, the media is there, so we can easily hear what happened in Lagos, and probably, in other places, things may have happened that has been worse than what has happened in Lagos,” Barkindo said.

He said in Europe, it is about where someone live.

He said, “That is why you belong. It is about where you are born that matters, not your own state of origin. So somebody was born in Kano, lives in Kano for 40 years, and when it is time to vote, they ask you to go back to your state of origin, not the state that you were born.”

He said that Lagos was a pilot phase, adding that their intention is to go to almost every state across the country and to try and bring people together to have the conversations.

The ‘Strengthening Social Cohesion in Lagos Project’ is a 12-month project conceived in response to the social unrest and electoral violence that erupted during the 2023 general elections.

The report said that over the years, ethnic and regional divides, including issues of indigenes and settlers have combined to reinforce a sense of mutual distrust and suspicion, to a point that identity politics have become a meal ticket for politicians to garner votes.

“During the 2023 general elections, the impact of these divisions played out and led to massive electoral violence, particularly in Lagos state. This necessitated the intervention, particularly as, the aftermath of the elections seemed to have reinforced religious and ethnic disharmony, asNigerians became angrier, more fearful, and less trusting of one another,” the report said.

On what can drive sustainability to strengthen social cohesion, the report recommended continuous community engagement, youth-centred initiatives, fair and just systems, inclusive governance, quality education; and cultural awareness and sensitization among others.

[DailyTrust]

The Nigeria Police have placed a N20 million bounty on a British national, Andrew Wynne, and a Nigerian, Lucky Ehims, who were declared wanted on Monday for allegedly attempting to overthrow President Bola Tinubu.

In a statement on Monday afternoon, the police said a reward sum of N10,000,000 awaits any person(s) with information leading to the arrest of each of them.

DAILY POST recalls how the Police had launched a comprehensive investigation into the activities of foreign national and subversive elements plotting to undermine the democratically elected government in Nigeria through unconstitutional regime change and orchestrating violence across the country.

According to the Force Public Relations Officer, ACP Muyuwa Adejobi, following extensive intelligence gathering and collaboration with other security agencies, nine suspects have been arrested, who received substantial financial backing from foreign sources to destabilize the country.

He said that preliminary findings revealed they orchestrated and funded violent protests by disseminating false information and engaging in other unlawful activities to create anarchy and justify their illegal plot to overthrow the democratically elected government.

“Investigations have identified a foreign mercenary, Andrew Wynne (also known as Andrew Povich or Drew Povey), a British national, who built a network of sleeper cells to topple the government and plunge the nation into chaos.

“He rented a space at Labour House, Abuja, for an ‘Iva Valley Bookshop’ and established ‘STARS of Nations Schools’ as a cover for his subversive activities,” he said.

The Police, therefore, called on the public to assist in any useful information that would help their investigations, saying if Andrew Wynne and Lucky Ehims are seen, they should be arrested and handed over to the nearest Police Station.

[DailyPost]

“Corruption remains one of the most significant obstacles to the progress and prosperity of our nations. It undermines the very fabric of our societies, erodes public trust, and impedes equitable distribution of resources”  —  President Bola Tinubu in an address to ECOWAS leaders

A senior cousin of mine died recently, aged 96. During the condolence visit to his family, the wife, aged 89, kept repeating to every visitor: “The wicked have done their worst”.

To me, it was absolutely hilarious. But, none of us, younger, was so uncouth as to laugh in my auntie’s face. On many occasions, our refusal to face the truth staring us in the face is also a form of corruption. We thereby avoid having to take the difficult decisions required to make real progress.

Dangote Refinery is the most obvious case study. But, it is not the only one. Permit me to make a categorical statement which anybody not self-delusional should be able to figure out for themselves; anybody includes Alhaji Aliko Dangote.

The refinery will not receive 650,000 barrels of crude from Nigeria for a long time to come – if ever. The reasons are so clear that only corruption of thought prevents the Federal Government, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, NNPCL and Dangote, as well as his supporters, from admitting the truth.

Crude production and commitments make it impossible

“Producers decline sale of 460,000bpd to Dangote, others”  – News  Report, August 21, 2024

If Dangote wants to know who “the wicked who have done their worst” are, he would have to start from the Presidency, to the Ministry of Petroleum Resources to NNPCL. In one way or another, they delivered the dagger thrusts in the back to Dangote, despite his generous contributions to their campaigns. Self-righteous Obasanjo, as usual, established the template fusing the office of President with that of Minister of Petroleum Resources. He performed woefully on both and left a great legacy of corruption in the two roles. One of the precedents he left behind, making it impossible for Dangote Refinery to ever receive 650,000bpd of crude from Nigeria’s production was the mandatory allocation of crude oil to NNPC’s four refineries as the table below clearly indicates.

Those in government were already aware that 445,000 bpd was already committed to the four scraps we call refineries when Dangote went to discuss with them about his refinery needing 650,000 bdp.

January – July crude oil production

“Oil production fell in Q2 – NBS” – News report, August 28, 2024

The report informed those who want facts instead of fiction, that “The nation in the second quarter of 2024 recorded an average daily production of 1.41 million barrels per day (mbpd)”. In the first quarter, the production was 1.57 mbpd.

Several questions arise. First, with a firm commitment to refineries of 445,000 bpd, how much will be left for the FG, if 650,000 bpd is allocated to the Dangote Refinery? Furthermore, with several other Nigerian refineries springing up, and just as entitled to Nigerian crude, how many more thousands of crude would eventually be allocated to domestic refineries? Remember that 1.095mbpd would have been committed to meet the requirements of just NNPC and Dangote refineries – leaving only 315,000 bpd. Would the 315,000 enough for the FG to export and earn badly needed foreign exchange? The clear answer is NO; and the FG, NNPCL and Dangote are aware of this.

To start with, not all the 1.41mbpd belongs to the FG or NNPCL. In fact, less than half is theirs. So, all that the Dangote Refinery could have legitimately counted on receiving, if it started operations in December 2023, as previously advertised, would have been less than 300,000bpd. Unfortunately, even that volume would not be consistently delivered to the refinery. Here is why.

Dangote swindled by Buhari and NNPCL

“It was beautiful and simple; as all truly great swindles are”  –  O Henry, 1862-1910. VBQ p 239

Alhaji Dangote is no fool; otherwise he could not have become the richest man in Africa for years. But, even the best in every game sometimes blunder.

Dangote consulted with all the people that mattered in the Buhari government before embarking on the project. The most important individual was the Minister for Petroleum Resources; who also was the President – Buhari. He must have been assured of supply of 650,000bpd before proceeding. He believed them. That might turn out to be his greatest mistake in an otherwise string of astonishing successful decisions.

He was probably assured that Nigeria would be producing two million barrels per day by the time the refinery was ready for supplies. He believed them. Deliberately, it was not disclosed that 400,000bpd was being stolen and there was no respite in sight. They also “forgot” to tell him about 445,000bpd committed to NNPCL refineries. Furthermore, the Buhari administration had borrowed huge amounts of money, undisclosed to Nigerians, using future crude oil supply as collateral. Reliable insiders inform me that nearly 300,000bpd is involved in those deals.

Finally, as pointed out before, less than half of crude produced in Nigeria belongs to the FG. So, even if the country produces 2mbpd, only 1mbpd belongs to the FG. Add up all the commitments and it should be clear that, had the FG been an individual it stands accused of 419. Yet, Dangote believed them even as he was being serially swindled.  

“Producers decline sale of 460,000bpd crude to Dangote” – News report, August 21, 2024

So, where will 650,000bpd come from to supply Dangote?

Unforeseen problems

Dangote must have dismissed the possibility of competitors once his giant refinery was approved. The assumption was understandable. With a refinery holding 650,000bpd of crude oil processing capacity, and the crude oil supply guaranteed, there would be no need for another refinery. At any rate, there would be no domestic crude for any challenger to process. Well, that has turned out to be a wrong assumption. At least four other refineries would be ready to come up; and they also are requesting for crude supply from the FG as a matter of right. The FG/NNPCL has a whale of a problem on their hands regarding finding the crude to supply the new refineries.

NNPCL has also taken loans, using future crude as collateral. That will not be available for allocation to Dangote refinery.    Virtually all the independent crude producers operate with loans to be repaid with future crude production. The FG cannot compel any of them to breach their contracts, just to supply Dangote refinery.  

Just in case you don’t know where I am going; let me tell you; Dangote Refinery might never receive 650,000bpd of crude from Nigeria.

ADEYEMI Abayomi Abiodun is a respectful, hard-working and dedicated youth. At 6pm Monday August 26, 2024, he was picked up by the Nigeria Police Force, NPF. He is a staff of the Iva Valley Bookshop located in the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, headquarters. His employment by the bookshop means he is guilty by association.

The police had raided the bookshop in the night of August 7, 2024 in search of Drew Povey, the bookshop owner. The NPF claims that Povey, a Briton, is the prime suspect “in numerous criminal activities across Nigeria and other African countries.”

Apparently, Abayomi could not help the police in their investigations nor implicate himself as a sponsor of protests in the country. Those who saw him three days later in police custody said he was in chains and had evidently been badly tortured.

Povey had returned to the United Kingdom on a scheduled trip three days before the police raid, so there was no way Abayomi could produce him.

Povey’s immediate family was in a similar dilemma. So members have suffered visitations by security agents. These include visits to the Stars of Nations Schools which the family runs and where Povey’s wife, Helen Batubo, is principal. On August 21, 2024, her home at Serenity Estate, Karshi, in Nasarawa State was raided.

Povey also claims the police raided his personal home: “The police smashed in the front gate and the back door of my house. They turned everything upside down and stole our television and my granddaughter’s bike. They then left the house unlocked for anyone to enter. Later, police were seen returning to try and trap my family.” He also claimed that in the various raids, the NPF had seized his books, photocopier and car.

Ms Batubo herself was invited and interrogated by the NPF on allegations of “criminal conspiracy, terrorism financing, treasonable felony, subversion, and cyber crime.” These allegations carry life sentence.

The interrogations reveal that the main claim against Povey is that he is one of the foreign sponsors of protests in the country. Snippets also indicate that he is suspected of sponsoring the on-going civil war in Sudan which has claimed some 15, 000 lives, 33,000 injured with at least 10 million persons displaced or becoming refugees.

When in a phone interview, the National Record Newspapers asked Povey on the allegation of sponsoring the Sudanese conflict, he responded: “It is true that I worked as a secondary school teacher in what is now Sudan for a year. But this was 45 years ago and I have not visited the country since then.”

Povey has lived on and off Nigeria for about a quarter of a century now and what struck me about him is that he seems a conscientious investor who is committed to Nigeria. I reached this conclusion based on his investment in education, marriage to a Nigerian which technically should earn him citizenship, and of course, in running the Iva Valley Bookshop and Business Centre.

I am not surprised he is of interest to the security services given the fact that he is an enthusiastic leftist with an undisguised aversion to international agencies like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These agencies have, since 1986, virtually dictated the economic direction of the country. This may make Povey appear like an enemy of the state.

I also find interesting the fact that he named his seven-year bookshop, Iva Valley. That is the coal mine where on Friday, November 18, 1949, British colonialists opened fire on striking coal miners. Twenty-one miners were killed and 51 others injured in the shootings. This became known as the Iva Valley Massacre. Apart from the international outcry it elicited, that event became the rallying point for nationalists.

Since independence, the political elites have tried to downplay that massacre and its significance in the anti-colonial struggles. Comrade Ola Oni, an outstanding radical, mentor of youths and conscientious intellectual, had tried to keep it alive by naming his popular bookshop in Bodija, Ibadan, Iva Valey Bookshop. But that seems to have collapsed after he passed away on December 22,1999.

The last time I met Povey and Abayomi at a public function was on July 19, 2024 when the proactive Political Science Department of the Bingham University organised a symposium to commemorate 50 years of the famous book, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, written by the intellectual giant and political activist, Walter Rodney.

A salutary contribution by the duo at that occasion was to make the book available to all those who wanted copies. The price was low, as are most books the bookshop sells.

Let me add that it is not just Povey, Batubo and Abayomi that are being accused of these serious crimes. Others, like Comrade Joe Ajaero, President of the NLC, are similarly accused. Also, six Polish students and a lecturer were arrested for allegedly taking part in the ‘End Hunger Protests’ in Kano and waving Russian flags while doing so. I felt ashamed that our security agents do not have the most basic knowledge of international relations. If their leaders do, they would have known how weird it is to accuse the Polish of carrying Russian flags. Good sense prevailed and the Polish were released after some weeks.

This liberal democratisation of these crimes remind me of the Abacha junta. In those days, any seeming dissident earned you an allegation of being “an accessory after the fact of treason”, and you are off to life jail. When the then Publisher of the The Sunday Magazine, TSM, said she doubted the veracity of an alleged coup by Colonel Lawan Gwadabe, she was sentenced to life.

When TheNews magazine reported that the Military Tribunal was setting some of the accused coup plotters free, one of its Editors, Kunle Ajibade, was tried as an accessory and received life sentence. Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti, the leader of the Pro-Democracy Movement was suspected of being in possession of the defence statement of coup suspect, Colonel Bello Fadile. For this, he was tried as an accessory to treason and sentenced to life.

The security agencies should not return the country to those Babangida and Abacha junta days. They need to concentrate on the rampant cases of banditry, terrorism and kidnappings that have seized the country. They also need to win the trust of the citizenry, especially the youths, who can assist in fighting the true enemies of the state and ensure the protection of the country.

Let me draw the government’s attention to a reality. While it is dissipating energy searching universities, bookshops and bus stops, and, accusing Poles, Britons, Nigeriens and Nigerians in Diaspora of sponsoring the protests, hunger, the real sponsor, is hiding in plain sight.

Seven years after his emergence as Nigeria’s military Head of State, in the third quarter of 1974, General Yakubu Gowon placed a telephone call to the then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Taslim Elias. The subject matter of the call, according to Atanda Fatayi Williams, himself then a Justice of the Supreme Court (and future CJN) with whom the Chief Justice discussed the matter, was a complaint by the Head of State “about the manner in which the courts in the country were being used for the indiscriminate swearing of affidavits in which allegations of corruption were made against public functionaries.”

General Gowon’s agonistes had their origins in events in his home state, Benue-Plateau (as it was then known). First, he had been forced to let go of a trusted minister from his state, Joseph Tarka, after one Godwin Daboh Adzuana deposed to an affidavit with quite damaging allegations of corruption against the minister. Gowon’s call to the CJN followed in the wake of another affidavit sworn to this time by Aper Aku (who later became the first elected governor of Benue State in 1979) accusing the then military governor of Benue-Plateau State and Gowon’s relation, Joseph Gomwalk, of what Fatayi Williams later described as “corruption on a vast scale.”

Rather than address the allegations of corruption, the General sought the help of his Chief Justice to shut down the disclosures. In the then incumbent, Gowon found a Chief Justice who was willing to go beyond the call of the law to fulfill the importuning of his Chief of State. Following consultations with his peers at the Supreme Court, CJN Elias convened a meeting of the Advisory Judicial Committee (AJC), as the apex mechanism for judicial governance was then called. Led by the CJN, the membership of the AJC included the Attorney-General of the Federation, all the Chief Justices (as they were then called) and Grand Khadis of the States; as well as the President of the Federal Revenue Court.

This high judicial conclave decided unanimously that “except in connection with proceedings already pending, the courts would no longer allow affidavits to be sworn in court by aggrieved citizens.” Public reaction was immediate and understandably visceral to a decision which was unconcealed in its design to instrumentalize the judiciary in order to hide inconvenient facts on behalf of the regime in power. To make matters worse, the AJC could not cite any legal authority or basis for their decision. They were collectively the highest judicial figures in the country and their word represented the law, or so they thought. It was abuse of judicial power on a colossal scale. Judicial authority was shot and it is arguable that it never recovered.

When a new military regime overthrew General Gowon in July 1975, their narrative and rationale harked back to the corruption allegations and the desperation of the regime to procure a cover-up with the ex-cathedra assistance of the judiciary high command. An early casualty of the new regime was Chief Justice Elias whom they forced to abdicate. They also took the hacksaw to judicial tenure, retiring senior judges compulsorily.

Then as now the judiciary in Nigeria was the author of its own defenestration. The real scandal then was that the decision to foreclose disclosure of inconvenient facts in affidavits occurred without dissent among the AJC. It showed the regimental and cloistered tendencies of the herd at their finest, even one comprising people claiming to be learned.

The best that can be said of the immediate past Chief Justice of Nigeria, Olukayode Ariwoola, is that he well and truly defanged the judiciary. When he was not in Port Harcourt cavorting with Nyesom Wike and his Group of Five Governors so-called; he was in Abuja dreaming us schemes to jump his next available family member or political satrap into a judicial sinecure. The unanimity of sentiment at his departure went beyond shame-faced relief.

Monday Phillips Ekpe writes delicately that the judiciary that Olukayode Ariwoola left behind made a habit of “rubbishing its own touted image” with “embarrassing and rampant unpredictability of judgments.” Onikekpo Braithwaite complains less delicately of a judiciary overcome by “mounting allegations of corruption, as well as the menace of conflicting judgments.” The Board of Editors of the Punch newspaper sadly acknowledge the reality of a judiciary characterized by “pervasive corruption” and of courts which “have become houses of rot and victims of state capture…. At 75 per cent, the judiciary and the Independent National Electoral Commission have the lowest public trust among Nigerians.”

On the back of this chastening diagnosis, many senior lawyers have stepped in with a rich and telling bouquet of recommendations for the new CJN, running the gamut from the platitudinous to the patronizing and everything in between. Former president of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Olisa Agbakoba, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), desires reforms that are both “transformational and radical.” As part of that menu, one of his later successors, Augustine Alegeh (SAN), wants attention to “delays in the dispensation of justice and the uncertainty of the judgments of our courts.”

These references to “uncertainty” in or “conflicting”  judgments are coinages deployed by lawyers to avoid saying that some judgments are corrupt on their face. That, sadly, is the state of the courts that the new Chief Justice inherits. Indeed, a panel of the Court of Appeal has recently been constrained to describe as “scandalous” a High Court shielding former Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Bello, from criminal proceedings.

But that is only a tip of the proverbial iceberg. In this state of transition in the highest judicial office in the land, three words of caution are useful.

First, a CJN in search of a legacy needs clear priorities. Many of the suggestions to the new Chief Justice focus on institutional or administrative re-design. In reality, however, the principal problem that ails Nigeria’s judicial system is that the guardrails and incentives for ethical judicial service have been destroyed by a concert of senior judicial figures, senior lawyers and senior politicians. Reversing this needs a new coalition for public good in the judiciary. Without a re-engineering of the incentive structure, every effort at institutional re-design is bound to collapse. That begins with attention to appointment, preferment, accountability and discipline. Restoring consequences for judicial malfeasance will be key.

Second, a reverse engineering of the political capture of the Nigerian judicial system is essential. Evidence of this political capture is seen daily in the implausible decisions and improbable orders that issue in most cases of partisan political salience; in the speed with which such cases are assigned priority to the exclusion of the regular judicial docket; and in the improbable consistency in the line-up of judicial actors involved in these judicial concatenations. If politicians find themselves regularly before courts that are no longer beholden to their blandishments, they may be forced to rethink their approach to politics.

Third, a CJN who desires a constructive legacy must know whom to avoid. With some exceptions – such as the aforementioned Olisa Agbakoba and Augustine Alegeh – many senior lawyers who are now crawling out of the woodworks were nowhere to be seen or heard from when the immediate past CJN was busy wreaking havoc. If anything, some of them could be described with some justification as having been part of his enablers. Much of what emanates from these kinds of sources at this time could be at best self-serving. A CJN who desires to succeed needs to seriously avoid occupational intimacy with these kind.

A Chief Justice who seeks to accomplish any of these will encounter challenges. One who desires to accomplish all may even struggle to survive in office. Such could be the extent of the political pushback. But that is why the task of reforming Nigeria’s judicial system is now clearly well beyond the technocratic or professional incest of lawyers and judges. It is now political and only a Chief Justice willing to enlist citizens in that urgent task can scratch the surface.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.