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Between 1967 and 1970, Nigeria narrowly escaped the misfortune of going into oblivion. An unnecessary war was raging here. People were dying on an industrial scale, from bullets and hunger. Most of the deaths were unaccounted for. Some inconsequential people emerged from the mayhem as war heroes and illustrious generals. What the British cobbled together in 1914 stood a clear chance of unraveling through the recklessness of politicians and the crass indiscipline and rascality of ambitious young army officers. Above it all, one man literally stood between a nation and its demise. General Yakubu Gowon stood sentry between the demise of a nation and its survival and reinvention into a new reality. On the 19th  of this month, General Yakubu Gowon turns 90, an occasion that deserves both personal and national celebration. It is also a milestone for recalling, especially to younger generations, General Gowon’s often forgotten historical significance in our nation.

Nigerian history suffers a habitual amnesia. We tend to forget important things and celebrate the ephemeral and inconsequential. For some reason, General Gowon has not been sufficiently acknowledged or sufficiently celebrated.  This great statesman and exemplary African soldier has neither been sufficiently acknowledged nor adequately celebrated. The Nigerian military institution which produced him has not sufficiently memorialized him. The civil populace has not quite adopted him as a Nigerian equivalent of America’s Abraham Lincoln.

Instead, it is those officers who came into national prominence and leadership under his command that have assumed colossal national political leadership since the end of the war. In the post civil war era, the trend of political succession tempted many to think that the return of Nigerian democracy was all about using political leadership to express gratitude to war time generals. Obasanjo returned to power as an elected president. Buhari did the same. Babangida almost did. Many others aspired but did not quite get there. Among political pundits, there was an emerging postulation that the war time general was a new typology of political leadership in Africa’s quest for democratic leadership in the post military era.

In this tradition, Gowon never featured as a favourite possibility.  He has also not been acknowledged by corporate Nigeria either even as a honorary member of a blue chip company. Even in a nation where religion has become an industry and prayer a cure-all, none of the nation’s industrial Pentecostal conglomerates has adopted Gowon as either a mascot or figurative inspiration.

Somehow, in a society that erects past leaders into social icons and living deities, Gowon has hardly featured either as a media favourite nor as a political mascot. The reasons may be implicit in the man’s very character. Gowon is not even a “Chief” in a nation where chieftaincy titles are lavishly dished out to miscreants by equally vagrant vagabonds! Gowon has not been seen taking to the dance floor to dance and entertain. His modest personal home in Plateau state has hardly been mentioned as an architectural landmark on any scale. It is on record that the house is a donation, made possible by the charity of associates and friends who were ashamed on his behalf many years ago. He has not been seen receiving political pilgrims as a political oracle. He has not featured profusely on the board list of blue chip companies. Nor has he been mentioned as a recipient of many oil wells. Even in the realm of his more serious carriage, I am not yet aware of too many universities named after Yakubu Gowon. Even though he went ahead to cap his political and historical achievement with a doctorate degree after office, Gowon has not been traversing the globe lecturing everyone else on nation building, leadership and post war reconciliation, areas in which he is eminently super qualified.

In all fairness, General Gowon has not quite made himself available for popular adoption as either a political, social or economic icon. To the best of my knowledge, Gowon has neither formed nor joined any political party. He had not even advocated or canvassed any known political viewpoint in our noisy national supermarket of changing political standpoints. Somehow, he has managed to stay above the fray of political regionalism and partisan … Yet, the theology of national unity on which he led the nation and prosecuted the civil war remains the most unassailable political idea that should power a truly nationalist political party or movement.

On the contrary, General Gowon has chosen the path of genteel honour in the classic  tradition of the ‘officer and gentleman’. More the statesman and nationalist than a partisan figure, he has reached out to his civil war adversaries- Ojukwu before his death, Wole Soyinka etc.- while maintaining his dignified distance from his more controversial former subordinates.

More importantly, General Gowon has played above the fray of Nigeria’s rough and tumble political partisanship. In a period of all manner of extremism, Gowon has remained the eternal moderate. Instead, General Gowon  has remained above the kind of rabid partisan political alignment that has torn the nation apart in recent times.  He has remained more of the balanced non- partisan , and calming statesman who is respected and revered all over the country.

General Gowon answered the call of the nation when we needed him most. Our fate was hanging on a delicate balance. Our unity in diversity was in peril. The institutions of our nationhood and cohesion were threatened to breaking point by the vicious forces of sectionalism and bad politics. The forces of division overwhelmed those of cohesion. Tragedy beckoned. Conflicting allegiances broke into open conflict. Blood flowed across the land. Above the carnage  of war and the booms of the guns of clashing armies, the nation was in dire need of  restorative leadership.

Historic necessity and circumstantial providence chose him as a vehicle for the restoration of national unity and healing. As Head of State and Commander in Chief of the armed forces of a war-torn Nigeria, General Gowon rose to the occasion of the historic challenges of the moment.

The soldier in him had to fight a war to save his nation. As a statesman, he had to reunite a nation that was unraveling under his watch. As the leader of a nation engulfed by the flames of war and the fire of hate, General Yakubu Gowon’s tasks were defined by the moment. He had to mend the broken bonds of neighbourliness and communal harmony.

Over and above the clashing weapons of war and the raging cries of agony, over and above the bleeding wounds of conflict and the breakdown of communal harmony, General Gowon’s voice rose with a clarion call: “To Keep Nigeria One is a Task that Must be Done.” The world heard him. His field commanders obeyed his order. The combatants saw reason and heeded his call.

In January 1970, the combatants in our civil war bent their swords towards peace and were swayed by Gowon’s logic. Warriors on both sides sheathed their swords and calm returned to our troubled land. The broken bonds of national unity began to mend. Reconciliation replaced animosity as adversaries reunited as neighbours. General Gowon had scored a historic vindication. His leadership doctrine of the pursuit of peace and harmony through necessary means prevailed.

It is a tribute to General Gowon that Nigeria was rescued from the brinks of disintegration and returned to the path of unity and nation building. An atmosphere of mutual respect and true reconciliation in  peace returned. For this great achievement, General Gowon ranks highly among the great war leaders and peace builders of the world like Abraham Lincoln, Winston Churchill and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame. He replaced tears with smiles of survival, hate receded and yielded for reconciliation.

It is to Yakubu Gowon’s credit that the Nigerian civil war ended without leaving a bloody trail of residual armed conflict, lingering bitterness and pockets of hate. Under his post war policy of Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction, a nation previously torn by the devastation of conflict and the tragic loss of lives embraced national unity and the restoration of harmonious communal living.  The world has since acknowledged the management of the  end of the Nigerian civil war as a global example of conflict resolution and post war healing.

It remains remarkable that even after the civil war, General Gowon did not see the end of the war as the end of the unfinished task of nation building. He instead resumed the uncompleted task of nation building from where our founding fathers left off. There was the urgent necessity to redress the structural imbalance of our federation which had bred the regional inequities that helped to produce the subsequent civil war. He adopted the state structure as a cardinal innovation to realign the federation by diminishing the power of regions.

Beyond this urgent political imperative, General Gowon realized that post -war Nigeria was a ‘new’ nation that needed to be prepared for new roles in a new and fast changing world. To strengthen the bonds of national unity, General Gowon initiated some national unity programmes some of which have remained part of the architecture of our nationhood till today. These include the introduction of the National Your Service Corp (NYSC) Scheme, the Unity Schools system, the Federal Character principle and the unified national command for the national military and the police.

Above all else, General Gowon was a visionary leader. He saw Nigeria beyond the resolution of the war. In preparation for a new, more modern nation, General Gowon introduced an indigenous national currency, the Naira to replace the colonial relic of the British Pound. To bring Nigeria in line with its regional socio economic environment, he initiated the switch of Nigeria from left hand drive to right hand drive which brought the country in line with the trend among its Franco-phone neighbours. To crown his efforts of regional integration in West Africa, General Gowon  was one of the pioneer leaders that established the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1973.

General Gowon, even out of office, has remained a committed leader and statesman. Out of office, he has spent decades as an agent of peace and harmony. His prayer movement “Nigeria Prays” has continued to inspire Nigerian Christians, irrespective of ethnicity and region , to see the power of prayer in guiding human affairs. He has gone about this endeavour without  the fanatical sectarianism that has come to characterize the faith sector of Nigerian social life.

It is a testimony to the impeccable credibility of this remarkable citizen that his name still continues to evoke respect across generations and sections of Nigerians. As a result, he has escaped the hostile branding and extremist  perceptions that greet most Nigerians leaders of his age and generation.  He has no labels or badges except those of honour as a leader who is acknowledged as the father of a reunified Nigeria. It is generally acknowledged that without his statesmanship and remarkable leadership, Nigeria would have been a different and perhaps worse place than the nation we know today.

Or, worse still, there would have been no Nigeria today as we have come to know it. Therefore, as he turns 90, we need to welcome General Yakubu Gowon into the pantheon of those human deities that have made Nigeria possible and enduring even with its imperfections.

Days ago, I stumbled on a fierce social media debate. It was centred on when Nigeria moved from “federal” to “unitary” system. I was very uncomfortable with the distortion of elementary political concepts but, as a basic rule, I do not participate in Nigerian social media debates. It is usually not a good use of time as things hardly end well. What actually jolted me was the confusion of “regions” with “federalism”. Somebody authoritatively declared that it was when we moved from “regions” to “states” in 1967 that we abandoned “true federalism” — and many agreed with him. There and then, I decided to revisit the government I studied as a subject in Form 4 during my O’Level education.

In a way, I can understand the confusion. When respected people say we should go back to “true federalism” by returning to the regions “as in the 1963 constitution”, those who do not have the foggiest idea of what used to obtain can easily confuse the concepts. I have come to understand that many Nigerians do not know the difference between a federal and a unitary structure, presidentialism and parliamentarianism, and other types and structures that define a political system. My modest attempt today is to pick on some of the common political concepts and explain them in simple and straight terms for the benefit of those who genuinely do not understand.

The first point I would make is that federalism is not determined by what you call the federating units. In Nigeria, we call the centre “federal government” and the subnational units “states”. Federations such as Mexico, the US and Germany also call them states. In Switzerland, they are called cantons; in Australia, states and territories; in Canada, provinces; in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), emirates; and in Ethiopia, regions. Therefore, what you call them does not determine whether the federalism is “true” or “fake”. Osun state was once renamed “State of Osun” in line with the nomenclature in the US where “true federalism is practised” and where states are called “State of…”

Now to the point: when did Nigeria move from “true federalism” to a unitary system? Without prejudice to the motive of those involved in the social media argument, it was the Unification Decree No. 34 of 1966 that abolished federalism and replaced it with a unitary system. The opening line of the decree was unequivocal about it: “Subject to the provisions of this Decree, Nigeria shall on 24th May 1966 (in this decree referred to as ‘the appointed day’) cease to be a Federation and shall accordingly as from that day be a Republic, by the name of the Republic of Nigeria, consisting of the whole of the territory which immediately before that day was comprised in the Federation.”

Before then, there were four regions: Northern, Eastern, Western (all created by Sir Arthur Richards in 1946) and Midwestern (created from the Western Region in 1963). Every region had provinces. Under the Unification Decree of 1966, the regions were “abolished” but — in a classic case of “potato/potahto” — they remained the same. Section 2(1)(c) of that decree stated that “the provinces… respectively comprised in Northern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria, Western Nigeria and Mid-Western Nigeria shall be known respectively as the Northern group of Provinces, the Eastern group of Provinces, the Western group of Provinces and the Mid-Western group of Provinces”.

Now this: Section 2(1)(d) of the decree stated clearly that “for the purpose of administration each group of provinces shall subject to the authority of the Head of the National Military Government, be under the general direction and control of a Military Governor appointed by the Head of the National Military Government”. That was the end of the federalism we started practising narrowly under the Richards Constitution in 1946 and more broadly under the MacPherson Constitution of 1951 and the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. It was the 1954 constitution that actually refined our federalism by comprehensively listing the exclusive and concurrent powers. It was produced largely by Nigerians.

The 1960 and 1963 constitutions were basically updated versions of the Lyttleton Constitution to reflect Nigeria’s independence and republicanism respectively. However, it is only important and fair to state at this point that the move to a unitary system under the military in 1966 was logical: the military operates a command-and-control system. All orders flow from the top. No military unit is independent of central authority. It is anathema under a military system for the supreme commander to issue an order and for a commanding officer to act differently or issue a counter order. It is not done. With the Nigeria military seizing political power, authority had to be centralised.

I was initially taken aback that the abolition of the four regions and creation of 12 states in 1967 by the military government was described as the abolition of federalism in favour of a unitary system. One person confidently said the change from “regions” to “states” marked the end of federalism. But on a second thought, I should not be surprised. Anyone who has been listening to public debates recently will have heard that returning to “regionalism” was equal to returning to “true” federalism. That may suggest that regions and federalism are the same. That is not true. Unitary systems use “regions” as well. In Ghana, which runs a unitary system, the governing units are called regions.

Now to the concepts. What is unitary system? It is a political structure in which all powers belong to the central/national government. The subnational governments are subservient to the centre. In Ghana, for instance, the regions are subordinated to the centre. The 16 regions have 261 districts. The central government in a unitary system usually devolves power to the subnational levels. The UK — a kingdom of four countries — runs a highly devolved unitary system, with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland having their own parliaments and heads of government business. No two unitary systems are the same. Every country localises its practice based on its own political evolution.

What is federalism? Here, power is shared between the national and subnational governments, unlike in the unitary system where all powers belong to the centre which in turn donates some to the lower levels. The basic principle of federalism is that the federating units are co-equals — and the states are not subservient to the centre. The powers each partner has are listed on the exclusive and concurrent lists. Exclusive powers are reserved for the centre while concurrent powers belong to both the centre and states. Anything not on exclusive and concurrent lists are considered “residual” and are under states. The federal government is not superior, except in areas on the exclusive list.

Federalism is practised differently in different countries, but some characteristics are common: the monetary policy is controlled by the centre to avoid having different rates and currencies; foreign affairs are under the federal government, otherwise every state will appoint ambassadors; there is only one military, else every state will have an army, air force and navy; and the country’s borders are under the federal government. However, every federation organises itself differently: there is state police in the US, unlike in South Africa. All resources are controlled by the Malaysian federal government; in the UAE, they are owned by the emirates; in Nigeria, there is a sharing formula.

In a typical federation, each federating unit has its own executive, legislature and judiciary — just like the central government. Each state runs its own budget and is not dictated to from the centre. Under military rule in Nigeria, state budgets were subject to approval by the head of state. That was a unitary system which was effectively abolished under the 1979 Constitution. Also, federalism is essentially a union between two tiers of government, but some federations recognise local governments as a tier. Brazil’s local councils have been totally independent of the states since 1987. In Nigeria, there is a strong move towards granting political and economic autonomy to the LGAs.

What is a confederation? Interesting one. It is a loose political arrangement where the units are stronger than the centre. They have individual currencies, flag, anthem, military, legislature, judiciary and executive. They are independent of other confederating units. To put it simply, it is a union or league of sovereign states — a marriage of convenience. Currently, there is no country that can be called a confederation. Although Switzerland is officially named the “Swiss Confederation”, it has been a federation since 1798. The US was a confederation from 1781 to 1789. Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia) formed a confederation that lasted for exactly seven years — from 1982 to 1989.

There are still confederations, nonetheless. The African Union (AU) is one. The European Union (EU) can be described as one, although its monetary union is a feature of federalism. There was a time many opinion leaders in Nigeria started demanding “confederalism” as the solution to our political crises and the only pathway to development. We are never short of ideas that we think will make the country great. Some have called for “true” federalism, “fiscal” federalism, change of name, change of flag and change of anthem. We are back to the “Nigeria We Hail Thee” anthem but there are yet no signs of massive development. The regionalism campaign has also staged a comeback. This is Nigeria.

As a parting shot, I would implore young Nigerians not to believe everything they read in the newspapers and on social media regarding political systems and the history of Nigeria. They should behave like the Bereans who subjected to biblical scrutiny everything they were told by the apostles. I have come to realise that a lot of revisionism is going on and many people are manipulating history and political concepts just to ram home their biases and beliefs. Some are no longer interested in the facts. All they do is pass opinions as facts and prey on the vulnerable. We are free to hold opinions and propagate ideas as we debate the state of the union, but may we kindly respect the facts?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

THE RIVERS BETWEEN

Why should a court of law direct the INEC not to release voters’ register to the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) for the local government election? Why should a court ask police not to perform their constitutional duty of providing security? We are literally ruining this democracy because of egos and politicking. At the root is the conflict between Governor Simi Fubara and his estranged benefactor, Chief Nyesom Wike. President Tinubu must put his foot down on the crisis before things get out of hand. It is purely a political crisis to be resolved politically and Tinubu must urgently take the lead, otherwise the conflagration may become unquenchable. Statesmanship.

RISING STATS

Starlink recently announced a rise in its monthly subscription fee by 97 percent — from N38,000 to N75,000. The hardware is  now N590,000, up from N440,000. The price hike, according to the satellite internet service owned by Elon Musk’s SpaceX, was necessitated by inflation in Nigeria. It is hard to argue against the justification, with the heavy depreciation in the value of the naira in the last one year and several other costs associated with tech services. However, with Nigerian telcos also making a similar case for tariff adjustments in response to the economic statistics, you sense that it is just a matter of time before the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approves. Imminent.

KEMI BADOO

Kemi Badenoch, the former UK business and trade secretary, has been making a passionate bid to become the new leader of the Conservative Party — a step towards becoming the prime minister in the future if things work in her favour. I am so happy for her. But can she please stop telling lies about Nigeria? She said she left the country in 1996 after “leftist” policies had eroded private wealth. I know she was just six when the structural adjustment programme (SAP) was introduced in 1986, resulting in the massive devaluation of the naira, but SAP was a neo-liberal, not leftist, economic policy. I think she can use the services of fact checkers before her next Nigeria-bashing show. Shame.

NO COMMENT

The Jigawa state government has decided to acquire Khadija University, a privately owned institution in the state, for N11 billion. N11,000,000,000! Wow! What exactly is the state government buying? Is it the land (in a state where land is surplus to requirements)? Is it the buildings (how much does it cost to put brick and mortar together)? Is it the facilities (do they have nuclear reactors and rocket launchers on campus)? NB: this is aside the subventions for capital and operational expenditures that will soon enter the state budget. So, this thing they do with award of contracts and purchase of private buildings has now found its way into the campus? ELEVEN BILLION NAIRA. Wonderful.

The quest for fame is a global pandemic. From time immemorial, man has craved recognition and social pre-eminence through various means – even if he has to be anti-social to attain social recognition. In this pursuit, the line between popularity and notoriety thins out. Most people would rather be notorious than be unknown. Every Tamuno, Dike and Hadi knows this fact.

I commend Nicola Formichetti’s words to the dark minds who foul up the virtual superhighway of social media in their quest for recognition: “The dark side of social media is that, within seconds, anything can be blown out of proportion and taken out of context. And it’s very difficult not to get swept up in it all.”

Tamuno, Dike & Hadi

Tamuno: Ah, Silifa has suddenly become an arrogant celebrity. Small girl of yesterday! Since her social media post about her stepfather went viral, she has suddenly become a superstar and is on demand everywhere…

Dike: I can give you a long list of her type in my neck of the woods. She must be the envy of other girls now, except that I wouldn’t go as far as she went just because I want to “trend”. Some people have more scandalous stories but they will never tell the world because the internet never forgets. You may become famous today but your grandchildren may be embarrassed by your disclosures several decades ahead.
Hadi: I insist that cultural red lines are sacrosanct. Despite the fact that social media tries to create an artificial “global culture”, we all know that there are western cultural fads that will never gain traction in Africa because culture is thicker than a fleeting craze. By the way, please refresh my memory on the Silifa story.

Tamuno: You mean scandal?
Hadi: Whatever!
Dike: She claimed that she snatched her stepfather from her mum and is today cohabiting with the man who is 39 years her senior. She told the story with lurid details and virtually disrobed her mother…
Hadi: Stop! Now I remember! The details are too offensive. Please, spare me!
Tamuno, Dike and Hadi are like most of the average people in the world who frown at extremes. Silifa, the subject of their gossip, is our local version of Christie, the American TikToker whose story went massively viral when she disclosed that she had married her stepdad. The story was so salacious that the video was viewed 22.3 million times on TikTok. It also attracted over 124,000 comments from viewers who also asked for more information.

Married Your Stepdad?
The world enjoys watching the dance of a mentally deranged person as long as she’s not a family member.
The woman who goes by the username @Christywho_ shared her video with the on-screen caption,

 

“Marrying my step dad was the best decision I’ve ever made.” The upload showed a man hugging a woman who had her legs wrapped around him as they kissed….
You would think that America was too far gone in debauchery to see anything wrong in what the woman claimed to have done, but the pushback was instant.

“Am I the only one wondering how your mom is doing?” asked one viewer whose comment was liked over 3,000 times.

“There’s seven billion people in the world, why?” asked another who received over 9,000 likes.
Many TikTok users stitched and duetted the video, appearing shocked by the story — one uploader’s silent reaction received over 103,000 views.

The video also made its way to Twitter where a user wrote, “Can someone unplug the internet please? I don’t want it anymore!”

The TikToker’s post had achieved as much notoriety as anyone could wish for, and she had become known by millions of people all over the world within a few days. But to what end? The negative reactions were so damning that she did a sequel to the video clip and changed her story.

Joke Turned Sour
Christie, the mother of two from Tampa, Florida, has now come out and revealed that the couple’s love story is not actually as controversial as she had portrayed it to be. She told the New York Post that she posted the clip as a “joke”.

In answer to some of the questions asked by commenters, she replied: “Was I groomed? No. Did my stepdad raise me? No. Was I a minor when I met him? No. Do me and my mom still talk? Yes. Did he have kids with my mom? No.”
Some critics had, inevitably, reacted with hate towards her children and her late brother. And that touched her deeply.

“The amount of death threats I received, wishing that my children were born without arms and legs and they were glad my brother had died, and they wanted to call child protective services on me.”
To another critic, she retorted, “This filter is insane. Plz leave my kids and ‘unalived’ brother out of this.”
She explained that her new husband isn’t even her stepdad – she simply made the comment because the couple have a 16-year age gap. She revealed that her husband was actually her older brother’s best friend, and after her brother died in a motorcycle crash, they bonded over the loss and fell in love.

“I didn’t expect the video to blow up as much as it did,” Christy admitted. “I wanted to show that people will believe anything that they read on the internet. I also wanted to prove that everyone will be upset and believe anything they see on the internet nowadays,” she elucidated.

“They were mad when I ‘married my stepdad,’ and they were mad when I posted my real story and found out that it wasn’t actually my stepdad. The internet feeds on the drama.”

Nigerian Desperadoes

It is that drama that will rubbish the legacies of many trending stars of today who will weave any kind of story to go viral. Politicians who have access to the public treasury indiscriminately buy hours of prime airtime on television stations to advertise their partisan poison. They also retain an army of internet warriors who terrorise their opponents and further spread their lies. They forget to ask themselves: Where are the liars of yesterday?

It is in this context that one must pity some Nigerian desperadoes who are like Nevada’s Christie. There is one who calls herself an investigative journalist but who, to all intents and purposes, is just a social climber and name dropper. She has tried so many tricks in the book but so far, no luck. People generally think she needs to see a shrink.

Then the attempt by a self-styled activist, critic and social media influencer, Martins Vincent Otse, alias VeryDarkman, to use a fib against the Falana family to climb to millions of social media endorsements and commentaries has blown up in his face. Tails between his legs, he’s now begging the Falanas for mercy.

The evolution of social media has changed our lives for good. Social scientists are still trying to fathom the full extent of the influence of this phenomenon which has changed the way we relate with each other and shrunken distances and knowledge gaps in such an unprecedented way that it is nothing short of a socio-scientific revolution.

It can be a powerful instrument for good or social destruction depending on how it is deployed.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is expected to reshuffle his cabinet soon and some portfolios may be reassigned and some ministers be relieved of their duties. According to the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, ''When the reshuffle happens, it is expected to align with the President’s broader strategy to enhance governance and better communicate the administration’s successes.'' To achieve the desired results, the performance review of ministers should be holistic, as various factors affect performance, some of which may be beyond their control. The lag between policy announcements and implementation has contributed to the perceived poor performance of this administration.

The workload of the ministers should be reviewed to identify those who may be overwhelmed. No matter how capable a person is, being overloaded with tasks will lead to longer turnaround times and delays in policy implementation. Some ministerial portfolios may need to be split, or Ministers of State appointed in some Ministries where they do not exist. Some people think the Minister of Finance, who also doubles as the Coordinating Minister of the Economy, should have a Minister of State.

The problem of bureaucracy in Nigerian governance has always existed. Tasks that can be completed in two days in a private setting take much longer in government. The government should conduct a process review and streamline its operations for greater efficiency. This should be done without losing sight of the need for control and supervision. This will speed up policy formation and implementation thereby making the government more responsive. Beyond bureaucracy, another factor causing delays in policy implementation is the lack of, or delays in, funding. In such scenarios, there is little a minister can do.

One may ask if the roles, responsibilities, and deliverables with timelines expected of the ministers were clearly communicated to them. For example, just recently, Bayo Onanuga said, "The President has instructed ministers to actively communicate what their ministries are achieving. Some have been hesitant to engage with the media, but the President wants them to change that." While some ministers have been very vocal, though it may seem implied, it is possible that others did not know they were expected to be, given that the government has other means of promoting its successes.

There are factors beyond a minister's control that can affect their perceived performance, apart from funding. For instance, whilst not celebrating or defending the performance of the Minister of Agriculture, without addressing insecurity, which has led to incessant attacks on farmers, farmlands, and livestock, domestic food production will remain impaired. The Ministry of Solid Minerals is faced with a similar circumstance with many mining sites under the control by non-state actors.

As Mr President prepares to reshuffle his cabinet, it is imperative that issues like workload, funding, bureaucracy, communication of deliverables, and other factors beyond the control of ministers are properly addressed. Changing ministers or reassigning portfolios without dealing with all the issues impairing performance may not lead to significant improvement. Performance review is holistic and goes beyond just evaluating the individual responsible for certain tasks. Nigerians deserve a more responsive government.

Kenechukwu Aguolu   FCA,FCIA,PMP

If you have been following the story, before Dr. Segun Osoba’s lecture to the students of the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University (“Great Ife”), Ile-Ife,  on 1st February, 1974 in commemoration of the 3rd anniversary of the police killing of Kunle Adepeju, an undergraduate student of the University of Ibadan during a peaceful student protest, an ideological argument, as someone called it, took place between Osoba and Professor L. Beverley  Halstead. After the lecture, Halstead still would not let sleeping dogs lie but dragged the matter with Dr. Osoba. 
 
Titled “On Dr. Osoba’s drama”, he again said the following: “The 1st of February is an occasion of commemoration of the death of a student, Adekunle Adepeju, at Ibadan, killed by a police bullet during a demonstration in 1971. In Ife it was known that on this occasion there was to be a demonstration against the university authorities, the Vice-Chancellor in particular, over a wide series of issues. Dr. Osoba was scheduled to speak to the students on “Student Power” immediately prior to the march to the VC, bearing placards which had little relevance to the death of a student three years previously.
 
“This was an explosive situation charged with emotion that worried many people, including students. By good fortune, I met Dr. Osoba in the Staff Club where I was acting as chairman at the Geology conference dinner. One cannot but commend Dr. Osoba’s power of recall even though certain critical items seemed to have slipped his memory. I recall expressing my opinion that I felt it was inappropriate in such an explosive situation to be addressing students on the subject of student power; inappropriate to the extent of being irresponsible.
 
“I went so far as to suggest that if matters got out of hand, he would bear much of the responsibility for this. His reply was that if the mob got out of hand, it would have nothing to do with him - his conscience would be clear. I failed to understand his secretiveness over the text of his address - if it were so innocent why could it not be seen? I cannot understand Dr. Osoba’s motive in all this. He knew that people were worried about what might happen but he was not interested in allaying anyone’s fears; merely scoring a few cheap debating points: His first responsibility is to his conscience, as he said. In the meantime many people spent a worried night wondering what the morrow would bring.
 
“We knew that violence was intended; in retrospect, we know a serious crisis was averted and that Dr. Osoba merely paraded his conscience before the students. Thank you, Dr. Osoba”.
 
 Osoba, not one to take prisoners, responded in kind: “Dear Professor Halstead: Your letter of 13th February, 1974 is an unequalled achievement in self-exposure. Having denied on Thursday, 31st January, 1974 any responsibility to the students of this university beyond teaching them Biology,  you have now in this letter admitted, without apparently being aware of it, that the only other responsibility you owe them is to spy on them and, on the basis of this espionage work, ascribe all sorts of spurious motives to their actions and those of your colleagues on the academic staff who would not spy on students or treat them as congenitally irresponsible and destructive mass of people.
 
“Unless I was maintaining a spy-ring among the students, how was I to know, as you and some others apparently claim to know by the evening of 31st January, 1974, that on the following day ‘there was to be a demonstration against the university authorities, the Vice-chancellor in particular, over a wide series of issues’? How was I to know in advance, like you, that after my address they were to ‘march to the V-C, bearing placards which had little relevance to the death of a student three years previously’?
 
“You claim in relation to my motives in addressing the students that ‘he (i . e. Osoba) knew that people were worried about what might happen but he was not interested in allaying anyone’s fears, merely scoring a few cheap debating points… In the meantime many people spent a worried night wondering what the morrow would bring’. The presumption, even crass dishonesty, of this kind of assertion is amazing in a man who, by his own admission, is committed only to his own professional career. If one were to dissipate one’s limited nervous and emotional resources in allaying self-induced fears reinforced by the testimony of spies, then, one would be likely to become ‘nuts’ like those being haunted by the hobgoblin of their own mind.
 
“Professsor Halstead and his crowd ‘knew that violence was intended; in retrospect (they) know a serious crisis was averted…’ Professor Halstead’s power of divination with respect to planning and averting violence are all-embracing: they are both predictive and retroactive! Even the British M15 and M16, the American C.I.A. and F.B.I. and the Soviet KGB may have one or two new tricks to learn from him and the other wizards of espionage and counter-espionage!
 
“In Professor Halstead’s near-divine wisdom, he knew that ‘Dr. Osoba merely paraded his conscience before the students’ but failed to tell us what his own stilled conscience - some amount of parading and airing of it, even before students - might help somewhat in reactivating and making it tick again.
 
“One can only hope that this university community is not paranoid to the point that it cannot isolate self-identified spies and thereby render them irrelevant to its main business of inculcating into our young men and women the habit of learning and the virtues of responsible citizenship in a hate-free, fear-free environment”
 
We still have in our universities today robust exchanges such as was witnessed between Osoba and Halstead. That, perhaps, is where the similarities end. In Osoba and Halstead’s own days, university senior teaching staff members belonged to the upper middle class and could afford the luxuries associated with that class. No more! A  preponderance of that class is today numbered among the struggling and the poor who cannot afford the basic necessities of decent living. And the free fall hasn’t ended yet! 
 
The university environment is no longer as conducive to teaching and learning as it used to be. Lecture theatres and office spaces are crammed beyond belief; hostel accommodation on campus takes only a fraction of students; and the condition of living there also beggars belief; the library and laboratories are archaic; lecturers are ill-motivated and the academic calendar for most public universities have been disrupted as a result of incessant strike action by university workers - teaching and non-teaching staff alike. 
 
Unlike in the days of the founding fathers of Nigeria, appropriate funding of education is no longer the priority of the ruling class. In summary, the universities today are a shadow of their original self; the quality of the education they dispense cannot but be similarly affected. As with other sectors of our national life, a Marshall Plan of sorts is needed to bail out the education sector from its doldrums that border on imminent collapse. But will they? NOW CONCLUDED.
 
FEEDBACK     
 
Re: Dangote's refinery and Nigerians' great expectations 
 
 Sir, good write-up as ever (but) you only appear to avoid hitting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as hard as he deserves this time around! All the identified shortfalls start and end with ill-motivated and irresponsible leadership.  All PBAT seems to have as his reason for desiring and ascending unto the office (of president) was just to add the nomenclature and title of “President” to his name! Empty, purposeless and without focus! Like you pointed out in several of your earlier write-ups, speaking truth to power: (he is) a man that leaps before looking, and he acts before thinking! Making excuses for PBAT's non-performance is, in all sincerity, needless, sir!
 
Dangote acting capitalist/monopolist; Nigeria’s refineries not functional; NNPC turning supervisory against the objectives stated in the enabling Act that established it and its parasitic existence; Dangote refinery dashing the hopes of Nigerians; manning our porous borders to avoid subsidizing neighbouring countries and giving smugglers the advantage - all these and many more, without gainsaying, is accounted for by just a single person and single act: irresponsible leadership!
 
It is not about Dangote, NNPC, illegal supply/siphoning/diversion to neighbouring countries and the likes, but it is about the President’s (lack of) political will. Except we are saying it is you and me that should check all the evil and anti-citizen acts going on in the NNPC or we are the ones to address our porous borders when we have a President and Commander-in-Chief in place (who is) acting in trust for us as a nation!
 
What a gross shame that what a whole nation of over 200 million people could not achieve with all the resources at her beck and call has now been achieved by a single individual taking advantage of our irresponsible and ineffective leadership!
 
Do we need to remind PBAT to do something about our refineries! Is the task of building a new refinery, attainable by an individual, truly an uphill and herculean task for a whole nation? Was it not the resources of this nation that Dangote took advantage of to build his refinery? Should Tinubu merely watch as NNPC wrestles with Dangote to the peril of the citizens he claims to lead?
 
Can’t Tinubu have anyone to advise him that the current NNPC leadership has outlived its usefulness and should be disbanded? - Awodire Oyewole Ayo.
 
My abridged response: I wish you get to a position where you will need to deal with diverse interests! It is not as easy as we see it from outside. Nigeria's problems are bigger than Tinubu. I wish and pray they will push him hard enough for him to abandon his conciliatory moves and put his foot down on all issues where he is bending over backward to please interest groups. I wish and pray also that they will frustrate him hard enough for him to give up on Nigeria and say, "to your tents, O Israel!"
 
 Take it from me: Nigeria's problems cannot be solved from Abuja or by anyone in Abuja. Put whoever you like there, they will only get wiser after they leave office. Ask Obasanjo. Ask Jonathan. Ask even Buhari! The forces holding Nigeria down will not allow the right things to be done. Presidents are no islands. Maybe they know or control up to 10% of what happens in their government. Patience told us Jonathan was caged by those around him. Aisha told us Buhari was a stranger in his own government. 
 
Why was MKO Abiola not allowed to rule? Maybe because he prematurely divulged the secrets of how he would govern: That he would act independently of the IMF and World Bank and that once he holds CBN with one hand and NNPC with another, Nigerians could go and sleep! Have these four (IMF, World Bank, NNPC and CBN) not remained our headache? 
 
In my view,  Tinubu’s error - if I can call it that - is that he chose to tread where angels fear to. He wants to solve Nigeria's problems. Either he is cocksure of himself or he underated the enormity and complexities of Nigeria's hydra-headed problems. Those benefiting from the system as it is will fight tooth-and-nail to maintain, even further consolidate and advance, their advantage. 
 
Now, after a year in the saddle, Tinubu should know better. He must begin to hold the bull by the horns and step on toes. To do that, he needs more of the courage he summoned on his first day in office when he announced that fuel subsidy is gone! 
 
Former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, BOLAWOLE was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of The WESTERNER newsmagazine. He writes the ON THE LORD'S DAY column in the Sunday TRIBUNE and TREASURES column in NEW TELEGRAPH newspaper on Wednesdays. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

Officials of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission, RSIEC and voters ran for their lives when police officers stormed Elekahia Primary School in Port Harcourt City local government area, on Saturday.

About 21 Hilux patrol vans with heavily armed officers drove into the school which has 10 polling units.

Officials of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSEIC) who had set up their stands were chased out of the Ward.

One of the policemen was heard saying, ‘”Come here, remove that vest. What are you doing here? Common move!”

The policemen, some of whom were masked, also asked the officials to remove their vest and hand it to them.

The operatives also shot teargas canister directly into the crowd of people who who were running for their lives.

A policeman fired another teargas at by-standers at the entrance of the Street and residents who came out to cast their votes ran helter-skelter.

Many of RSIEC officials, voters and residents of the community ran into Boms streets in Elekahia community in confused manner, thereby creating tension in the area, as the several police patrol vans sped out of the area with many election materials.

 

When contacted, spokesperson of the State Police Command, Grace Iringe-Koko, said she was not aware of the incident.

“I’m not aware. You are just telling me now, ” she said.

The Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, had ordered his men not to provide security during the election, citing a court order.

On the election eve, Governor Siminalayi Fubara had accused the IGP of taking orders from some politicians in Abuja.

He had also vowed to hold Egbetokun responsible if there is breakdown of law and order in the state.

However, the IGP denied the allegations in a statement issued by Force Public Relations Officer, Muyiwa Adejobi.

[DailyTrust]

 

 

 

The Body of Benchers is arguably the most prestigious organ of the legal profession.

It is, of course, not superior to our overarching professional body, the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA; after all, whereas all of us lawyers, both at the Bar and on the Bench, belong to the NBA, only a handful of us end up becoming Benchers.

Apart from the courts, themselves, from customary court to our most sacred temple of justice, The Supreme Court, there is no organ of our profession we respect, as lawyers, more than the Body of Benchers.

In light of his most embarrassing excesses, his decidedly unlawyerly demeanor, his shamefully ungentlemanly posturing and his obvious addiction to unnecessary controversy, the Honourable Minister for the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, and, former Governor of Rivers, Barrister Nyesom Wike, is the poster child and perfect specimen of precisely the sort of character that must not be a Bencher.

Nyesom Wike started out as an agbero, whom God, in His Infinite Mercy, Holy Magnanimity and Divine Providence, lifted up and took from the motorpark, made a local government Chairman, Secretary to The State Government, Minister of The Federal Republic, Governor for two consecutive terms, and, now once again a Minister but, unfortunately, decided to thank God for rescuing him from the motorpark by refusing to remove the motorpark from himself.

Indeed, you can force the horse to the river but not force it to drink from it, just as you might remove the agbero from the motor park, but the agbero might find it difficult to remove the motor park from himself.

I supported Wike’s nomination as Minister because he helped us win in Rivers State, but he has only succeeded in making himself an embarrassment to our government and a distraction to our President.

As to being a lawyer, the Body of Benchers must now declare Nyesom Wike as not a fit and proper person to be in their midst and sack him immediately from the most respected organ of our profession.

Onokpasa, a lawyer, was a member of the All Progressives Congress, APC, Presidential Campaign Council and the Tinubu Presidential Legal Team, TPLT, and writes from Abuja.

The Rivers State Police Command has confirmed that two separate explosions occurred in different parts of the state on Saturday.

It reported that the first explosion took place at the All Progressives Congress Secretariat along Aba Road, while the second struck the Obio/Akpor Local Government Secretariat, just outside Port Harcourt.

Grace Iringe-Koko, spokesperson for the State Police Command, stated in a press release that both explosions happened almost simultaneously.

Iringe-Koko further mentioned that police units responded swiftly, visiting the scenes and collecting samples for investigation.

 

Meanwhile, elections in the state have concluded in many areas, though they were disrupted in some locations by armed men dressed in police uniforms and others believed to be political thugs.

The statement read: “The Rivers State Police Command was alerted to two explosions that rocked the city of Port Harcourt on Saturday, 5 October 2024.

 

“The first explosion was reported at the APC Secretariat on Aba Road at approximately 3:00 AM. A security guard heard a loud bang, and upon investigation, observed three black Toyota Hilux vans speeding away from the scene. The explosion caused significant damage, destroying the gate, shattering the windows, and setting the security building on fire.

“The second explosion occurred at the Obio/Akpor Council Secretariat around 3:30 AM. Eyewitnesses reported seeing a black Toyota Hilux van and a white Toyota Sienna minivan drive past the secretariat. The occupants allegedly threw an object, suspected to be a stick of dynamite, which shattered the roof and damaged the generator house of the complex.

“In response to these incidents, the Explosive Ordnance Disposal and Anti-Bomb Squad were mobilised to both locations.

“An improvised explosive device was recovered at the APC Secretariat, and the team identified the use of incendiary materials in the arson of the security building.

The Anti-Bomb Squad collected samples from both scenes for forensic analysis, and investigations are ongoing to apprehend the perpetrators of these heinous acts. We urge the public to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activities to the authorities.

“We assure the residents of Port Harcourt that every possible measure is being taken to enhance security and ensure the safety of our community.”

[Punch]

Arsenal defeated Southampton 3-1 in a Premier League clash on Saturday, extending their unbeaten run this season.

Fresh from a commanding win over Paris Saint-Germain in the Champions League, Arsenal were expected to easily dispatch winless Southampton.

However, the Saints shocked the Emirates 10 minutes into the second half when Cameron Archer netted his first Premier League goal since his summer move from Aston Villa.

The lead only lasted three minutes before Kai Havertz scored in his seventh consecutive home game.
Gabriel Martinelli was introduced after an hour and made an impact within eight minutes, volleying home from Bukayo Saka’s cross.

After assisting Arsenal’s first two goals, Saka pounced on a loose ball to score the third himself.

Meanwhile, Rodri’s season-long absence due to a serious
knee injury is expected to be a major blow to Manchester City’s hopes of retaining the title for a fifth consecutive season.

However, it was his deputy, Mateo Kovacic, who scored twice to turn the game around for the champions at the Etihad, which ended 3-2.

Fulham, unbeaten since the opening night of the season at Manchester United, took the lead thanks to Andreas Pereira’s finish from a stunning backheel assist by Raul Jimenez.

 

Kovacic’s deflected effort quickly brought City level, and a cleaner strike less than two minutes into the second half made it 2-1.

Jeremy Doku then smashed a shot into the top corner from outside the box to give City a two-goal cushion, which they required.

Rodrigo Muniz gave Fulham hope on 88 minutes, but City held out for a 17th consecutive win against the Cottagers.

West Ham eased the pressure on new boss Julen Lopetegui by ending a run of three home defeats at the start of the new season.

Michail Antonio, Mohammed Kudus, Jarrod Bowen, and Lucas Paqueta were on target for the Hammers in a 4-1 win over Ipswich, who are still awaiting their first Premier League victory in 22 years.

There were six goals before half-time as Brentford defeated Wolves 5-3, leaving the visitors rooted to the foot of the table.

Leicester secured their first league win of the season with Facundo Buonanotte’s strike sealing a 1-0 victory over Bournemouth.

AFP

As the world celebrates the World Teachers’ Day 2024 today, October 5, the theme, “Valuing Teachers’ Voices: Towards a New Social Contract for Education,” resonates with a powerful message that has the potential to transform the educational landscape globally and, most importantly, within Nigeria. The theme highlights the pivotal role of teachers in shaping the future of education while advocating for a fresh commitment that recognizes their contributions, listens to their perspectives, and ultimately enhances their working conditions. However, while this theme is an important global call, there is an urgent need for the Federal Government of Nigeria and the 36 state governments to not only celebrate this theme but to actively domesticate it in every corner of the country.

Teachers are the bedrock of any society. Through them, the future is nurtured, knowledge is transmitted, and innovations are born. Yet, in Nigeria, these pillars of national development often bear the brunt of systemic neglect, poor remuneration, and hostile working environments. Despite the undeniable truth that no nation can rise above the quality of its education system, the Nigerian government has often treated education, and by extension teachers, with a disappointing level of disregard.

Many Nigerian teachers face chronic issues such as delayed salaries, inadequate teaching materials, dilapidated classrooms, and overcrowded spaces. These issues have become so normalized that it is now a crisis. If we are to live up to the global call of the 2024 World Teachers’ Day, we must engage the voices of teachers across the nation and listen to their demands for better pay, better facilities, and respect for the teaching profession.

 

The theme for this year’s World Teachers’ Day, “Valuing Teachers’ Voices: Towards a New Social Contract for Education,” offers Nigeria an opportunity to reshape its education system by starting with the very people who are the backbone of it, our teachers. But what does a new social contract mean in the Nigerian context?

In simple terms, it means an agreement between teachers, society, and the government that guarantees better working conditions, recognition of the role teachers play, and policies that are designed and implemented with teachers’ input. It means recognizing the expertise and insights teachers bring to educational reforms and creating policies that empower them, not stifle them.

For too long, Nigerian teachers have been left out of key decision-making processes that directly affect their work and the education of future generations. Federal and state governments have often made educational policies without fully consulting those on the frontlines of education, the teachers themselves. This approach has led to policies that are poorly implemented or outright rejected by the educational community because they do not take into consideration the realities on the ground. Domestication of this year’s theme requires a change in this practice.

 

A reformed educational system that values teachers’ voices will see teachers not just as implementers of educational policies but as active contributors to the design of those policies. Teachers understand better than anyone else the challenges students face, the gaps in the current curriculum, and the resources needed for effective learning. Therefore, the new social contract must involve the Federal Ministry of Education, State Education Ministries, and key educational bodies such as the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT) working hand-in-hand to ensure that teachers’ input is at the heart of any policy change.

This can be done through consultative forums through the establishments of platforms where teachers can regularly provide feedback on policies before they are implemented, ensuring that their voices are part of the decision-making process.

In a similar vein, through Teacher-Led Research Initiatives, teachers can be encouraged to conduct research on the challenges in the classroom and the Nigerian education system at large, using their findings to inform policy decisions.

 

Also, establishment of committees within the ministry to advocate for teachers’ welfare and ensure that their needs are prioritized in national and state budgets would go a long in addressing the challenges facing all teachers across Nigeria.

One of the ways the FG and state governments can demonstrate that they truly value teachers’ voices is by ensuring that teaching becomes an attractive profession for the best and brightest minds in Nigeria. This is not just about increasing salaries (although that is crucial), but also about offering incentives that recognize the professional standing of teachers.

In many countries, teaching is a respected and well-remunerated profession that competes with other career paths in terms of pay, prestige, and personal fulfillment. Nigeria must strive to reach this standard. The FG and state governments must review the Teachers’ Salary Structure (TSS) and ensure that teachers are adequately compensated for their invaluable contributions to society. More than this, the Teachers’ Registration Council of Nigeria (TRCN) must ensure that continuous professional development is linked with incentives for teachers who take up additional training, certifications, and responsibilities.

 

In fact, providing attractive housing schemes, health benefits, and pension packages can also make the profession more appealing. The recent 2020 approval of a special salary structure for teachers is a step in the right direction, but this must be fully implemented across all states to have a meaningful impact.