For a long time, I have advocated for the federal government to privatize the oil and gas sector, which has been tightly controlled since oil was first discovered in commercial quantities in 1956 in Oloibiri, now in Bayelsa State. I reiterated this point in my column last Tuesday, August 27th, in an article titled "Understanding the Toxic International Petrol Politics in Nigeria," where I shared the following perspective: "Currently, there are five fully operational modular refineries: Aradel in Port Harcourt, WalterSmith in Imo State, Edo Refinery and Duport Midstream in Edo State, and OPAC in Delta State, with a combined processing capacity of less than 20,000 barrels per day."

I further noted: "These smaller refineries are expected to benefit from President Bola Tinubu's recent directive to sell the 445,000 barrels per day of crude oil, previously reserved for local refining, in naira. This crude oil reserve was intended to supply the four NNPCL refineries, which have been non-functional for over a decade despite consuming over $25 billion in turnaround maintenance without producing even a single liter of petrol."

I concluded my appeal with advice that the refineries should be transferred to the private sector, as NNPCL lacks the capability and efficiency to operate them profitably: "Hopefully, the current administration will recognize the wisdom in my advocacy for selling the struggling government-owned refineries to private sector players who can operate them more efficiently, as I have argued in numerous media interventions over the past decade."

I have consistently argued that the government has no business-in-running- businesses. Following the commissioning of the Dangote Refinery by former President Muhammadu Buhari on May 22 of last year, I wrote an article advocating for the sale of the struggling NNPCL-owned refineries. The article, titled "Tinubunomics: Time To Sell The Petroleum Refineries," was published on August 15, 2023, and directly addresses the current situation.

If NNPC Ltd had fully committed to selling its controlling interest to private investors, it would demonstrate that the nation's leadership is serious about truly opening up the oil and gas sector. Beyond that, the move would have alleviated the burden on ordinary Nigerians who have long suffered from fuel shortages, a crisis that has plagued the sector since its inception and even to date that queues have returned to petrol stations again causing avoidable anguish on motorists.

In the piece, I made the case as follows:

"The universal principle that government has no business in business is crucial in solving the current energy crisis affecting both our leadership and citizens. It's unnecessary to reiterate that government operations are inherently inefficient due to the bureaucratic hurdles typical of public sector governance. Such complex processes are ill-suited for running the business of refining petroleum products, a task that requires the intricate coordination of human expertise and advanced technology."

I further argued:

"Operating an oil refinery demands a high level of agility and quick decision-making to achieve optimal outcomes. In addition to the government's inability to act swiftly, which hampers progress, there's the fundamental difference in the objectives of government operations versus business operations."

I also pointed out:

"The primary role of government is to organize and protect its citizens for progress and prosperity. It achieves this by ensuring compliance with the rule of law, which both leaders and the governed must respect. This adherence to the rule of law is essential for establishing and maintaining law and order, benefiting all members of society and legitimizing the government.

What this means is that the government is not driven by efficiency or speed but by its capacity to provide equity and justice for citizens, as well as uphold governance principles and ethics for the greater good of the society."

To support my argument with an ideological foundation, I referenced a well-known philosopher:

"As John Locke stated, the purpose of government is 'to secure and protect the God-given inalienable natural rights of the people.'"

I further reinforced my point by explaining the appropriate role of government in a market-driven capitalist economy like ours:

"Among other responsibilities, the government essentially provides the legal and social framework within which the economy operates. This means that the government is not meant to be a business operator but rather to ensure a level playing field for businesses to compete."

Expanding on the issue, I contrasted the ideal scenario I was advocating with the reality at the time the original piece was written about a year ago:

"Unlike the forces that drive business, where companies thrive on competition with similar service providers to gain a market advantage and thereby add value to society, the situation in Nigeria was quite different. The government had been the sole investor in oil and gas refining since oil was discovered in Oloibiri, modern-day Bayelsa, in 1956, creating a monopoly that stifled value creation."

I then reflected on the situation:

"That was the unfortunate state of affairs in Nigeria until the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) came into effect last year. This was followed by President Tinubu's inauguration speech on May 29, which marked the end of the petrol subsidy."

Additionally, I noted:

"Before these changes, the Federal Government's monopoly in the oil and gas sector was like an albatross hanging over it. Unlike the goals of government, the primary objective of any business is to meet the needs and wants of society while generating profit."

After having firmly opposed the idea of government involvement in business just a year ago, it was a remarkable and welcome surprise that our nation’s oil giant, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Ltd (NNPC Ltd), has now recognized the merit of the argument. On Friday, August 30, NNPC Ltd announced that it is inviting private sector operators to bid for the management and operation of the Kaduna and Warri refineries.

This announcement, made by the Chief Corporate Communications Officer of NNPC Ltd, Mr. Olufemi Soneye, stated that the company is seeking both short- and long-term Operations and Maintenance (O&M) contracts for the Warri Refining and Petrochemical Company (WRPC) and the Kaduna Refining and Petrochemical Company (KRPC).

Elaborating on the initiative, he outlined the scope of work for the O&M contracts, which will include but not be limited to:

- Long-term and short-term production/operations planning
- Production and operations execution
- Monitoring, reporting, and optimization of operations
- Maintenance planning (short-term)
- Maintenance execution
- Reliability and inspection
- Process and control engineering
- Quality Control, Quality Assurance, and Laboratory
- Specialist engineering
- Health and Safety
- Environmental management
- Turnaround maintenance planning and execution
- Minor projects
- Non-hydrocarbon Procurement
- Sub-contractor management
- Inventory and warehouse management

The NNPC Ltd spokesperson further mentioned that the company's goal is to enhance the refining process to ensure quality by utilizing the latest technology, including Computerized Maintenance Management Software (CMMS) and Warehousing Management Systems (WMS).

While this move falls short of the complete or partial sale of the refineries, which l have been advocating for and was initially implemented by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2007 before being reversed by his successor, the late President Umar Yar’Adua, this new initiative is still a positive step. As the saying goes, "Half a loaf is better than none."

The basis for my argument that existing oil refineries should be sold to private investors stems from the widespread belief among Nigerians that the government's business is- nobody's- business. In other words, government-owned businesses are often neglected or mismanaged. The poor performance of government-owned enterprises in Nigeria further supports the idea that, in a market-driven capitalist economy, the government should not be involved in business—a principle widely accepted in management theory.

There are exceptions to this rule, such as in monarchical systems like Saudi Arabia, where ARAMCO, a state-owned company, remains highly profitable, generating $100 billion in 2023. This success can be attributed to the unique nature of a monarchy, where loyalty to the king means that the government's business is effectively the king's business, as the king embodies the state.

Moreover, other state-owned oil companies in market-driven economies, such as Petrobras in Brazil ($25 billion profit), Sonatrach in Algeria ($5.5 billion), and Petronas in Malaysia ($19 billion), have also shown significant profitability. The concerns about NNPCL's underperformance are heightened when compared to these companies, especially since NNPCL, operating in a similar market-driven environment, reported a profit of N2.297 trillion ($3.3 billion) in its 2023 annual report. Given that Nigeria is OPEC’s sixth-largest oil producer, NNPCL has the potential to perform much better and is currently underachieving.

Similarly, government involvement in business is mandatory in China due to its communist orientation, which represents another exception to the general rule that governments should not engage in business. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, the belief that "government business is nobody's business" has become ingrained among public servants, leading to significant negative impacts on the profitability of publicly owned organizations.

In contrast to the apathetic attitude often seen among Nigerian public servants toward state-owned assets, citizens in China exhibit a strong sense of ownership over public enterprises due to a deep-seated patriotism reinforced by the country's communist ideology. This ideological commitment has made government involvement in business highly successful in China. A prime example is the construction firm China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC), which plays a central role in the nation's infrastructure development projects across Africa, including road construction, railways, and ports in Nigeria.

On the other hand, in Nigeria, where there is a notable lack of patriotism, particularly within the public and civil service, government dominance in business has historically led to poor outcomes. This was the case until the government began to relax its control over businesses, starting with the unbundling efforts during General Ibrahim Babangida's military regime.

During that period, industries such as broadcasting and banking were privatized, a trend that continued under President Olusegun Obasanjo's civilian administration. Obasanjo further opened up sectors like ports and telecommunications to private investment, and more recently, the electricity sector has also been liberalized.

A common thread among these privatized entities and newly accessible sectors in Nigeria is that they have all become profitable, significant job creators, and contributors to GDP growth. Additionally, they have become more substantial sources of tax revenue following the government's decision to allow private investment.

The situation highlights the risks associated with the prevailing belief in Nigeria that "government’s business is nobody’s business," a notion deeply ingrained in the mindset of many Nigerians, especially public and civil servants. This attitude often leads to the reckless management of state-owned enterprises, which has resulted in their failure.

In contrast, businesses where the government holds only a minority stake have generally thrived. For example, the Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) company, which operates in partnership with international oil companies (IOCs), has been a significant revenue source for the NNPC.

To address the challenges of government-owned businesses, it is crucial to move away from the mindset that government assets are inherently neglected. This attitude underlies issues such as corruption and the mismanagement of public utilities, and government-run businesses such as banking services when the likes of UBA,FirstBank and Unionbank, electricity provider NEPA, telecommunications company NITEL, and the airline Nigeria Airways were under the control of the government.
Following the unbundling of the aforementioned assets to private investors, they have become profitable not only to the investors but they are also creating employment and paying taxes to the government.

Despite NNPC's transformation into NNPCL and its shift towards a market-driven approach, it still operates with bureaucratic constraints typical of government agencies. Rather than pursuing a full sale of the refineries, NNPCL is opting for a concession strategy, inviting private sector bids for the management of the Warri and Kaduna refineries.

Given the problematic history of corruption, such as the crude oil-for-refined products swap scandal under former Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, it is concerning that NNPCL is not opting for a complete sale to private investors with the necessary expertise and funding. This cautious approach seems to ignore the lessons from previous failures in managing government assets.

Fortunately, the Petroleum Products Importers Association has expressed interest in pooling resources to acquire one of the refineries. This initiative should be encouraged. Private sector operators are likely to use the refinery more effectively compared to leasing it to an operator who might exploit the system, as seen with the mismanagement of toll gates on highways.

Selling the refineries or their controlling shares outright to new buyers could also enable Nigerian retail stations to expand into neighboring countries and address the problem of petroleum product smuggling across our borders. The example of OVH's purchase and sale by NNPCL Retail, and its subsequent merger, demonstrates the potential for Nigerian buyers to extend the franchise to neighboring countries, similar to how Citgo, a Venezuelan brand, once operated in the U.S.

Smuggling may persist due to the lack of a formal framework for selling petrol across borders. The type of innovative approach required for this expansion is best handled by private sector investors. Therefore, President Bola Tinubu should consider transitioning from the proposed concession of the Warri and Kaduna refineries to a full sale to experienced entrepreneurs.

Over the past fifteen months, President Tinubu has revised several policy initiatives he deemed suboptimal. Concessioning the refineries is less effective than a complete sale, and reversing this decision would likely earn him a commendation from industry stakeholders and the public. Given Mr.President's responsiveness to Nigerians' needs such as increasing the amount paid to the poor through conditional cash transfer and returning some of the subsidy on petrol pump prices, there is hope that he will take the necessary steps to stop NNPC ltd from engaging in this latest gambit which spells doom for the oil behemoth that is supposed to be our country’s cash cow but still punching below its weight. As Oliver Goldsmith wisely said, "Hope is not a bait; it covers any hook."

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng

...As Ekiti Hosts Inaugural Meeting of Security Advisers of neighboring States

The Governor of Ekiti State, Mr. Biodun Oyebanji, on Thursday took a significant step towards enhancing regional security by convening a meeting of special advisers on security from Ekiti, Ondo, Kogi, Kwara, and Osun States.

The initiative aims at strengthening the security architecture of the states who share boundaries and ensuring the protection of lives and properties within their borders.

The meeting, held at the Bawa Lodge at the Ekiti State Government House, was chaired by the Special Adviser on Security to Ekiti State Governor, Brigadier-General Ebenezer Ogundana (rtd).

Attendees included Mr. Olugbenga Atiba, Senior Special Assistant on Security, Ondo State; Commander Jerry Omodara, Kogi State; Brigadier Samuel Ojo (Rtd.), Osun State; and Brigadier General S.T. Bello, Kwara State, with Dr Adetunberu Oludotun, Director General Jomeland Security, Ekiti State as Secretary.

In his remarks, Gen. Ogundana emphasized that the meeting was convened at the directive of Governor Oyebanji in response to rising trans-border insecurity. He highlighted the importance of collaboration among the neighboring states, particularly in tackling inter-border crimes, where criminals evade prosecution by crossing state lines.

Gen Ogundana stressed that intelligence-sharing would be key in controlling such criminal activities and ensuring the safety of residents.

The retired General stated further that the inaugural meeting marked the beginning of massive collaboration among the states, adding that future meetings would involve local governments in the border areas in order to enhance cooperation among security personnel.

He also noted that security efforts were being intensified across Ekiti, including farm settlements, to encourage farmers to return to their businesses without fear. This, he said is to enhance food security.

“We are committed to ensuring peace across Ekiti State and in all our neighboring states”, Ogundana assured, stressing that improved security climate is a driver for increased investment, particularly in the agricultural sector.

“Without adequate security, there will be no investment, and we have seen big-time agro investors showing interest in Ekiti.”

Ogundana also addressed the recent food insecurity challenges, expressing hope that such issues would not recur this year due to proactive measures taken by the state, including resolving disputes between herdsmen and farmers.

He urged residents to go about their daily activities without fear of being kidnapped, reiterating the government’s commitment to safeguarding lives, property, and ensuring a conducive environment for investors.

The meeting is set to continue periodically, with further discussions held virtually as needed, to stay ahead of potential security threats.

Yet, if Yenagoa was Nigeria’s chaos capital, it didn’t show in the voice of Esueme Dan-Kikile, the general manager corporate affairs of the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB), who never once wavered in his commitment to me to read my book there.

When anxiety and prejudice nearly prevailed, I yielded to Dan-Kikile’s reassuring calmness and my nagging curiosity for adventure. 

After 19 years of mental pictures, mostly from unflattering news reports, I decided to face the demon. By a quirk of fate, I used the longer route – Warri to Yenagoa. What a trip this second missionary journey turned out to be!

If a picture is worth a thousand words, one travel mile is worth two thousand. Words sometimes fail to describe the joys and excitement of new faces, places, sounds, and smells of travel. 

Jonathan was “king”

The last time I visited, former President Goodluck Jonathan was governor. The state was nine years old, and there was only one road in and out of the capital. 

Bayelsa, located in southern Nigeria, edges the Atlantic Ocean. It was the hotbed of militancy by youths who, sometimes at the behest of politicians, took hostages for ransom and blew up oil and gas pipelines as bargaining chips. Its people are mostly fishermen and farmers whose environment and toils have been ruined for decades by oil spills and the ravages of gas flaring.

This visit felt different from when I landed at the airport in Warri, Delta State, for the three-and-a-half-hour drive to Yenagoa. 

The East-West Road

After over N350 billion and 18 years, the construction of the East-West Road, highway to the six states in the Niger Delta region and gateway to the East is still on. They say it would take nearly three times that amount, and God knows how long to finish. 

This was what Senate President Godswill Akpabio said four years ago when he was Minister of the Niger Delta Affairs – that the road, which NDDC was handling under his supervision, would cost about N1 trillion naira to complete.

Large portions of it were still impassable as of last week. Where you could drive freely for a mile or two, you had to look out for barricades and sand-filled drums at makeshift checkpoints where the security men and local youths appear to have agreed on a joint approach and a standard extortion formula. 

“Tollgate ahead, off the mic!”

If this sounds confusing, you haven’t heard the more confusing part. Extortion doesn’t only happen on the highway. Four years ago, just before Akpabio said the East-West Road might cost N1 trillion to finish, a “tollgate” was mounted for him inside Nigeria’s parliament in Abuja.

A joint session of Nigeria’s Senate and House of Representatives was conducting an audit of the NDDC, and the Commission had not completed the East-West Road after many years and billions of naira spent. As Akpabio proceeded to open the can of worms after hinting that the contracts for the road were awarded to companies belonging to his interlocutors, the committee chairman and current Minister of Interior Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo interjected: “Off your mic! Honourable Minister, it’s OK, off the mic!”

That interjection became the national joke for killing any potentially embarrassing thing that should be said. Talking too much is against the convention at any tollgate – whether in Abuja or on the East-West Road. Off the mic, pay the toll, and move.

Akpabio, an accomplished toll collector, should have known the tradition. According to a NEITI report in 2013, the NDDC received about N400 billion between 2007 and 2011, which is almost one-quarter of its 20-year existence. If the Commission were a state with a revenue of N168 billion in 2011, for example, it would be the sixth highest earning in the country, displaced only by Lagos, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers. 

Yet, as the car taking me to Yenagoa drove by, the most prevalent evidence that the Commission is working on the East-West Road is the enormous square slabs, each engraved with its name erected shamelessly within every two kilometres or so. It would be a surprise if this work is finished in another 18 years, even if Nigeria robbed a Chinese bank for N1 trillion.

Waterfront and petrol queues

After nearly three hours of driving, we finally arrived in Yenagoa, turning off at the Yenagoa-Mbiama part of the East-West Road at Igbogini Junction onto Glory Drive. The driver said the new road was constructed last year. The one-road state capital had a new access road, which I later learned was the third.  

In Yenagoa, the makeshift food shops on wooden stilts at the waterfront at the end of Alamieyeseigha Road, just a stone’s throw from the imposing Content Board Tower, were great. The food, smell, neon lights, music, and the energy of the solicitous food vendors courting mostly young customers were hard to resist. 

The place reminded me of Tampa Bay in Florida – if, for a moment, from behind any of the wooden shacks, you looked far beyond the large waterweeds and abandoned wooden canoes at the shore to the Ocean just at the horizon. 

On our way to the venue of the book reading at Golden Tulip the next day, we saw long queues of vehicles snaking for miles from a nearby NNPC filling station where drivers were waiting to buy petrol. 

It’s heartbreaking that residents in this state, home of Oloibiri, where crude oil was first discovered in Nigeria and home to the country’s fourth highest concentration of oil wells, must go through this to buy petrol. My driver said drivers unable to buy petrol the same day would leave their vehicles at the station and return the next day. They are used to it. I shook my head.

Read the book!

The book reading was electrifying. It was attended by a fine collection of students from four universities in the state with their teachers. Accomplished writers and professionals from other walks of life were present, too. The audience’s enthusiasm and determination to seize the moment for their own good were remarkable. 

Dan-Kikile spoke from the heart about NCDMB’s passion for upskilling capacity at institutional and individual levels; the moderator, Dr. Doubra Timi-Wood of Channels TV, made the reading a shared moment of intimacy, and the audience loved it. 

The cure for my lethargy was facing my fears. I’m glad I did.

In the vast jungle of the English language, few creatures have made as much of an impact as the monkey. These clever, mischievous animals have left their mark on our everyday expressions, with idioms that have evolved from the branches of ancient wisdom to the urban landscape of contemporary speech. Taking a playful swing through some of the most popular monkey-inspired idioms and seeing how they continue to express our quirks, behaviors, and societal observations today is quite revealing.

When you hear “Monkey Business,” you are likely picturing some sort of shady or mischievous activity. The phrase conjures images of primates up to no good, and that is exactly what it means. Originating in the early 20th century, this idiom has evolved to describe any activity that is suspicious, dubious, or just plain silly. In today’s context, it is often used to describe underhanded tactics in politics, business, or even social media trends that seem more about show than substance.

In a similar vein, “Monkey See, Monkey Do” is another idiom that surrounds monkey’s behavior. This idiom perfectly captures the human tendency to mimic others, often without understanding the underlying reasons. It traces back to the way monkeys imitate human actions, a behavior that is both endearing and frustrating. In contemporary usage, “Monkey See, Monkey Do” is often invoked in discussions about social media trends, where viral challenges or fashion crazes are adopted by masses without much thought, proving that, in many ways, we are all just monkeys at heart.

Still in the same vein is, “Don’t Monkey Around”. We have all heard this one, usually when we are taking something too lightly or causing unnecessary chaos. “Don’t monkey around” is a directive to stop fooling around and get serious. Whether it is a parent scolding a child or a manager urging employees to focus, this idiom has swung through time as a universal call for order in the midst of potential mayhem.

“Monkey On Your Back” is another idiom which refers to a burdensome problem or addiction that one cannot shake off. It is a vivid image—picturing a monkey clinging to someone’s back, making every step harder. Today, “A monkey on your back” is often used in discussions about personal struggles, from the relentless pressure of work to the battles with addiction or bad habits. It is a reminder that some challenges cling tight and are tough to shrug off.

Also is “More Fun Than a Barrel of Monkeys”, which is a curious one. The idea of a barrel filled with monkeys sounds chaotic, but also undeniably fun. This idiom dates back to the 19th century and was likely inspired by the antics of circus monkeys. Today, it is used to describe anything particularly enjoyable, although sometimes with a hint of irony, like when someone sarcastically refers to a boring event as being “more fun than a barrel of monkeys.”

Still in a similar vein is “monkey wrench” which does not refer to a literal tool in this context, but rather an obstacle thrown into plans, causing disruption. The idiom is widely believed to have stemmed from the tool itself, which was named after its inventor. Today, it is commonly used in phrases like “throw a monkey wrench in the works,” signifying unexpected complications that disrupt progress. In the fast-paced world of tech startups or even in romantic relationships, one little “monkey wrench” can lead to major setbacks.

Also in a similar vein is “Cold enough to freeze the balls off a brass monkey”, which is a phrase that might make you chuckle, but it actually refers to something incredibly cold. Though its origins are debated, with some tracing it to naval jargon, it has become a colorful way to describe bitterly cold weather. Despite its questionable historical accuracy, the idiom still pops up in conversations and social media posts whenever the mercury drops.

In fact, there is “Cheeky Monkey” among idiomatic expressions that originated from the behaviorism of monkey.  This playful idiom is typically used in British English to describe someone who is being impudent in a charming or amusing way. The phrase “cheeky monkey” is often applied to children who are being mischievous but endearing, or even adults who dare to push boundaries with a wink and a smile. It is the perfect blend of affection and mild reprimand, capturing a timeless human behavior.

Without a doubt, Monkey-inspired idioms have truly stood the test of time, swinging from the vines of ancient culture to our modern-day vocabulary. They capture the essence of human nature, our mischievousness, our tendencies to imitate, our struggles, and our humor. So, next time you find yourself monkeying around with words, remember that you are part of a long, proud tradition of linguistic playfulness that is as lively as a barrel of monkeys.

Nigeria, a nation blessed with abundant resources and a vibrant population, remains mired in a cycle of poor governance that has persisted for decades. The question on the lips of many Nigerians is, “Will it ever get better?” The struggle to break free from the chains of corruption, mismanagement, and ineffective leadership is a journey that seems to have no end in sight.

Since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, successive governments have come to power with promises of change and development. Yet, these promises have often turned into mere rhetoric, leaving the masses disillusioned and frustrated. From military regimes to democratic administrations, the narrative has been alarmingly consistent: leaders who ascend to power with grand visions often lose their way, entangled in the web of corruption and personal gain.

The military era, marked by coups and counter-coups, was a time of instability and repression. While some may argue that there were brief moments of progress, the overall impact was one of stagnation and decline. The return to democracy in 1999 was heralded as a new dawn for Nigeria, but the years since have shown that the challenges of governance are deeply rooted in the fabric of the nation’s political system.

Corruption remains one of the biggest impediments to good governance in Nigeria. It is a cancer that has eaten deep into the country’s institutions, from the highest levels of government to the grassroots. Despite the establishment of various anti-corruption agencies, such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the scourge persists. The lack of accountability and transparency in public office has made it nearly impossible for the government to function effectively.

The alleged financial misappropriation in several government agencies has further eroded public trust. The siphoning of public funds meant for development projects into private accounts has left critical infrastructure in a state of disrepair. Roads, schools, hospitals, and other essential services are grossly underfunded, leaving millions of Nigerians without access to basic amenities.

At the heart of Nigeria’s governance crisis is a deficit of visionary leadership. The nation’s political landscape is dominated by individuals who prioritize personal interests over the common good. The concept of public service, which should be the cornerstone of governance, has been relegated to the background. Instead, politics has become a means to wealth accumulation, with little regard for the welfare of the people.

This leadership vacuum is evident in the way policies are formulated and implemented. In many cases, government initiatives are poorly conceived and hastily executed, leading to minimal impact on the ground. The disconnect between the government and the people is palpable, with many citizens feeling that their voices are not heard or valued.

Despite the bleak picture, there are glimmers of hope. Civil society organizations and a growing number of young, politically conscious Nigerians are beginning to demand more from their leaders. The rise of social media has also provided a platform for citizens to hold their government accountable. However, these efforts are often met with resistance from entrenched political elite that is unwilling to relinquish power.

The recent #EndSARS, and #EndBadGovernance protests which called for an end to police brutality and bad governance, respectively, were a testament to the potential for change. Although the movements were brutally suppressed, but despite that, they collectively sent a strong message that Nigerians are no longer willing to accept the status quo. The question now is whether this momentum can be sustained and translated into tangible change at the ballot box.

In fact, for Nigeria to achieve good governance, a fundamental shift in the political culture is required. This involves not only holding leaders accountable but also fostering a culture of integrity and public service. It requires a judiciary that is independent and fearless, a legislature that is truly representative of the people, and an executive that is committed to the rule of law.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is germane to opine in this context that education and civic engagement are crucial, and that citizens must be informed and empowered to make choices that reflect their interests, even as voter apathy, driven by years of disenchantment with the political process, must be addressed if true democracy is to take root in Nigeria.

Be that as it may, it is expedient to state the fact that the road to good governance in Nigeria is long and fraught with challenges, but it is not an impossible journey. While the past and present may paint a grim picture, the future holds the possibility of change. It will require collective effort, determination, and a willingness to confront the issues that have held the country back for so long. The question remains: will Nigeria rise to the occasion, or will the cycle of poor governance continue? Only time will tell.

In 1 Kings 12:11, the words “My father laid on you a heavy yoke; I will make it even heavier. My father scourged you with whips; I will scourge you with scorpions” echo the experiences of Nigerians today. This biblical passage serves as a fitting metaphor for the situation under President Bola Tinubu’s administration, which has seen the intensification of economic hardship, following in the footsteps of his predecessor.

During the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, Nigerians groaned under the weight of economic instability, high unemployment, rising prices, and insecurity. The heavy yoke was felt across the country, but many hoped that a change in leadership would ease their burdens. Instead, the reverse has happened.

Since taking office, President Tinubu has introduced policies that have further exacerbated the suffering of the average Nigerian. The removal of subsidies and the resultant skyrocketing fuel prices have worsened inflation, deepened poverty, and pushed even more families below the poverty line. Nigerians who once struggled under Buhari’s “whips” now feel they are being “scourged with scorpions” as Tinubu’s economic measures have led to a rise in the cost of living that seems unbearable.

This biblical imagery is not an exaggeration. With the currency’s value plummeting, the cost of basic goods and services soaring, and the country’s debt swelling, the average Nigerian is reeling from the impact of these policy decisions. Just as the scourging of whips and scorpions implies escalating punishment, many citizens are questioning when, if ever, the burdens will lessen.

Instead of a respite, the Tinubu-led government has turned the screws tighter, leaving many Nigerians wondering if they will ever see relief. Where Buhari’s government was seen as difficult, Tinubu’s is seen as crushing. The “scorpions” of higher high costs of virtually all goods and services due to unprecedented rising rate of inflation, and economic uncertainty sting deeply, leaving an indelible mark on the nation’s psyche.

This biblical parallel speaks volumes about the unending cycle of hardship in Nigeria. Will there be an end to this scourging? Nigerians are left waiting and hoping for the leadership that will finally lift their burden, not add to it.

As in the scripture, there is a warning. Leaders who continue to lay heavier burdens on their people without a clear path to relief must recognize that the consequences of such actions may be far-reaching. It is time for the Nigerian government to reassess its direction and truly address the suffering of its people, before the scourging becomes unbearable.

At this juncture, it is expedient to urge President Tinubu to free Nigerians from the scourge of economic hardship as the burden is increasingly becoming unbearable by each passing day.

Since he took the reins of leadership in May 2023, Nigerians have found themselves grappling with a new level of economic hardship. While the nation had long been accustomed to challenging times, the current situation has escalated to a point where daily survival for many is becoming nearly impossible. The policies and economic measures rolled out by this administration, though intended to stabilize the economy, seem to be deepening the suffering of ordinary Nigerians.

From fuel subsidy removal to soaring inflation, Nigerians are now facing a cost of living that has reached unprecedented levels. The price of basic goods, transportation, and housing has skyrocketed, making everyday life unaffordable for millions of citizens. Food prices, in particular, have surged, with staples like rice, beans, and cassava, the very foundation of Nigerian diets, becoming luxuries for many. While the rich may find ways to navigate these challenges, the masses, who form the backbone of the country, are suffering in silence.

A quick trip to any market in Lagos, Abuja, or any of Nigeria’s other bustling cities will reveal the growing frustration. At a market in Ogba, Ikeja, Lagos, a woman named Iya Wale lamented, “Shebidem tell us say cassava, ewa and agbado go cheap wen we vote for them, today we nor fit buy dem for market.” This echoes the sentiment of many Nigerians who feel betrayed by the promises made by the current administration.

As if that wasn’t enough, the national currency, the naira, has plummeted, making imports even more expensive and compounding the problems for local businesses and consumers alike. The ripple effect has spread across all sectors, from healthcare to education, leaving many Nigerians to be groaning under pricey goods and services.  The hardship is no longer a mere inconvenience; it has become an existential threat.

In a nation where unemployment rates are already high and where businesses are struggling to keep their doors open, the situation is quickly becoming a recipe for disaster.

While it is true that Tinubu’s government has inherited some of these challenges from previous administrations, it is also clear that the current trajectory is unsustainable. More than ever, Nigerians need relief. They need policies that will ease their burden, not ones that will intensify it. It is not enough to make lofty promises or announce palliative measures that fail to reach the intended beneficiaries. Concrete steps must be taken to address the root causes of the economic crisis.

First, there is a need for strategic intervention in key sectors like agriculture, energy, and manufacturing. Nigerian farmers, for instance, should receive robust support to boost local food production, which will help reduce the dependence on imports and lower food prices. Additionally, the government must urgently address the power supply issues that cripple businesses, ensuring that industries can thrive and provide jobs for millions of unemployed youths. Though, in Lagos, electricity supply is improved, and therefore the progress should be improved.

Second, Tinubu’s administration must work towards stabilizing the naira and curbing inflation. A combination of sound monetary policies, fiscal discipline, and transparency in governance will go a long way in restoring confidence in the economy. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Ministry of Finance must act in concert to reduce the current economic volatility.

Third, social welfare programs should be revamped to ensure that the most vulnerable in society receive the help they so desperately need. The distribution of palliatives, be it cash transfers or food supplies, must be transparent and efficient. Every Nigerian should feel the impact of government intervention, not just a select few.

Finally, there must be an immediate dialogue between the government and key stakeholders, including labor unions, civil society organizations, and the business community, to chart a way forward. The current approach of implementing economic policies without meaningful consultation will only lead to further alienation of the people.

President Tinubu, you came into office with a vision for a better Nigeria. While it is true that nation-building is no easy task, the current hardship is too much for ordinary citizens to bear. Nigerians are resilient, but they are not invincible. If the current economic direction is not corrected, the consequences could be dire, not just for the citizens, but for the stability of the nation as a whole.

The time for action is now. Nigerians are pleading for relief from the scourge of economic hardship. They are calling on you, their president, to hear their cries and deliver on your promises of a better future. Leadership is not just about making tough decisions, but about ensuring that those decisions uplift the lives of the people. Tinubu, the people are waiting. Free Nigerians from this unbearable burden that finds expression in 1 Kings 12:11, with its inherent words that say, “My father laid on you a heavy yoke; I will make it even heavier. My father scourged you with whips; I will scourge you with scorpions”

Victor Osimhen’s transfer to Galatasaray has ignited a significant surge in the Turkish club’s social media following. The reigning African Footballer of the Year officially joined Galatasaray on a season-long loan from Napoli for the 2024/25 season on Wednesday, after the Italian club agreed to a loan move.

Osimhen‘s arrival has not only bolstered Galatasaray’s presence in European football but has also significantly boosted the club’s social media profile.

Since the announcement, Galatasaray’s X account (formerly Twitter) has gained over 100,000 new followers, surpassing the one million mark from its initial 920,000 followers.

This rapid growth underscores Osimhen’s influence as one of Africa’s most prominent footballers and highlights the excitement surrounding his move to Turkey.

The Nigerian striker received a hero’s welcome in Istanbul on Monday night, with thousands of passionate Galatasaray fans gathering at the airport to greet him with cheers and chants, creating a memorable moment that set the tone for his loan spell.

The 25-year-old’s move to Galatasaray followed a dramatic transfer saga that saw a potential move to Chelsea collapse on deadline day. Despite a lucrative offer from Saudi Arabian club Al Ahli, who were willing to pay Osimhen a staggering €30 million per year for four years, the Nigerian star chose to continue his career in Europe, leading to his loan move to the Turkish club.

Osimhen’s presence in Turkey has already begun to make waves both on and off the pitch, bringing excitement to Galatasaray and their fervent supporters.

[BusinessDay]

The latest hike in the price of petrol has pushed up transport fares by over 50 percent in major cities across Nigeria, findings by Daily Trust have revealed.

The newest price hikes, implemented by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company’s (NNPCL) Retail Management, range from N855 to N897 per litre, depending on the location, from the previous N568-N617.

Independent marketers have adjusted their prices to between N930 and N1,200 per litre of petrol.

The price hike has had a widespread impact, with some Nigerians resorting to long-distance trekking and others missing work due to the higher transportation costs.

The pan-Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on Wednesday joined the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) in demanding reversal of the increase in the petrol pump price.

This is even as the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) warned that the price hike could lead to higher inflation.

Also yesterday, the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) announced plans to protest and shut down major cities from 15th of this month.

Abuja, Lagos commuters express frustration

Commuters in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Lagos and other states yesterday expressed frustration over the hike in the price of petrol which, according to them, has constrained their living conditions.

Many of them, who spoke to our correspondents, said the unaffordability of transportation cost had forced them to trek to work.

Adeolu Segun, a civil servant residing in Zuba, Abuja, said the fare from his area to Berger had risen from N1,000 to N1,500.

Mrs. Zainab Ibrahim, a mother of six living in Kubwa, said she paid N1,000 as fare as against the previous N500 for the same route.

Ismaila Danjuma, the Secretary of the Zuba branch of the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW), explained that the rise in transport fares was due to the fuel price hike.

A passenger, Murjanatu Shehu, who was travelling to Kano from Abuja, said the fare rose from N8,000 to N11,000.

Haruna Yakubu, a driver on the Abuja-Lokoja route, confirmed fare increase from N4, 500 to N6,000; and Abuja-Okene routes fare rose from N6,500-N10,000.

Lagos bus drivers, Ojo Jamiu and Chukwuka Ogwu, said they now charge more than double as fares.

Kano, Rivers residents trek

In Kano and Port Harcourt, residents resorted to trekking.

Yakubu Isa, who said he used to pay N200 to go to Kano Guest Inn from Kwana Hudu, could not afford the new N400 fare, but had to trek. A teacher in Kano, Maikudi Haliru, also said he trekked to school to avoid the higher tricycle fares.

Our correspondent observed a low turnout of passengers at the Kano Line Motor Park yesterday as fares for the Kano-Kaduna and Kano-Abuja routes had risen to N6,000 and N12,000 respectively.

Some residents of Port Harcourt, Rivers State, also said the latest increase in transport fares had forced them to trek.

In Ondo State where transport fares have also doubled, residents said it would be better to trek a few distances to their workplaces.

In Jalingo, the Taraba State capital, tricycle fares have been increased by 50 percent; while same rose in Borno and Yobe states by 30 per cent.

Inflation figures may go up – MAN

The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) has said that the new price of petrol might push inflation figures high, impacting household budgets.  It also said Small and Medium-scale Enterprises (SMEs), which often operate on thin margins, could be hard hit by the development.

The MAN, in a statement by its Director-General, Segun Ajayi-Kadir yesterday, enumerated the impacts of the petrol price hike.

“So, in terms of what the impact might be and judging from what we have witnessed in the past, the cost of transportation may increase, and so would the prices of goods and services. As the cost of petrol rises, consumers will spend more on transportation and energy, leaving them with less disposable income.

“This decrease in purchasing power may lead to reduced demand for non-essential goods and services, affecting businesses across various sectors. These are pointers to the high possibility of a rise in inflation figures, impacting household budgets,” the DG said.

We’ll shut down major cities – Students

The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) has announced plans for a “large-scale” shutdown of all major cities in Nigeria over the fuel price hike, starting from September 15, 2024.

In a notification sent to students yesterday, Okunomo Henry Adewumi, President of the NANS’ Senate, demanded immediate reversal of the fuel price hike and the removal of Mele Kyari, the Group Chief Executive Officer of the NNPCL.

The statement said that the protest will be conducted peacefully and in accordance with the law.

Meanwhile, another faction of the NAN yesterday debunked the claim that the student union was planning a nationwide shutdown of major cities.

Akinteye Babatunde, the association’s factional Senate President, in a statement, said NANS did not announce nor endorse any such protest, describing the claim as baseless.

Afenifere, PDP demand pump price hike reversal

The pan-Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere, yesterday urged the federal government to direct the NNPCL to reverse the increase in fuel pump price.

Afenifere asked the government to stick to the claim by the Minister of State for Petroleum, Heineken Lokpobiri, that it did not instruct the increase.

In a statement signed by Jare Ajayi, the spokesman of the Afenifere’s faction loyal to Pa Reuben Fasoranti, the group, said that Nigerians are currently going through a lot of challenges as a result of biting socio-economic crunch and the attendant hardships.

“It is therefore a wrong time to come up with any policy that will increase the undesirable challenges Nigerians are going through presently. Failure by the NNPCL to reverse the latest increment in fuel price will rub off negatively on some policies of Tinubu administration to ease things for the citizens. Policies such as the Students Loan Scheme and Consumer Credit Scheme that are just taking off”, it said.

Afenifere said with the latest increase in petrol price, the cost of fuel in Nigeria had risen by 460 per cent in 15 months.

It was curious that an organisation that declared a profit running into trillions of Naira could, almost in the same breath, claim indebtedness to the tune of nearly $7 billion. “Why not pay off the debt from the available fund before declaring it as profit?

“It is a common knowledge that the cost and availability of energy such as petrol, gas, electricity, diesel and kerosine are major factors not only in production and services but also on the quality of well-being that Nigerians can enjoy. Hikes in prices of these energy sources have astronomically increased the costs of services and commodities, reduced the disposal incomes of average Nigerians and heighten their health risk. The combination of all these are making a daily living an onerous task for the majority of the citizens. Considering the fact that millions of the Nigerians had been described as being ‘multi-dimensionally poor’, the recent hike in costs of fuel and electricity are uploading the number of people in that category phenomenally”, it said.

Similarly, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) yesterday condemned the hike in fuel price, alleging that it was a “brutal assault” on Nigerians by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

The PDP said the increase is a “recipe for crisis,” particularly during a time of severe economic hardship under President Tinubu’s administration.

Debo Ologunagba, the party’s National Publicity Secretary, in a statement, urged President Tinubu to reverse the fuel price increase and reconsider other policies negatively impacting the nation.

He said with proper management, petrol should not cost more than N250 per litre.

He said the continuous rise in fuel prices, without consideration for the people’s welfare, was exacerbating the already dire economic situation, pushing millions of Nigerians further into poverty.

The PDP also alleged that over 150 million Nigerians had fallen below the poverty line, with businesses collapsing due to the high cost of living, a weakened naira and rising unemployment.

Tricycle riders protest fuel price hike in Delta

Tricycle riders in Warri South Local Government Area of Delta State yesterday protested the petrol price hike, disrupting business activities and vehicular movements.

They blocked the Deco Road Junction, the First-Marine Gate Junction and the popular Hausa Quarters, Igbudu.

TUC asks govt to rescind decision

The Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) on Wednesday criticized the federal government for the recent hike in the pump price of petrol, demanding its immediate reversal.

TUC President Festus Osifo, in a statement, said the union expressed deep concern that the sudden increase in fuel and electricity costs would exacerbate poverty levels, worsen the suffering of citizens and potentially lead to social unrest.

Osifo criticized the government for implementing the price increase without consulting key stakeholders, calling it a blatant disregard for the welfare of the Nigerian people, particularly the working class who are most affected by such decisions.

“The news of the PMS price hike has sent a wave of apprehension and depression across the nation, especially as it comes on top of existing hardships faced by citizens,” he said.

He said the TUC was also concerned about the recent 250% increase in electricity tariffs, labelling it as an additional burden on the poorest in society and a sign of the government’s lack of empathy for ordinary Nigerians.

Tinubu didn’t bargain fuel price for minimum wage-Presidency

The Senior Special Assistant to the President of Media (Print), Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, Wednesday on his X, said Tinubu never bargained with the leadership of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) not to increase the price of petrol before arriving at N70,000 as the new minimum wage.

He was reacting to the allegation by the NLC’s president, Joe Ajaero, that Tinubu asked them to accept N70,000 as minimum wage for the petrol price to remain N617/litre.

Abdulaziz said: “I sat through the two meetings President @officialABAT had with labour leaders on minimum wage. At neither of the meetings was an offer made in exchange for a fuel price hike. Ajaero is once again playing his dirty politics with the emotions of Nigerians.”

In his reaction yesterday, Ajaero, through the NLC’s spokesman, Benson Upah, said, “As for Abdulaziz’s side-dig, he should stop insulting the intelligence of Nigerians as they do not need Comrade Joe Ajaero to know they have been taken for a ride and that life has never been this mean, all due to the policies of government.”

[DailyTrust]

Thirty years ago, Nigeria was in severe crisis. In the wake of the previous year’s elections that was annulled and the attendant protests, 1994 was an unpleasant time. General Sani Abacha had rigged his way into power through a coup and was setting the country on edge. Media houses had been shut, and journalists serially harassed and detained. Acclaimed winner of the 1993 presidential election, Moshood Abiola, was in prison along with scores of activists who had protested either the fuel prices inflation or the election annulment. Ken Saro-Wiwa too was in prison. The Niger-Delta region was restless due to the state-induced violence racking the region.

NADECO members were arrested and charged with treason for their audacity to challenge Abacha. Government critics had their homes raided, and some were attacked. That was the year Prof. Wole Soyinka went into exile. Decree after decree expanded the government’s power to punish. They could detain—without charge or trial—anyone suspected of subversive activities. The Senate that had been inaugurated the previous year was disbanded. Six of the lawmakers who had taken a stand against the government were arrested and charged with “treasonable felony and conspiracy.” They were initially granted bail, and five of them re-arrested months later. The sixth person? That was Bola Tinubu.

By now, I am sure you already see where I am going. As you would have read, this week the police arrested and charged 10 people who allegedly participated in the #EndBadGovernance protests last month for the same crime Abacha’s government had once arrested Tinubu: treason. Those 10 people, along with another 700 police said they also arrested, were some of the thousands who responded to the strangulating economic and political conditions the same way Tinubu and his fellow travellers did in 1994.

Tinubu is either forgetful of history or, since he once confessed that he took a major economic policy while under the influence of a “spirit,” has been fully possessed by Abacha’s ghost. It does not matter which is true; the shame is that a severe charge like treason is being trivialised by a government that cannot brook citizens towing the same path that brought him into power. I want to believe that Tinubu’s fellow pro-democracy activists, some of whom were imprisoned on frivolous charges during the dark days of Abacha’s rule, are looking at the unfolding chain of events and terrified at the uncanny repetition of history.

Wherever he is now, Abacha must be exultant. He should rejoice; he is not the only tyrant whose ignominious history would be tossed into the sewers of our national history. By the time their time passes, Tinubu and company would have personified the Orwellian pigs who became indistinguishable from the “man” they kicked out of the animal farm. When we find the mouth with which to tell the story, we will understand how we sought statesmen but were rewarded with executioners.

After reading the police’s press release issued by a fellow called Olumuyiwa Adejobi, I still fail to see how the protests are treasonable. Which “foreign sources” gave “substantial backing” to the #EndBadGovernance protesters? Or was it just that one Briton, Andrew Wynne, who constituted the so-called “foreign sources”? Given that last month, the Department of State Services also arrested about eight Polish nationals who were on an education tour in Kano State while the protests were ongoing, this might just be a case of using white Europeans to create a sensation. DSS spokesperson Peter Afunanya said those Polish nationals were arrested “because of where they were found during the protests and for displaying foreign flags.” I am yet to understand the method to the madness of this “foreign-phobia” among our security agencies.

There are several wild accusations in Adejobi’s document that need substantiating. I am not saying Adejobi plagiarised Abacha’s playbook, but the allegations are a frightful recrudescence of the military era. He says, “preliminary findings suggest they orchestrated and funded violent protests…to create anarchy and justify their illegal plot to overthrow…government.” But what is the pedigree of these individuals that they could organise what is tantamount to a coup? How would their supposed plan to overthrow the government through protests have led them to Aso Rock? Did they have an armoury, or the weapons of their supposed warfare were just placards? What were their plans to take over the National Assembly, for instance?

Adejobi also says they are investigating how these people planned to “orchestrate violence across the country”? I am genuinely curious how this bunch of individuals (including a shop attendant) can have the means to organise the violence that will disrupt the entirety of a complex country like Nigeria. Meanwhile, hear Adejobi on how they established Wynne’s guilt: We went to invade (Wynne’s) bookshop. As we asked questions, he came out. If you have a genuine business, are you not going to ask the police what we went to do in his shop or his office? You read that and you wonder at the quality of investigation that sort of rudimentary extrapolation of evidence can possibly produce. Meanwhile, let us not forget that the “comprehensive investigation” on which they planked their whole case took place in less than a month. If they are that efficient, how come they find it hard to solve kidnapping problems?

Whether they like it or not, protests are a democratic right. You can charge people who committed crimes of looting or violence during protests, but you cannot stifle the right to protest. I never thought the day would come that I would look back and compare Muhammadu Buhari’s government favourably with anyone, but looking wistfully from inside the fire of Tinubu’s government, I am beginning to think we were better off inside Buhari’s frying pan. Even in all his pathological madness, Buhari did not go to the extent of charging the #EndSARS protesters for treason. He did accuse them of trying to topple him, but the ghost of Abacha that had been haunting Aso Rock did not possess him fully. The ghost waited until the perfect person usurped his path into power before completing Abacha’s historic mission of perpetuating himself in power using democratic means.

You listen to the families of those arrested and you realise these people have no new game; they are stuck in historical time. Unfortunately, we are trapped along with them. The Nigeria of 2024 is not that different from that of 1994. There is hardship in the land. Prices of goods and services are skyrocketing; purchasing power is dwindling, and it is getting harder and harder to get by. The marriage of Asiwaju and Shettima of last year has become Àşetì 2023. Nobody’s hope has been renewed, and people are more combustible than the fuel they are expending hours on their lives on extended queues just to purchase. The days ahead are likely to be filled with protests, and the government is preemptively charging protestors with arrests to intimidate.

Meanwhile, this same government faces a million other challenges. There is economic insecurity, a serious threat to the lives and livelihood of Nigerians. Shouts of “ebi ń pa wá” have replaced the “on your mandate we shall stand” anthem in many mouths; hunger is resetting the political loyalties of those whose heads were climbed into power but have now been forgotten. The government appears confused by the complexity of the situation; they have undone several economic knots, and they know not how to re-tie them. Then there is the issue of kidnapping that has become a national epidemic and revealed the police as impotent. Let us not even talk about banditry, plus the one million problems of poor infrastructure that bedevil the country.

Rather than the Tinubu administration concentrating on what it can solve, it compounds its own problems by investing administrative time and energy hounding people for treason. Like the Yoruba door that eventually gets unhinged when endlessly swung back and forth, the Tinubu regime too has found the wàhálà that will wear it down. I almost feel sorry for them.