At a lively bar somewhere in Lagos, on a typical evening of banter and discussions about politics, sports, and the day’s frustrations, a friend interrupted the flow of conversations. “Have you seen this?” he asked, waving his phone towards a group of friends including this writer, our laughter fading as we caught a glimpse of the headline: “I’m not thinking of 2027 now – Tinubu.”

As expected, that single headline stirred emotions. Reactions ranged from skepticism to outright frustration. One man, clearly unable to contain his alarm, blurted out, “Is he planning on going for a second term already?” Others, with their brows furrowed, exchanged glances filled with anxiety, as if asking themselves, “Is this the nightmare we are headed towards?”

The response to the headline underscores the unease and collective anxiety gripping many Nigerians today. It is not so much that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu openly declared his intention to run again in 2027. In fact, his statement seemed to imply the opposite, as he expressed that he was not currently focused on the future election. But to many Nigerians who have borne the brunt of his policies since taking office on May 29, 2023, the mere suggestion of another term under Tinubu’s administration stirs a sense of dread.

At the heart of this growing anxiety lies the economic hardship that has unfolded over the past few months. For many, the burden has been unbearable. Fuel subsidies were removed, the naira was devalued, and inflation spiraled out of control, making basic necessities like food and transportation almost unaffordable for the average Nigerian. These were moves intended to jump-start an ailing economy, but instead, they’ve pushed millions deeper into poverty.

So, when the topic of another Tinubu presidency comes up, even indirectly, it is no surprise that the immediate reaction from most Nigerians is one of fear. To them, it is not just about who is in power, but about the reality they have been forced to live with since Tinubu took over.

For many Nigerians, the term “hardship” has become synonymous with Tinubu’s first few months in office. While his administration has championed tough reforms that it believes will ultimately benefit the country, the short-term impact has been devastating.

First, the removal of fuel subsidies sent shockwaves through the economy. Gas prices tripled overnight, and with Nigeria being a country where the price of fuel affects nearly every aspect of daily life, the effects were immediate. Transportation costs surged, making commuting a daily struggle. Small businesses, dependent on affordable fuel for their operations, either scaled back drastically or shut down entirely. The increase in fuel costs also had a domino effect on food prices, with items like rice, bread, and cooking oil becoming almost twice as expensive within weeks.

Then came the currency devaluation. Tinubu’s government unified the exchange rate system, which led to the naira losing significant value against the US dollar. While the move was intended to attract foreign investment and stabilize the economy in the long run, the immediate impact was inflation. Imported goods—ranging from electronics to medicines, became more expensive, further stretching the budgets of already struggling households.

Adding to this financial squeeze were rising electricity tariffs and increased taxes, all of which have made life more difficult for the average Nigerian. To put it plainly, many feel like they have been asked to carry a burden that is disproportionately heavy on the poorest and most vulnerable.

The Tinubu administration argues that these changes are necessary for the long-term stability and growth of the Nigerian economy. But as the weeks turn into months, the patience of the Nigerian people is wearing thin. Many are questioning whether the promised benefits will ever materialize, or if this is simply a case of the rich getting richer while the poor are left to suffer.

When a man at a Lagos bar questions whether Tinubu is eyeing a second term, what he is really asking is: “Can we survive another four years like this?” The fear is not so much about Tinubu himself, but about the policies and the harsh realities they have created.

Many Nigerians are still trying to wrap their heads around the present challenges, let alone contemplate the possibility of enduring them for a second term. The anxiety is understandable. From the young professionals struggling to make ends meet in Lagos, to the farmers in rural areas who cannot afford basic tools due to skyrocketing prices, the sentiment is largely the same: “When will relief come?”

The distrust that many Nigerians have towards the ongoing government also plays a role in the skepticism around Tinubu’s comment. Politicians, historically, have been known to downplay their ambitions, only to make a surprising move later on. Could this be a subtle precursor to Tinubu announcing his bid for a second term?

President Tinubu still has time to make good on his promises, but that window is narrowing. His administration has pointed to its long-term vision for economic growth, job creation, and infrastructure development. But Nigerians, rightfully so, are asking to see tangible results now, not in a vague future.

To regain the trust of the people, Tinubu will have to focus on easing the daily struggles that many are facing. Economic reforms are necessary, but without mitigating their immediate impact on the population, they will only fuel further discontent. The government must ensure that social safety nets, such as the distribution of palliatives, reach those who need them most.

There is also a growing call for transparency and communication. Nigerians want to know that their leaders are listening to them, that their concerns are being heard. The lack of this connection has often fueled rumors, conspiracy theories, and a general sense of disillusionment with the political process.

If Tinubu does eventually seek a second term, his success will largely depend on how the rest of his current term plays out. Can his administration steer the country toward economic recovery? Will the sacrifices being made now pay off in the long run? These are the questions on the minds of many Nigerians, and they will need clear answers before 2027.

For now, the mere mention of the 2027 election is enough to send shivers down the spines of many. It is not just the fear of what lies ahead, but the reality of what they are living through now. For the sake of millions of Nigerians, the hope is that the hardships they are enduring today will lead to a better tomorrow. But that hope is fragile, and time is running out for Tinubu to prove that his administration is capable of delivering on its promises.

Until then, the question remains: Can Nigeria survive another four years under Bola Ahmed Tinubu, or is the thought of a second term simply too much to bear? As Nigerians anxiously await the answer, the fear of the unknown looms large.

I recently witnessed two divorce cases in court that made me feel sad for the institution of marriage and its present state in today’s world. In the first case, the husband initiated the divorce on the grounds that his wife had called his late mother a witch and accused her of poisoning her. In the second case, the wife filed for divorce, citing instances of domestic violence.

What is peculiar about both of these cases is that, in the first, when the Honourable Justice asked the lawyers whether they had made efforts to reconcile the two parties, the wife’s lawyer said his client was open to reconciliation, but the husband was not. In the second case, the Honourable Justice asked a similar question, but this time, the husband was open to reconciliation while the wife said she could no longer endure being the man’s “punching bag.”

Although both grounds for divorce are understandable—I, for one, would not tolerate insults toward the woman who carried me in her womb for nine months, nor would I tolerate domestic violence against my sister or daughter—what is heartbreaking is how these people, who were once in love, now cannot even see eye to eye. To think that neither party felt reluctant about revealing the other’s secrets in court: indeed, love can make the strangest enemies out of two people.

In the first case, the wife brought their daughter to court, but the latter was excused as the proceedings were about to begin to spare her the emotional trauma of seeing her parents in the witness box, tearing each other apart. As the young girl made her way out of the court, I couldn’t help but feel the weight of the situation. Watching her parents’ love unravel in such a public and painful way must have been an unimaginable burden for her. It highlighted the collateral damage caused when marriages break down.

These cases reflect the painful reality that when marriages fail, it not only affects the couple but also those around them, especially children. In both cases, the women complained about how the fathers had essentially abandoned the children, leaving the responsibility of caring for them entirely in their hands.

Sadly, Nigeria happens to be among the countries with the highest divorce rates, according to recent statistics from Divorce.com, a United States website that provides a platform for couples navigating life before or after divorce. The website placed Nigeria eleventh on its list of twenty-six countries with high divorce rates, stating that Nigeria’s divorce rate reached 2.9 percent in 2023. This translates to 1.8 divorces per 1,000 people in the same year.

What’s even more troubling is that this high divorce rate exists despite the fact that both Islam and Christianity strongly frown upon divorce. The Prophet Muhammad (SAW) was quoted as saying, “The most hated of permissible things in the eyes of Allah is divorce.” Unfortunately, divorce has become very common among the Muslim community today. Similarly, conservative Christians, who traditionally discouraged divorce, now increasingly see it as a better alternative to domestic violence and infidelity.

Divorce.com also noted that in a country like Nigeria, the stability of a marriage primarily depends on factors like religion, extended family ties, and cultural values. Marriage is highly valued, and the stigmatization of divorce helps sustain the intense social pressure to maintain marriages, even in the face of difficulties.

However, times are changing. For one, conservative Christians, who have long frowned upon divorce and encouraged couples to seek reconciliation, now increasingly see it as a better option than domestic violence and infidelity. Additionally, Divorce.com mentioned that in some parts of Nigeria, if a marriage requires paying a substantial amount of money—commonly known as the “bride price”—to the bride’s family, maternal relatives will try to keep the union from falling apart to avoid returning the bride price.

Again, the passage of time has brought paradigm shifts. The reduction of stigma surrounding divorce and the growing financial independence of women have made a difference. Many women no longer see domestic violence as something to be endured, especially when it occurs frequently and places them at risk of significant physical injury, mental and emotional trauma, and, in some extreme cases, the loss of their own lives. As such, more women now find it easier to seek divorce as a measure of finality rather than as a last resort.

This points to a deeper societal issue, where marital discord and a lack of responsibility after separation seem to be growing trends. At the end of the day, it is the children—products of failed marriages—who bear the heaviest burden, as they are forced to navigate life amidst the chaos of their parents’ broken union.

Reports have shown that children raised in broken homes are more likely to face emotional, behavioral, and academic challenges. They often struggle with feelings of abandonment, insecurity, and confusion, which can affect their development and future relationships. An African proverb says that when two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers. That perfectly captures the reality when a marriage falls apart and a family is broken.

A particularly painful reality for children of broken homes—especially girls—is the stigma they face. In many Nigerian communities, women from broken homes are often unfairly judged. I remember when I wanted to marry, one of the excuses my father and his relatives gave was that the lady’s mother was not in her father’s house. This belief reflects a common stereotype that when a marriage fails, it’s often blamed on the woman’s “awful attitude,” while no one questions the role the man may have played in the breakdown. This bias is deeply rooted and perpetuates unhealthy attitudes toward both women and marriage itself. Imagine the reverse scenario: would a man face such scrutiny for coming from a broken home? Likely not, and that speaks to the unfairness that persists in how divorce is perceived in society.

If you type the question “Why do marriages fail?” into a Google search bar, you will be presented with results from several sites dealing with psychology or marriage. These results might include a lack of love and intimacy, communication problems, lack of commitment, constant arguing or conflict, infidelity, domestic violence and abuse, financial problems, religious differences, and sexual incompatibility. However, these are all just common factors. Every marriage is a unique system with peculiar dynamics holding it up, so the dissolution of one might differ slightly from another, even if they share similar causes for said dissolution.

I have thought about how finding out the root causes of failed marriages could help our society, but the more I have thought about this, the more I realized that the most important question of all, which should be asked before a marital knot is tied, is: “Why should I even be getting married in the first place?” It would not be far-fetched to theorize that many marriages fall apart because partners marry too young and enter marriage with unrealistic expectations about their partner or the marriage itself. When the reality of the strain that marriage induces eventually sets in, these people are often caught unawares and left scrambling for solutions or a way out.

A society that works to unravel the mystery of growing divorce rates is a progressive one. If anyone asks why it is so important that we care about marriages, I might simply tell them that most of the people who turn out bad on the streets—and even off it—could have been saved. Think about it. A child raised in a two-parent household with discipline and love is more likely to emerge as a wholesome individual, especially one willing to contribute positively towards society.

Perhaps marriages fail because, as human beings, we fail to see just how much work goes into sustaining a good home. Conflict is inevitable in any relationship, but resolution is never impossible. Of course, domestic violence and abuse are inexcusable. Anyone who is constantly being abused within a marriage should be encouraged to leave for their own good, whether children are involved or not. In the end, we should look to a solid source for answers: the successful marriages still thriving in our society. There are couples who have been together for decades and are still going strong. If we ask these couples how they managed to stay together despite the odds, their invaluable answers might not be all that surprising.

In the fast-paced world of entertainment, not everyone who enters the spotlight remains relevant or manages to strike a balance between personal and professional growth. However, for Regina Daniels, a remarkable Nollywood actress, producer, and philanthropist, her journey has been one of continuous evolution, rising gracefully from the role of a child actress to becoming a queen of the Nigerian entertainment industry. In this article, we celebrate her incredible contributions to Nollywood, her empowering voice for women, and her role as a model of success and growth for the younger generation.

Regina Daniels’ story begins with her remarkable entry into Nollywood at an incredibly young age. Born on October 10, 2000, Regina displayed an undeniable passion for acting even as a child. Encouraged by her mother, Rita Daniels, a prominent figure in Nollywood, Regina made her acting debut at the tender age of seven. Her role in the 2010 movie “Marriage of Sorrow” was met with acclaim, and it marked the start of her journey to stardom.

From that point on, Regina took on various roles that showcased her versatility as an actress. Whether playing the innocent child or a character thrust into complex and emotional situations, she displayed a level of talent far beyond her years. This early success in Nollywood made Regina a household name in Nigeria and across Africa, and she quickly became one of the most sought-after young actresses in the industry.

As Regina matured both on and off-screen, she sought to expand her role in the entertainment industry. Rather than staying confined to acting, she took the bold step of venturing into film production, displaying an entrepreneurial spirit rarely seen at such a young age. In 2019, she produced her first movie, “The Enemy I Know”, showcasing her ability to not just interpret scripts but to create captivating stories from behind the camera.

Her transition into film production signaled her growing ambition and desire to leave a lasting legacy in the film industry. By producing her own movies, Regina showed that she was more than just a child star; she was evolving into a full-fledged powerhouse in Nollywood. This growth was a testament to her resilience and ability to reinvent herself while staying relevant in an industry where longevity is often elusive.

In 2020, Regina Daniels entered a new phase of her life, becoming a mother. The birth of her son, Munir, was a pivotal moment for her, but instead of stepping back from the limelight, she embraced motherhood with the same grace and poise that had defined her acting career. Regina’s ability to balance her professional life with her role as a mother has been nothing short of inspiring.

For many young women in Nigeria and beyond, Regina’s journey into motherhood while maintaining her career has become a source of inspiration. She represents a new era of empowered women who refuse to sacrifice their dreams or ambitions after starting a family. Instead, she seamlessly blends her personal and professional life, showing that women can have it all, a thriving career, a loving family, and the ability to impact society positively.

Beyond her work in Nollywood, Regina Daniels has also used her platform to make a difference in the lives of others. Her philanthropic endeavors are well-documented, with the actress often engaging in charitable activities that support women, children, and those in need. Through the Regina Daniels Foundation, she has spearheaded several initiatives aimed at empowering the less privileged. One notable initiative is her focus on providing educational opportunities for children, believing that education is the key to a brighter future.

Regina’s philanthropic efforts have earned her widespread admiration and have helped position her as more than just a movie star,  she is a role model for young people who look up to her for inspiration. Her actions have shown that success is not just about personal achievement but also about giving back to the community and using one’s influence for the greater good.

At just 23 years old, Regina Daniels has achieved what many people can only dream of. She has managed to carve out a career that spans acting, production, and philanthropy, all while maintaining her dignity and grace in the public eye. Her journey from a child star to a powerful woman in the entertainment industry is a story that resonates with young Nigerians, particularly women.

Regina represents the idea that age should not be a barrier to success. Whether as a child actress captivating audiences with her performances or as a young mother balancing family life and a thriving career, she has consistently broken down stereotypes and redefined what it means to be a woman in the Nigerian entertainment industry. Her determination to keep growing and evolving is proof that she is not just a star but a beacon of inspiration for those coming after her.

Regina Daniels’ journey is far from over. As she continues to grow, both personally and professionally, her future looks incredibly bright. With more movies under her belt and more philanthropic endeavors in the works, there is no limit to what she can achieve. Her ability to adapt to the ever-changing landscape of Nollywood, combined with her entrepreneurial spirit, ensures that Regina Daniels will remain a prominent figure in the industry for years to come.

In a world where fame can often be fleeting, Regina’s sustained success is a testament to her talent, hard work, and resilience. She stands as a shining example of what it means to pursue one’s dreams with passion and dedication, while also lifting others up along the way.

Regina Daniels is a symbol of youthful talent, ambition, and empowerment. Her journey from a child actress to a Nollywood queen, producer, and philanthropist has been nothing short of extraordinary. By constantly pushing boundaries and embracing new challenges, she has carved a niche for herself that goes beyond the screen. For the next generation of young Nigerians, Regina serves as a reminder that with determination, passion, and hard work, anything is possible.

“If today’s Federal Government had known its limits, it wouldn’t have suffered the disgrace it suffered in Rivers State at the weekend. The election it struggled to frustrate eventually held. And I see it as a victory for federalism and one major step in our forward march to defeat the current forces of resurgent unitarism.”

Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s 1947 book, ‘Path to Nigerian Freedom’, opens with three quotations. The first tells the reader: “This above all: to thine own self be true…” It is from William Shakespeare’s ‘Hamlet’. It simply says do not deceive yourself – like the one with a sore in the right leg but who nurses the healthy left. The one who deceives himself suffers deception from the gods.

The second quote, from Shakespeare’s ‘King Lear’, is a warning that “Who cover faults, at last shame them derides.” In today’s English, it says those who cover their faults always end up being shamed by them. The third quotation enjoins you to “fight all opinions contrary to truth, but let your weapons be patience, sweetness, and charity…” The words belong to an 18th century Catholic saint, John of Kanty, who ended that quotation with a counsel that the best cause almost always gets spoilt by violence.

My eyes caught the quotes as I was considering recommending ‘Path to Nigerian Freedom’ to the gladiators fighting to the death in Rivers State and to the puppeteers behind the problem. If the 134-page book is too thick for them to read, at least, they should buy the three quotes for their politics and, especially, for their politicking.

Rivers State suffers the oríkì of an oba who profits from planting corn of trouble in the backyard of his victims. The king’s fruited corn must not be harvested and, it must not be destroyed. It is trouble.

The people behind the crisis in that state are those who urge the creditor to demand his pay and, at the same time, nudge the debtor to repudiate his debt. Their goal is conflict that benefits the palace.

Yes, dirty water quenches fire but why not use clean water which neither stains nor stinks?

Very wild Rivers State conducted its local government elections two days ago without police presence. The police stayed away and the state said it didn’t miss them. In scoring that first, Rivers State has helped us ask two pertinent questions: is the Nigeria Police Force for the Federation of Nigeria or for the Federal Government of Nigeria? Who should determine what goes on in the local governments? Is it the state or the federal government?

In a properly structured family, a slave knows himself as slave; the indentured knows what he is too (Eru a mo’ra e l’eru; Iwofa a m’ora e ni Iwofa). If Nigeria were a properly structured nation, last week’s drama between Governor Sim Fubara of Rivers State and the Inspector General of Police would be very unnecessary. Who should be in charge of security in Rivers State? Who should be in charge of the local governments there? The Federal Government or the State Government? Or who?

We may not be a very good record-keeping country, but those who enslaved us kept and still keep records. We see in colonial records, including the Hansard of the British parliament, tomes of materials which tell us that Nigeria is a negotiated country. Every bit of its structure was argued and fought over by the founding fathers who did not take anything for granted. On Wednesday, 21 October, 1953, Lord Milverton briefed the British House of Lords on what he called “prospective constitutional developments in Nigeria.” It was essentially a report of that year’s constitutional conference. Here, I am interested in what Lord Milverton said the leaders of the Nigerian people agreed to on the structure and control of the police. Milverton said: “The Conference agreed that the police, other than local authority and native authority police, should be a central function, but control of police contingents stationed in the regions is to be vested in the regional commissioners of police, who will be responsible solely to the Governor of the region, who, in turn, will be responsible only to the Governor-General. I regard this as a very satisfactory decision, to avoid the danger of the police coming under the control of a political party.”

Subsequent constitutional conferences of 1954, 1957 and 1958 had variants of this agreement. And there are records that show that two of the regions – the West and the North – which already had local authority and native authority police, demanded regional police in addition to a central police force. The Western Region, especially, believed that “a centralized police force” would most certainly become the “deadliest weapon for any dictator.” But, the Independence Constitution of 1960 struggled to allay the fears of, especially, the West on the potentiality of a federal government appropriating the central police to decimate the regions. The drafters of the constitution – and of subsequent ones – thought that the creation of a Police Council to own and manage the Nigeria Police would keep us safe from dictators. We’ve seen how wrong the allayers of that fear were.

If you’ve ever witnessed how village folks extract kernels from palm nuts, you would understand the struggle for control of the councils between the federal government and the states. Who should manage local governments and their affairs? As flawed and inadequate as the 1999 constitution is, it contains enough hints on what local governments are and how they should be run. But our law means nothing to us – even to the courts. As usual, the judiciary shat in its pants in this Rivers matter. Federal High Court knelt for the federal; State High Court prostrated before the state. The courts messed up so much that street chickens played with their balls.

Unlike the control of the police, management of local governments was not a problem at the beginning of our journey. It is a problem created by the military which found Nigeria in a hole and stupidly dug it deeper. Their training missed for them the first law of holes. What did we inherit?

In April 1952, members of the Western House of Assembly thoroughly debated the local government system they wanted for their people. The region’s Leader of Government Business and Action Group leader, Chief Awolowo, spoke there on what he called “local self-government.” He explained this to mean “a system of local government wherein local councils make, accept responsibility for and implement their own decisions.” A year later, Chief Awolowo described local governments as “the superstructure on which the regional government is erected.” Soon afterwards, the Western Region became the first to conduct council elections and introduce elected representatives into the local government system in Nigeria. That was in June 1953. And the elections were free and fair to the extent that an Adegoke Adelabu got elected as Chairman of Ibadan District Council under a regional government headed by Chief Awolowo. The elections were strictly a regional matter.

If today’s Federal Government had known its limits, it wouldn’t have suffered the disgrace it suffered in Rivers State at the weekend. The election it struggled to frustrate eventually held. And I see it as a victory for federalism and one major step in our forward march to defeat the current forces of resurgent unitarism.

Should the eye ever forget what the heart has seen? Those words impose on us the duty of protecting our heritage. The people in charge of the government in Abuja today claim to be followers of Chief Awolowo. They claim Awolowo but want states and local governments in their federal pockets. How do they think Awo would have taken it as premier if Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa had attempted to organise an election into Ibadan District Council? Or seek to use federal police to stall the conduct of elections into Western Region’s Divisional Councils?

Our state governors may have not managed excellently the local governments, but digging a hole to fill another will most certainly pockmark the face of the earth. When states conduct local government elections, the ruling party wins all. The present set of governors inherited that wrong from those who had been there, including the incumbent president. We do not find what the governors do with the councils funny at all. We think what they do is not democracy; we think it shames democracy. And what solution do we have? Use the federal police to balance the terror.

What else are we brewing? We have before the Senate a bill seeking to establish an agency for the federal government to conduct local government elections. The promoters call it Local Government Independent Electoral Commission Establishment Bill 2024. The day that bill is passed and signed into law is the day Nigeria becomes Paul Biya’s Cameroun. Check who Paul Biya is and what he means to the peace of his country and to the prosperity of his people.

You remember how Shakespeare’s Cassius paints the canvas of imperial Caesar?: “Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world/ Like a Colossus, and we petty men/ Walk under his huge legs and peep about/ To find ourselves dishonorable graves.” Historical Caesar truly became a colossus when he seized control of all Roman structures. In the vicious contest for the control of the local governments between the presidency and the governors, behind whom would you queue? My own vote on this would go to the governors. Why? Let me ask: is it not better to have 36 mini emperors ‘assisting’ us to hold down an elephantine imperial presidency than to have a sole administrator, a real Caesar, bestriding the whole Nigerian world like a colossus?

The theory of unintended consequences has ensured that governors fill the void left by what should be a virile opposition and a checking legislature. You will understand my drift if you’ve ever seen how a cackle of hyenas tackle conceited Lion, king of the jungle, and cut him to size. They have to, otherwise they all become endangered, and the forest becomes a proper state of nature – a nasty, brutish dictatorship.

Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidency was stopped by the governors. Governor Bola Tinubu was the field commander in that battle. Umaru Yar’Adua’s and Goodluck Jonathan’s presidential tenures suffered pacification at the hands of their governors. The governors of those eras, warts and all, reined in the omnipotent presidents and we and our democracy were the better for it. Then a paternalistic, free-roaming Muhammadu Buhari came and tamed the governors, and crashed the plane, and landed all of us in this emergency ward. We will see the worst of it with the grasping present.

Fortunately we have a set of governors for whom flames in the tiger’s eyes signify nothing. And these governors are from all parties who have governors.

Imagine 220 million Nigerians peeping under the huge mahogany legs of a presidential table begging to breathe. The spectacle of a begging nation is worse than miserable minions peeping about in search of “dishonorable graves.” And we will have it the moment this president, or the next one, is allowed to ‘elect’ chairmen and councilors into the 774 local government councils.

I try to loan myself sense on the crisis in Rivers State. The issue there is beyond Nyesom Wike and Sim Fubara. The two gentlemen, in fact, need to be rescued; they are grasshoppers in the hands of some wanton gods. Some harvesters’ silos need the grains of that fight for their barns to be truly full. A grisly game of thrones is, therefore, afoot. Wike and Fubara and their Rivers are mere boots in that battle.

The very week of our independence anniversary was the week we experienced Rivers State.

Public intellectual and ebullient media icon, Ambassador Yemi Farounbi, early last month sent me a text: “I’m getting worried by the increasing distance from good governance, the rapid movement towards dictatorship and the deafening graveyard silence within the Nigerian elites.”

The day Nigeria celebrated its 64th independence anniversary was the day Farounbi turned 80. Amidst all the dirt and madness around, the old man has managed to keep his medal of sanity. A man with such a journey and unique birth date should be celebrated with the nation. But there was no reason to roll out the drums. For our country, the auguries are not good.

If you make a dove president of Nigeria, the present structure will transform that dove into a hawk overnight. Too much money and too much power at the centre is what I meant by ‘structure’. Everything comes down to the imperative of meeting our demand for a proper federation run on the principles of true federalism. We run an inverted federation of the centre holding the ladle at the dining table. The current revenue sharing formula gives the federal government 52.68 percent, the 36 states 26.72 percent and the 774 local governments, 20.60 percent. The oil-producing states take 13 percent as derivation revenue. Typically in this Orwellian contraption, Big brother harvests more than it should take. The Federal Government takes more than half of everything, yet it cheats.

I am aware that four states are currently before the Supreme Court asking my Lords to order the president to obey Section 162 (1) and (3) of the constitution. The section makes it mandatory for all monies made by the federation to go into the federation account. Section 162(3) provides that “any amount standing to the credit of the Federation Account shall be distributed among the federal and state governments and local government councils in each state of the federation on such terms and in such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly.”

But the states say that the Federal Government, in the name of deductions and transfers; refunds and interventions, cheats them and the local governments monthly. For instance, at the July 2024 meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), N1.35 trillion was shared to the three tiers of government as allocations for the month of June 2024 from a total gross revenue of N2.4 trillion. There is a difference of over N1 trillion between what the federation admitted making in that month and what the tiers of government shared. Check other months; the pattern is the same. We wait to see what the Supreme Court will say on those four cases. It will make new laws.

The fear of the worst happening is ever present. The consolation is in one of the lines I dropped here some weeks ago. “The closer the collapse of the empire, the crazier its laws are.” The quote belongs to Roman orator, lawyer and statesman, Marcus Tullius Cicero. You must not keep quiet, covering your faults and letting them shame you. We should know that when it rains – and it will rain – all roofs will get wet. And, so with charity and sweetness of patience, we must continue to “fight all opinions (that are) contrary to truth.”

The Rivers State Police Command have remained silent amid sudden violence that erupted at several local government council secretariats on Monday morning.

DAILY POST reports that suspected “political thugs” believed to be supporters of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, attacked the Obio/Akpor, Ikwerre, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, Eleme, and Emohua local government council secretariats on Monday morning, barely 24 hours after Governor Sim Fubara swore in newly elected LG chairmen.

The attackers reportedly barricaded the council entrances and fired shots indiscriminately.

These actions are allegedly aimed at preventing the newly elected LG chairmen from resuming in their offices.

On Monday, the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, ordered the immediate withdrawal of Police personnel from the 23 Rivers State LG secretariats after over three months of deployment.

In Bori, Khana LGA, a gunfight broke out after armed men opened fire on members of a political party, leading to an exchange of fire between the attackers and the Police.

Reports also indicate that the Bori Police Division recovered the body of a civilian who was fatally shot during the confrontation.

In Eleme, arsonists set fire to the local council in an effort to prevent the newly elected chairman from taking office.

Similarly, heavy gunfire was reported in Obio/Akpor LGA, where assailants sought to disrupt the inauguration of councilors by the local government chairman.

Also, a viral video obtained by DAILY POST showed the Ikwerre LG secretariat engulfed in flames, while in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, plastic chairs were scattered at the secretariat’s entrance following further disruptions by the alleged political thugs.

Unconfirmed reports suggest that three people have been killed in the chaos across Obio/Akpor, Khana, and Ahoada East LGAs.

Despite numerous calls for action, the state police command has yet to comment on the situation or take decisive steps to restore order and security at the affected secretariats.

[DailyPost]

“The secret of change is to focus all of your energy, not on fighting the old, but on building the new.” –Socrates.

One of the greatest preachers who ever lived, Charles Haddon Spurgeon, called the “prince of preachers,” loved to tell this story: It seems there was a Duke who once boarded a galley ship and went below to talk to the convicts manning the oars.

When he asked several of them what their crimes were, almost every man claimed that he was innocent, blaming someone else, or even accused the judge of taking a bribe.

There was one young man whose reply was different. He said. “I deserve to be here, sir. I stole some money. No one is at fault but me. I am guilty.”

Nigerian Airways

When the Duke heard this he shouted, “You scoundrel, you! What are you doing here among all these honest men? Get out of their company at once!” The Duke ordered the young prisoner to be released.

So, the young man was set free, while the rest of the prisoners were left to continue to tug at the oars. The key to his freedom was his admission of guilt.

In the last few weeks, I have “touchlighted”, the Nigerian Railways, the old NITEL, I am randomly picking on what was once the fabric of this truly great nation called Nigeria, and this time, I sadly am xraying what was equally known as the Nigerian Airways.

The story of Nigerian Airways! It’s a tale of ambition, progress, and unfortunately, ultimate decline.

Nigerian Airways didn’t simply emerge; it soared from the remnants of colonial influence, embodying a newly independent nation’s dreams. Born from the West African Airways Corporation (WAAC), a joint venture of British colonies, Nigeria seized its moment, taking majority control and eventually full ownership. This marked a significant step, not just in aviation, but in Nigeria asserting its autonomy on the world stage.

The 1960s and 70s were a time of rapid expansion, mirroring Nigeria’s own post-colonial growth. Nigerian Airways became a symbol of progress and modernity. Investment in new aircraft, the establishment of international routes connecting Lagos to major global cities, and a burgeoning workforce all testified to the airline’s ambition. It wasn’t just about transporting passengers; it was about connecting Nigeria to the world, facilitating trade, tourism, and cultural exchange.

This ambition was further fueled by the oil boom of the 1970s. Nigeria’s newfound wealth translated into the acquisition of state-of-the-art aircraft like the DC-10, a symbol of technological advancement. Nigerian Airways even had the distinction of operating the last DC-10 ever built, a testament to its prominence in the aviation world. The airline became a major player in African aviation, a source of national pride, and a key contributor to the continent’s growing interconnectedness.

Sadly, the narrative takes a somber turn. Despite its promising beginnings, Nigerian Airways became entangled in a web of mismanagement, corruption, and political interference. What were once symbols of progress – expansion and modernization – became burdens as the airline struggled to manage its growing fleet and complex operations.

Debt began to accumulate, and the airline found it increasingly difficult to maintain its aging aircraft. This led to a decline in service quality, with delays, cancellations, and safety concerns becoming more frequent. Competition from both established international airlines and emerging African carriers further exacerbated the situation.

The 1990s and early 2000s saw various attempts to salvage the airline. Restructuring plans, privatization efforts, and even rebranding exercises were implemented, but none could overcome the deep-rooted problems. The airline was ultimately grounded in 2003, weighed down by insurmountable debt and unable to compete in a rapidly changing aviation landscape.

Now in academic parlance let me give us a short comparative analysis, using two national carriers. The first RwandAir, the flag carrier of Rwanda, known for its relatively young age (founded in 2002) and impressive growth. It has become a symbol of Rwanda’s post-genocide resurgence and ambitions in the aviation sector. RwandAir’s main hub is the Kigali International Airport (KGL), a modern and growing airport that serves as a gateway to East Africa. RwandAir focuses on connecting East Africa to the rest of the world. It flies to over 25 destinations across Africa, the Middle East, Europe, and Asia.

While operating a modern fleet of Airbus and Boeing aircraft, including A330s for long-haul routes and Boeing 737s for regional flights. It has built a reputation for its excellent customer service, having won awards for its cabin crew and overall passenger experience. It’s also committed to safety and has obtained the IATA Operational Safety Audit (IOSA) certification.

Like many African airlines, RwandAir faces challenges such as competition from larger carriers, infrastructure limitations, and the need for continued investment to support its growth. It is growing in leaps and bounds…

Meanwhile, the Ethiopian Airlines, a continental giant and flag carrier of Ethiopia and one of the largest and most successful airlines in Africa, has a long history, dating back to 1945. Her Addis Ababa Bole International Airport (ADD) major hub is a significant aviation center for the continent.

Ethiopian Airlines boasts an extensive network covering over 130 destinations across Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, and South America. It plays a crucial role in connecting Africa to the world. She operates a large and diverse fleet, including Boeing 787 Dreamliners, Airbus A350s, and Bombardier Q400s, allowing it to serve a variety of routes.

A Star Alliance Member, the world’s largest airline alliance, providing passengers with seamless connections and benefits. Ethiopian Airlines is known for its profitability and operational efficiency. It has consistently been ranked among the top airlines in Africa and has won numerous awards for its service and performance. Ethiopian Airlines plays a key role in promoting aviation development within Africa, with a vision to become the leading aviation group on the continent.

Let me not go into the botched story of the last Air Nigeria fraud, but simplistically put it this way, we have remained deaf, blind and dumb to the greatness that we possess. Like Ethiopian Airlines like Rwandair. Trust me these nations have very dynamic governance issues and it’s not all gold glittering but we as Nigerians are on a bad patch. Our consolation being that we would get there and then my question is get where and, really we think anyone is waiting for us to get there. When we either do not want to get there or we are afraid of there, and don’t even know there.

By 2030 Air Nigeria will still not be beyond the logo, that’s one airline that crashed without flying once. We will never know how much all the drama has cost us as a nation. Why did Virgin Atlantic leave Nigeria, what killed Bellview or Aero, why is Arik sick. Will Ibom and the humanitarian AirPeace stand the test. What’s Rwanda doing differently that we need to copy?

When all our leaders are saints, and no one is guilty of any infraction, no one is sorry for the mess Nigeria currently is, we will remain far from redemption, let the blame game continue; May Nigeria win…when—Only time will tell

—

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

As Nigeria continues to grapple with the ripple effects of economic mismanagement, inflation, and rising poverty, all eyes are now on President Bola Tinubu’s expected cabinet reshuffle. Speculation is widespread that his administration is poised to make critical decisions, potentially rejigging his cabinet, unarguably for a more result-oriented performance. This move offers a unique opportunity for the president to demonstrate his commitment to Nigeria’s economic revival. However, if this reshuffle follows the same path of patronage-based appointments that prioritize political loyalty over merit, it will signal that this government has chosen to sideline competence in favor of vested interests. Tinubu’s legacy as a leader determined to restore Nigeria’s economic glory hinges on his ability to rise above the narrow confines of patronage politics.

In the face of deep economic challenges, the time has come for President Tinubu to make bold choices that prioritize expertise, knowledge, and proven leadership over political loyalties. These decisions should be aimed not just at improving Nigeria’s economic landscape but also at strengthening his political stature and legacy. If the president can successfully steer the country through these turbulent times by appointing individuals who are well-equipped to navigate Nigeria’s complex socio-economic realities, he will earn the respect of not just his political base but the wider Nigerian population and international observers alike.

The reason for the foregoing view cannot be farfetched as Nigeria has long been mired in a political culture where appointments are made based on loyalty rather than competence. This has led to the emergence of a bureaucratic elite, often out of touch with the struggles of ordinary Nigerians. While it is tempting for any leader to reward loyal supporters with positions of power, such appointments often come at the expense of national progress. Patronage-based appointments have been at the heart of Nigeria’s governance problem, contributing to a cycle of inefficiency, corruption, and economic stagnation. Political appointees focused on advancing personal or group interests often lack the foresight, skill, or will to tackle the country’s mounting problems head-on.

President Tinubu, a seasoned politician, must recognize that this cycle is not only unsustainable but also dangerous for Nigeria’s future. The country is in dire need of reforms, especially in key sectors like power, education, healthcare, and infrastructure. These reforms require skilled technocrats with the vision and expertise to implement long-term, sustainable policies, not political loyalists with little experience or knowledge of governance.

Nigeria is currently dealing with a myriad of economic challenges that cannot be addressed by mere political calculations. Inflation is eroding the purchasing power of the average Nigerian, food insecurity is on the rise, unemployment is at an all-time high, and foreign investment is dwindling. These are not problems that can be solved by political rhetoric; they demand innovative solutions grounded in sound economic policies and the ability to execute them effectively.

For Tinubu, who campaigned on promises of economic reform and transformation, the time to make good on those promises is now. If he reshuffles his cabinet based on competence and merit, the positive effects on the economy could be immediate. For instance, appointing a seasoned economist with a track record of success to the Ministry of Finance could help stabilize the economy, build investor confidence, and guide Nigeria through its debt restructuring. Similarly, bringing in professionals with vast experience in energy could help address Nigeria’s long-standing power generation problems, which continue to stifle industrial growth and development.

Appointing qualified and competent individuals is not just an economic necessity, it is a political strategy that could enhance Tinubu’s standing both within Nigeria and internationally. By doing so, Tinubu will demonstrate that his government is serious about fixing the economy and addressing the concerns of ordinary Nigerians, thereby gaining widespread support from across the political spectrum.

Beyond economic benefits, a cabinet reshuffle based on merit could help foster national unity in a country often divided along ethnic, regional, and religious lines. By moving away from appointments that cater to specific political factions or ethnic groups, Tinubu can send a powerful message that his administration is focused on governing for all Nigerians, not just a privileged few. This is crucial for nation-building, especially in a country as diverse and complex as Nigeria.

Tinubu’s government has a rare opportunity to bridge the nation’s divides by appointing individuals from across different backgrounds based on their competence and contribution to national development. This approach would not only build trust between the government and the governed but also lay the foundation for a more inclusive political culture.

In the long run, Tinubu’s political legacy will be shaped by the decisions he makes now. If his administration can deliver tangible results by surrounding itself with capable, knowledgeable, and experienced individuals, his name will be remembered as a leader who rose above the politics of patronage to deliver for the Nigerian people. On the other hand, if the reshuffle follows the same path of political patronage that has plagued past administrations, his government risks being remembered as one that squandered an opportunity for meaningful change.

The stakes are high, and Tinubu must choose wisely. He must understand that in the context of Nigeria’s current economic crisis, appointing the wrong individuals to key positions could result in further hardship for the Nigerian people, increased disillusionment with his administration, and political fallout that could jeopardize his broader reform agenda. However, by making appointments based on merit, he stands a better chance of not only revitalizing the economy but also positioning himself as a statesman who put the country first.

Tinubu’s political capital will not grow simply by rewarding loyalists. On the contrary, the only way to enrich his political stature is to show that his leadership transcends the narrow interests of his political allies. A leader who demonstrates a commitment to the collective welfare of the nation will always enjoy broader support, even from opposition quarters. If Tinubu can usher in a new era of merit-based appointments, his administration will earn the respect of Nigerians and the international community, thus boosting his credibility and giving him the political leverage needed to implement even more

By surrounding himself with technocrats and experts, Tinubu can also send a message that his government values competence, professionalism, and efficiency. This would go a long way in restoring the faith of the Nigerian people in their leadership and could even inspire future leaders to follow the same path of prioritizing merit over patronage.

As the Tinubu-led administration prepares for a cabinet reshuffle, the president faces a critical choice: continue the tradition of political patronage, or break from the past and embrace a merit-based approach to appointments. Nigeria’s economy, political stability, and future prosperity hinge on this decision. By appointing qualified, experienced, and capable individuals to key positions, Tinubu can revitalize the nation’s economy, foster national unity, and secure his political legacy as a leader who rose above the politics of patronage for the betterment of Nigeria.

For the sake of Nigeria’s future and his own political survival, President Tinubu must make the right choice. The country can no longer afford appointments driven by political loyalty over merit. The time has come for a new era of governance, one where competence, professionalism, and national interest take precedence over all else.