[Guardian]

At least 23 persons have reportedly been killed in a series of coordinated attacks across four Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Benue State.

Daily Trust reports that the affected LGAs include: Guma, Logo, Ukum, and Kwande.

Residents told our correspondent that the latest wave of attacks has forced many to flee their communities, as the attacks had become to frequent.

The witnesses said that nine people were killed in Logo LGA, eight in Ukum, while Guma and Kwande LGAs each recorded three deaths, bringing the total to 23 fatalities.

Speaking to journalists in Makurdi on Saturday, Dr. Ray Anumve, an indigene of Kwande LGA, said the attacks in his locality were perpetrated by armed herdsmen and suspected Jukun militants who stormed several communities in the Turan area on Friday, May 9, 2025.

“Coordinated brutal attacks were carried out by armed herdsmen and suspected Jukun-speaking assailants across multiple locations in Turan, Kwande LGA, resulting in deaths, injuries, and displacement.

“The attackers spoke both Fulfulde and Jukun languages,” Anumve said.

He specifically mentioned that the Mbaav Clan in Mbadura Council Ward, near the Tse Yande compound and Gusa crossing by River Katsina-Ala, came under attack as the assailants crossed the river and ambushed farmers returning from their fields.

Anumve further explained that one of the victims, a farmer identified as Agwei, was killed on the spot, while his brother and son sustained serious injuries and are currently receiving treatment at a clinic in Jato-Aka.

The indigene, who is founder of the Dr. Ray Anumve Foundation, also disclosed that the attackers struck Anwase in the Mkomon area, Mbaikyor Council Ward, where one Iortsor was killed.

He said in a separate incident at Waya in Yaav Council Ward, a motorcycle rider was shot in the stomach, causing his intestines to protrude and that he is currently receiving medical attention at a clinic in Jato-Aka.

According to him, the affected areas have been under frequent assault, with armed invaders reportedly seizing motorcycles from local riders, adding that an earlier attack on the Ikurav-Ya Clan, specifically at Tyuav and Usambe Sha Hua in Liev I Ward, left multiple people dead and properties destroyed.

Anumve noted however that, casualty figures and the extent of property damage are still being compiled by locals and community leaders.

In Ukum LGA, a separate source confirmed that nine persons had been officially declared dead, but noted that more bodies were being discovered in the bush following attacks attributed to armed herdsmen.

The Ukum attack reportedly occurred on the morning of Saturday, May 10, 2025, in Jootar town.

Those killed in the Jootar attack were identified as Jonathan Ordooga, Aondogu Torse, Cheater Torse, Yagba Torse, Tersugh Mbaaiiga, Terhemen Emmanuel, Henenshima Apirgwa, and Orfega Atuku.

Meanwhile, locals said tension has mounted in Guma LGA, where residents fear an impending attack.

A youth identified as Paul told journalists that militias suspected to be armed herdsmen have allegedly mobilised from hideouts in neighborhood state, with plans to invade Yelewata community in Nyiev Council Ward.

Paul said the tension escalated after a youth from the community was attacked with a machete on May 8, and that the victim is currently receiving treatment at a government hospital in Makurdi.

Yelewata is a border town between Guma LGA in Benue State and Giza Development Area of Nasarawa State.

A resident of Guma, who spoke under condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal, also confirmed that the LGA has been experiencing near-daily attacks.

He said that on May 9, three persons were killed in Ukpiam, Mababai Council Ward, while Umenger in Mbadwem Council Ward was attacked the following day, May 10.

However, he noted that reports on casualties from the Umenger incident were yet to be confirmed just as a woman identified as Helen Nenge from Mbawa Mbanyiar kindred was also attacked on Friday at 4pm, wounded and the sum of N6000 collected from her.

The State Commissioner for Information, Matthew Abo, an indigene of Ukum, confirmed to journalists in Makurdi that that eight farmers were killed on Saturday morning in his home LGA while on their way to the farm.

Abo however could not ascertain those responsible for that latest killing as according to him, apart from armed invasions, there had also been communal crisis in Jootar between the Tiv and Jukun.

Police spokesperson for Benue command, CSP Catherine Anene, had yet to respond to calls or messages put through her telephone for confirmation of the incidents.

[DailyTrust]

…as FUO holds public lecture on immersion programme

Scholars and experts in Arabic studies have said that the Arabic language is a veritable instrument for understanding the scientific and historical perspectives of the world.

The Experts converged on the Fountain University, Osogbo, to discuss the influence of Arabic Language in the contemporary world.

With the event, Fountain University, through its Centre for Arabic and Islamic Research, Translation, and Immersion Programme, has taken a leap forward by externalising its Arabic language teaching through immersion extension.

Speaking at the lecture themed “Arabic-Islamic Scholarship in a Globalised World: Language Immersion, Digital Translation, and Knowledge Democratisation”, Prof. Khidr Abdul Baqi Mohammed stressed the importance of preserving the Arabic language and Islamic knowledge through modern digital tools and global collaboration.

Prof. Khidr noted that without a strong foundation in Arabic, “much of the depth and context of Islamic texts could be lost in translation, especially in the age of AI and digital platforms.” 

In his keynote presentation, a former Director of Linguistics Immersion Centre, University of Ilorin, Prof Taofiq Adebayo, who also emphasised the essence of language immersion programmes, described multilingualism as a hallmark of high culture.

He said, “Immersion is a process of teaching language by surrounding learners with its usage. The only way to develop proficient and competent users of a language is to immerse them in an environment where the language is constantly spoken.

The speakers highlighted the relevance of Arabic beyond Islamic studies.

They reiterated the crucial role the language plays in shaping identity, preserving religious knowledge, and expanding access through technology. 

They posited that Arabic language has a way of connecting the past to the present and the future. 

They contended that the gamut of global historical facts and old scientific evidences upon which the current science thrives, have were adequately documented in Arabic language.

In his opening address, The Director of the Centre, Dr. Ahmed Agbaje said the Centre was poised to serve multiple purposes including providing values young scholars of Islam and Arabic, especially those benefiting from scholarship opportunities in the digital age.

 “The Centre for Arabic and Islamic Research, Translation, and Immersion Programme was conceived as a strategic response to the growing need for contextualising Arabic and Islamic scholarship in today’s digital age,” he stated.

“While remaining rooted in our authentic heritage, the Centre’s mission is to serve as a hub of advanced knowledge and cross-cultural exchange. We aim to revive, promote, and internationalise Arabic and Islamic scholarship through intensive language immersion programmes.”

Earlier in her address, the Chief Host and Vice-Chancellor, Professor Olayinka Ramota Kareem, noted that the university prides itself on integrating culture and faith in academic and community life.

“What we are witnessing today reflects our commitment to holistic development and our identity as a leading institution in Islamic culture and faith.”

[TheNation]

The Supreme Court will on Wednesday, May 14, hold a valedictory court session in honour of the late Justice Emmanuel Obioma Ogwuegbu, a Justice of the court who died in October last year.

The valedictory session will hold at the Main Courtroom of the Supreme Court by 2:00 pm and will be attended by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, AGF, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN.

A statement on Sunday by the Director of Information and Public Relations of the Court, Dr. Festus Akande, said the late judicial icon passed away peacefully in his sleep on 28th October, 2024, at the age of 91 years.

Justice Emmanuel Obioma Ogwuegbu was born on 16th March, 1933 in Amainyi, Ihitte-Uboma Local Government Area of Imo State.

He was appointed a judge of the High Court of Imo State in November 1976, and served as Administrative Judge, Owerri Judicial Division from 1976 to 1979.

He was deployed to Aba Judicial Division in the same capacity of Administrative Judge in 1980. He was elevated to the Court of Appeal in September 1987, and served in Ibadan and Lagos divisions.

Late Justice Ogwuegbu was subsequently appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria in April 1992.

In recognition of his contribution to the Nigerian judiciary, he was seconded by the Federal Government to serve on the Supreme Court bench of The Gambia, from December 1999 to 2002, before returning to the country to continue his service at the Supreme Court of Nigeria until his retirement on 16th March, 2003.

The Special Court Session will be presided over by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, who will customarily pay tribute to the late Justice Ogwuegbu alongside other major stakeholders in the nation’s justice sector.

[DailyPost]

Last week, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Thursday confirmed that Nigeria had fully repaid the $3.4 billion COVID-19 financial support it got under the Rapid Financing Instrument (RFI). Although Nigeria’s principal balance stands at zero, but scheduled charges, including net charges, basic interest and administrative fees, amount to SDR 125.99 million. At the current exchange rate, this translates to approximately N275.28 billion.

It is pertinent to recall that in the wake of the COVID-19 in 2030, Nigeria requested emergency assistance of about US$3.4 billion—equivalent to 100 percent of its quota from the International Monetary Fund to shore up the country’s economy and help businesses weather the storm of a deadly pandemic that disrupted global markets and plunged the world into a recession.

At the meeting of the IMF Executive Board held on April 28, 2020, the financial support of $3.4 billion was approved to provide critical support to shore up Nigeria’s heath care sector, and shield jobs and businesses from the shock of the COVID-19 crisis. In particular, the loan was designed to help alleviate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the sharp fall in oil prices and also help limit the decline in international reserves.

Following the Executive Board’s discussion of Nigeria, Mr. Mitsuhiro Furusawa, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, stated that, “The emergency financing under the RFI will provide much needed liquidity support to respond to the urgent BOP needs. Additional assistance from development partners will be required to support the government’s efforts and close the large financing gap. The implementation of proper governance arrangements—including through the publication and independent audit of crisis-mitigating spending and procurement processes—is crucial to ensure emergency funds are used for their intended purposes.”(emphasis ours)

Characteristically, the IMF Management which jointly manages the neocolonial economy of Nigeria with the Federal Government failed to ensure emergency funds were used "for their intended purposes."

However, a 2020 audit report by the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation, released in January 2024, flagged several irregularities in the handling of the fund. The report stated that on April 30, 2020, $2.4 billion of the loan was transferred to the CBN’s account at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, while the remaining balance went to the CBN’s account at the Bank of China, Shanghai. The report further stated that by June 1, the $2.4 billion had been moved to the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) for short-term investments. The funds in China were similarly transferred to the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC).

These transactions, according to the audit, were not supported by documentation or approvals from the Federal Government or the CBN’s Investment Committee and that the funds were subsequently reclassified as part of the CBN’s external reserves rather than the Federal Government’s holdings. This reclassification, the report noted, allowed interest to be earned on the funds, contrary to the emergency spending purpose for which they were approved.

Furthermore, the report stated that on August 7, 2020, the Federal Ministry of Finance requested the monetisation of $700 million to support the 2020 federal budget. One week later, the CBN approved a debit of N265.65 billion, applying an exchange rate of N379.5/$, higher than the official N360.5/$ rate at the time. The funds were credited to three separate accounts: N252 billion to the COVID-19 Public Sector Account, N13.3 billion to the Forex Equalisation Account and N350 million to the Exchange Commission Account.

The audit noted that a 2% commission was deducted from the monetised amount, even though the funds were categorised as Federal Government property. At the end of 2020, an unmonetised balance of $2.7 billion — equivalent to approximately N1.02 trillion — remained unaccounted for, according to the Auditor-General’s report.

The report recommended that the CBN Governor should explain the movement and classification of the funds without proper authorisation. It also requested bank statements to confirm the unmonetised balance and demanded the recovery of N13.3 billion and N350 million into the Federal Government’s account. It further called for the remittance of all interest earned from the investments and warned that sanctions under relevant financial regulations would be applied if there was no accountability.

The Auditor-General wants the money recovered and remitted to the public treasury and for the evidence of remittance to be forwarded to the Public Accounts Committee of the National Assembly. The Auditor-General also recommends that anyone suspected to be involved should be ‘sanctioned and handed over to the EFCC and ICPC for investigation and prosecution, as provided for in paragraph 3112 of the Financial Regulations’.”

Even though the Auditor-General of the Federation submitted the 2020 Annual Report to to each House of the National Assembly, both Houses have failed to cause the report to be considered by the committees responsible for public accounts, in order to cover up the criminal diversion of the $3.4 IMF and several trillions of Naira set out in the Auditor-General's report, in utter contravention of section 85(5) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended.

In view of the foregoing, the Alliance on Surviving Covid-19 and Beyond (ASCAB) hereby calls on the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission to investigate the criminal diversion of the $3.4 billion loan obtained by Nigeria to fight the Covid-19 pandemic.

We also call on the IMF Board to probe the deliberate refusal of its Management to ensure that the emergency funds were :used for their intended purposes." Meanwhile, the IMF should suspend the collection of the scheduled charges, including net charges, basic interest and administrative fees, amounting to SDR 125.99 million (N275.28 billion) pending the conclusion of its investigation.

Femi Falana SAN

The Chair, Alliance on Surviving Covid-19 and Beyond (ASCAB)

Anambra North senatorial constituency comprises seven local government areas (LGAs). These are: Anambra East, Anambra West, Anyamelum, Ogbaru, Onitsha North, Onitsha South, and Oyi. The contest to represent it in the election to the senate in 2007 turned out to be memorable for all the wrong reasons. Voting in the election occurred on 28 April 2007. At the end of the contest, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) returned Joy Emordi, the incumbent senator and candidate of the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), as the winner.

In the race for the party ticket which preceded the election, Senator Emordi beat out the challenge of a little-known member of the House of Representatives, Ubanese Alphonsus Igbeke. Having lost the contest for the party ticket, however, Ubanese promptly defected to the opposition All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), which granted him the ticket to fly its flag in the contest for the election to the senate in Anambra North.

Following the announcement of the election results by the INEC, five of the losing candidates headed to the election petition tribunal to challenge the announcement of Senator Emordi as winner. They included Jessie Balonwu of the Labour Party, and Ubanese of the ANPP. An essential complaint was that there was no lawful voting in Anyamelum and Onitsha South LGAs. If their complaint was upheld, the logic would have necessitated a re-run. Over one year after the conclusion of the election, on 14 June 2008, the tribunal dismissed the petitions, and affirmed Joy Emordi as duly elected.

The losing candidates appealed.

Jessie Balonwu’s appeal was the first to be decided. On February 10, 2009, a Court of Appeal panel comprising three Justices of Appeal – Victor Omage, Ladan Tsamiya and Olukayode Ariwoola – found that there was no evidence in support of the claim that there were no elections in the two LGAs. The court of appeal, therefore, affirmed the decision of the election petition tribunal. At the time, appeals concerning elections to the senate ended in the court of appeal.

Like the other losing candidates, Ubanese lost his case at the election petition tribunal. Like them, he also appealed. Nearly three years after the election, on March 24, 2010, another panel of the court of appeal, this time comprising Amiru Sanusi (who was not on the earlier panel) as well as Ladam Tsamiya and Olukayode Ariwoola – both of whom had decided Jessie Balonwu’s case nearly a year earlier – nullified the election of Joy Emordi, declared Ubanese the winner of the election and ordered INEC to issue a certificate in his favour affirming his victory.

Six years after that judgment, the National Judicial Council (NJC) sacked Ladan Tsamiya as a judge in connection with judicial corruption in another election case from neighbouring Abia state.

Returning to the Anambra North senatorial contest from 2007, Senator Emordi applied to the supreme court for a review of the two ostensibly conflicting decisions of the court of appeal but the court struck out her case, holding that it did not have jurisdiction to hear her. With one year left to run on the tenure and armed with the judgment of the court of appeal, Ubanese ousted Joy Emordi from the senate in May 2010 to become the senator for Anambra North. Once there, he promptly defected back to the ruling PDP from the ranks of the ANPP.

That was not the first time that Ubanese would be returnee as legislator by the votes of judges alone. His first tour of duty as a legislator in the House of Representatives in 2003 was made possible also by judicial decision.

He was not the only one to be selected in this manner in 2003. In the contest for the Anambra South seat for the senate, the court of appeal in Enugu manufactured victory for Ugochukwu Uba – who was not a candidate in the election. Ugochukwu Uba’s younger brother, Andy, was a very influential presidential confidante at the time.

2010 was not the last time that Ubanese’s entire electorate would comprise members of the Nigerian judiciary. ThisDay newspaper famously described him as “the serial senator who never wins an election”.

In 2011, another high court in Abuja also issued an order requiring the INEC to return Ubanese yet again as Senator for Anambra North after the election had been concluded and a winner declared. The order was stupefying because only an election petition tribunal could issue it.

This time, the Attorney-General of the Federation had Ubanese arraigned before the Federal High Court in Abuja on charges of forging and altering the outcome of the party primaries that he lost, misrepresenting to the High Court in Abuja that he had in fact emerged as the winner.

Ubanese was ultimately unsuccessful in returning to the Senate in 2011 but had pioneered an electoral business model that would prove both lucrative for all involved and resilient beyond his wildest imagining.

Ubanese showed judges how a joint enterprise with politicians could prove effective in making both sides influential, wealthy and powerful while at the same time sidelining the voters from the constitutive enterprise of deciding who controls their destinies. This guarantees that elections no longer end in the polling units. Instead, what we call elections only pare down the candidates who are required thereafter to proceed to court units, where the ultimate selection is determined by judges who alone have the right to vote. The cost of entry into this stage is prohibitive.

Only the truly moneyed dare to show up.

The constitution may have anointed the people as the electorate but, in Nigeria, the winners and losers in elections are now decided by a judicial selectorate who do not feel themselves beholden to anything that the constitutional electorate may wish, seek, or say.

According to a former national vice-chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Salihu Lukman, “citizens can vote but winners are decided in the courtroom by conclaves of judges.” Former president, Goodluck Jonathan, acknowledged in Asaba, capital of Delta state in June 2024 that Nigerian judges increasingly “declare who doesn’t win the election that they are winners.”

Selectorate Theory explains how elites access and retain power. It distinguishes between three categories of actors for this purpose. Interchangeables notionally have a role but hardly fit the part. Influentials sometimes may do so. But the focus is on a small category of “Essentials” who decide nearly everything. The clever power seeker focuses on doing a deal with the Essentials at the expense of the Influentials and the Interchangeables.

In Nigeria, the judges have made themselves the indispensable Essentials in winning power and retaining it. The people have become very expendable Interchangeables. The national exchequer, meant for the people, now goes to financing the fancies of these electoral Essentials in order to protect the joint enterprise with the politicians. This is all done under ruse of law which, it is claimed, is indispensable to democracy.

The “ownership” of judicial figures has thus become an essential political accessory in Nigeria. Every ambitious politician knows that they need to own some judges or at least one. This political business model is a deeply Nigerian variant on Selectorate Theory which is now taking firm root across Africa. For this export, we must thank Ubanese Igbeke and the Uba brothers of Uga in Anambra state. 

This week, publishers Narrative Landscape will be releasing, The Selectorate, my book which tells the story of how Nigerian judges toppled the people. It is a story that has been long in the making.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

“We must therefore not shirk from accusing our friends, or praising our enemies, nor need we be afraid of praising or blaming the same people at different times; since, it is impossible that the men [and women] who are engaged in public affairs should always be right; and unlikely they should always be in the wrong. We must therefore detach ourselves from the actors [and actresses] in our story, and apply to them only such statements and judgments as their conduct deserves” – Polybius, c200-118 BC.

Once again, I find myself risking being misunderstood by the millions of political opponents of President Tinubu and the Federal Government.

There will be those who might read into what follows an attempt to secure an appointment or benefit somehow from it. That is a cross everybody regularly in the public domain must carry.

But, if it will help to persuade the doubting Thomases that there is no ulterior motive behind this, let me disclose that I am so physically challenged, any President must be out of his mind to offer me an appointment.

I will need a straight jacket if I accept. I can hardly walk; and can’t seat for long.

Perhaps, it is worth repeating that it had been my personal principle to stay out of politics and to be neutral and objective in my comments of national affairs.

I have religiously kept out of partisan politics – so much so, no Head of State, military or civilian, has escaped the sharp point of my pen.

I don’t intend to stop now.

In fact, the matter of solar panels at Aso Rock, to any economist, is primarily an investment decision – before any other considerations. 

Unfortunately, this is not the best of times for Tinubu.

THE BEST DECISION BY FG

“It is part of a king [or President] to do good to his subjects and be maligned for it” – Alexander the Great, 356-323   BC

Few rulers are loved by the majority of their subjects – particularly when several things are going wrong; as they now are in Nigeria.

Nothing seems to be going right at the moment and the promises made two years ago are becoming difficult to redeem. All these are perfectly understandable.

Let us now address the investment decision involved in this needless controversy.

But, first a personal example would help to illustrate the point devoid of associated sentiments. 

Three years ago, I invested in an inverter; after being persuaded that it was cost effective.

Like every economist, there was a need to keep a strict record of all transactions. Primarily, after paying my DISCO’s fraudulent bills, petrol still had to be bought for the generator.

Records of fuel purchases for the gen-set were kept meticulously for two months before the inverter was installed.

Record-keeping continued after the inverter was installed.

In two months, we saved 30 per cent of the cost of the inverter plus installation.

In eight months, the inverter had paid for itself. A friend who opted for solar power, about the time I was going for inverter, had a similar happy story to tell.

The first truth is; solar or inverter power supply constitute huge savings on power generation costs; and they are far more environmentally-friendly.

Objectively, the switch from DISCO to solar power is the best investment decision the federal or any state government can make right now.

The facts, devoid of emotions, speak very clearly for themselves.

If for a mere, the word mere is deliberate, N20 billion investment, the Presidency can save annual Disco bills of N70 billion or more, we should all be urging them to do it as quickly as possible.

Obviously, the critics are not being objective.

Like subjects since time immemorial they must grumble at measures taken by the ruler – even, when in this case it serves their own economic interests.

The second truth is: after the initial cost of N20 billion, annual maintenance charges are frequently less than ten per cent or N2 billion.

Who would want government in any country, especially the Poverty Capital of the World, to spend N70 billion annually providing power to the seat of power; instead of N2 billion?

One of the sharpest critics of the expenditure was the nurse with the placard pointing out that several Teaching Hospitals in Nigeria have been disconnected by DISCOs and implying that it was wrong for Aso Rock to budget N20 billion for solar power.

It was an emotional appeal – not an economic one.

I have lived very close to the Universities of Lagos and Ibadan since 1974. Each of them is a sprawling institution – almost as big as Aso Rock.

Yes, they, as well as other universities, need regular power supply. But, the existing reprehensible situations did not arise yesterday. They built up gradually. Teaching Hospitals should also come forward with their own plans to go solar and leave DISCOs strictly alone.

At any rate, I fail to understand the logic implied in the position.

Are those who have latched unto the protest saying that Aso Rock should have no power supply if Teaching Hospitals don’t? That would be absurd.

Government’s seat of power must have power supply irrespective of who occupies the office of president.

And, in this case, they want to reduce the cost of power supply!!! What is wrong with that? 

ASO ROCK AND WHITE HOUSE COMPARED

“Comparisons can sometimes lead to misleading conclusions.”

The unexpected blistering attack on social media and the political opposition drove the president’s spokesmen to want to justify the investment by drawing attention to the fact that America’s White House also has solar power panels installed. The defence made a good case worse.

To begin with, the White House is not faced with a crippling bill by any power provider in Washington D.C.

So, there is no immediate need to switch fully to alternative source of power supply. Furthermore, the solar panels were installed by the late President Jimmy Carter, in the 1980s – whose foresight regarding solar energy was not shared by his fellow countrymen.

No other president has shared his vision. Donald Duck will certainly not shift to solar during his four destructive years in office. The occupants of the two presidencies are not faced with the same problems; neither are they compelled to offer the same solution.

Tinubu’s decision makes perfect sense for Nigeria; and he does not need comparison with any other country.

The challenge to the critics is for them to fault the economic soundness of the decision; not to indulge in playing to the gallery on a matter which is clear.

IS IT VALUE FOR MONEY?

“Nobody should be condemned on suspicion.” That is one of the pillars of fair comment.

Some critics, unable to find objective reasons for opposing the initiative, have resorted to declaring that the contract would be inflated and awarded to a political crony. To be candid, I cannot vouch for the FG that in the end, the nation would receive value for money.

While approving the decision on purely economic principle, it is not possible for me to determine whether or not the cost is inflated for reasons known to government. For that reason, I would suggest that the contract be subjected to the most open and stringent process of competitive bidding. If not for anything else, but to minimise the impact of mindless opposition to this profitable project.

IS THE PRESIDENCY ISOLATING ITSELF?

“The Presidency is isolating itself from the problem faced by other Nigerians” – A critic of the project (name withheld).

Several television talk show hosts had a field day with the matter.

In addition to the “Tinubu can do nothing right” gang, others not so biased also objected to the acquisition because it isolates Aso Rock from the problems confronted by Nigerians.

I agree with their observation absolutely. But, permit me to quickly add that self-indulgence by rulers, irrespective of type of government – monarchy, dictatorship, democracy or theocracy – rulers are always insulated from the pains of the common man.

One example would help to make the point.

During the Second World War, while the ordinary citizens in England and Germany were under aerial bombardment by hostile forces, Prime Minister Winston Churchill, 1874-1965, and Fuhrer Adolf Hitler, 1899-1945, a democrat and a dictator, were both protected in secure bunkers – from which they governed.

No Briton or German begrudge them their secure positions.

Furthermore, as food scarcity made life more miserable for ordinary people, the bunkers were fully provisioned.

Exceptional treatment comes with the territory everywhere – not just Aso Rock.

THE REAL WASTE – SPENDING $2BN ON REFINERIES

“Hitting the ground running can have disastrous consequences.”

That was my warning to newly-elected President Tinubu shortly after he pronounced that “fuel subsidy is gone” to global applause – before the repercussions brought him up short on his victory lap.

To regain momentum, he allowed himself to be persuaded by Mele Kyari and the Directors of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, NNPCL, that the quickest way to bring fuel prices down was to revive the four refineries.

He believed them; and authorised $2 billion to be released immediately.

It was a great blunder.

Nobody, not even Donald Trump, should spend that sort of money without asking a lot of questions.

But, even without being asked, some of us were warning Tinubu to forget the scraps called refineries.

Former officials are reportedly singing at the EFCC Headquarters; Warri refinery is shut down despite wasting $897 million on it; Port Harcourt refinery is in limbo.

Altogether $2bn hastily approved has gone down the drain. That is the real waste; to be charged to Tinubu’s account. 

From independence in 1960 till a few years ago, Nigeria’s most credible arm of government was the judiciary. It is certainly no longer so. But because it was designed to be the last hope of the common man,to reverse the situation and restore the judiciary to its old place of pride is a thing that must be done.

Happily, the starting point of this restoration has begun as the National Judicial Council (NJC) under the leadership of Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere Ekun is now attempting to redress the negatives in the system that vocal critics have been highlighting. In other words, the critics are not enemies of the NJC as some people imagine, they are instead the well-meaning and best friends of the Nigerian judiciary.

The week before, the NJC handed down a one-year suspension without pay to three judicial officers, including one Justice of the Court of Appeal, for actions considered as judicial misconduct. An official statement by the NJC listed the affected officers as Justice Jane Inyang of the Court of Appeal, Uyo Division; Justice Inyang Ekwo of the Federal High Court, Abuja Division, and Justice Aminu Baffa Aliyu of the Federal High Court, Zamfara Division. Although the weight of the NJC’s hammer may not immediately assuage the huge public dislike for the judiciary, it is certainly encouraging that the intervention has come to remind citizens that perhaps Justice Kekere Ekun, is set to implement her promise to restore the judiciary’s dignity. 

 Notable groups and individuals almost immediately applauded the NJC for sanctioning the erring judges. One of such groups, Citizens’ Gavel, a civic-tech organisation promoting access to justice, transparency, and accountability in Nigeria, praised the NJC for implementing disciplinary measures against erring judges over acts of judicial misconduct.On his part, Professor Akinseye-George, President of the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies (CSLS), said the NJC’s recent actions serve as a beacon of reform and integrity which deserves commendation for its principled and courageous decisions. No one should however be surprised that not every analyst is prepared to commend the NJC’s efforts. Indeed, some critics are not convinced that the sanctions are strong enough to deter other compromised personnel.

In fairness, the sanctions do not quite fit the offences but it is praise worthy as a departure from the posture of homily of the immediate past leadership of the NJC. Rather than dealing squarely with the specific judges who issued conflicting directives on the same Emirship tussle in Kano, Justice Ariwoola-led NJC decided to summon the heads of the relevant courts to a meeting with the then CJN. The promise to tackle the unnecessary struggle for territorial power at the expense of societal harmony by the judges concerned never saw the light of day; making the historic city of Kano to become a throne with two Kings. Interestingly, the current sanctions are not related to the Kano debacle. If it is still coming, it qualifies to be recorded as a clear case of a disciplinary action that was deliberately delayed.

 One of the current decisions of the NJC to restore sanity to our judiciary is its intervention in the plot by politicians to play politics with the appointment of a Chief Judge (CJ) for Imo state. It is good that the NJC intervened swiftly to restore the old constitutional order which states that theChief Judge of a state or indeed any judge “cannot be removed or disciplined without the input or participation of the National Judicial Council NJC.”The danger of the executive and legislature colluding to remove a CJ that is difficult to manipulate speaks for itself. The prompt intervention of the NJC in the Imo case would certainly push states such as Benue away from politicising the office of the CJ. Thepositive point here is that the NJC has successfully thwarted the cherished goal of state governors who are anxious to replace CJs that are difficult to be compromised. 

  However, one must necessarily be cautious in applauding the NJC for its current professional standing because history tells us that the Council is always only able to do so at state level as it did in the past in Kwara, Abia, Rivers, Plateau and Ekiti states. But whether it can similarly behave when it concerns the position of the CJN where the other side to the case is the President is not certain. Our position is influenced by the story of how Justice Walter Onnoghen was wrongly replaced by Justice Tanko Muhammad as CJN in 2019. In that case, it was the executive branch headed at the time by President Muhammadu Buhari that removed Onnoghen without the NJC’s consent.It was the same President that solely proceeded to appoint and swear in Justice Tanko Muhammad to serve as Acting Chief Justice of Nigeria. The NJC neither rejected Buhari’s action nor did it penalize Tanko Muhammad for accepting a constitutional breach which favoured himself.   

 That was not all. The NJC was also coerced into taking two questionable steps. First, it recommended an extension of Tanko’s illegal acting appointment and second, proceeded a few months later, to confirm the same appointment.Since then, the NJC is yet to tell the nation why it timidly accepted the President’s position to which it had made no input as required by law. Now that the NJC is rejecting the same unconstitutional posture from the Imo state governor, is it a case of double standard or a reflection of better leadership by Justice Kekere Ekun? Until the latter is able to reject such behaviour from the President, we can only clap with one hand for now as it would be easier to rescind the half-hearted clap if latter events suggest that the applause was rather in a hurry.

 If the intention of the NJC as currently constituted is to win back the confidence of the public, it should deal quickly with the cases which have turned the spotlight on the judiciary. An obvious bad trend is the struggle between federal and state high courts for territorial empire. This should not happen as no one can change the fact that the federal high court is a court of limited jurisdiction. It therefore has no business getting enmeshed in chieftaincy matters by fashioning some cases with the garb of enforcement of fundamental human rights.Even non-lawyers know that this has the been stand of the Supreme Court in the case of Alhaji Umar Abba Tukur V The Governor of Gongola State which was decided about four decades ago. Should the NJC have tolerated for one minute, the refusal ofthe federal high court in Kano to faithfully abide by the principle of stare decisis?

Many members of the public were expecting not only a speedy handling of such cases but huge fines imposed on the lawyers who filed them before the wrong courts. That did not happen just as the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) surprisingly failed to perform better than the NJC that many of its members often criticise. Otherwise, what has happened to the call by a former NBA President, Y.K Mikyau, SAN that the lawyers who filed the cases before the wrong courts be investigated and be sanctioned by the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee of the Body of Benchers if found wanting? Has the call been swept under the carpet or handled secretly so that we all forget about the case in due course?

Then, there is the annoying issue of the NJC making retirement from office, the punishment for criminal offences such as perjury. It is not only that the punishment does not fit the crime, it allows lay persons to suspect the existence in the judiciary of discrimination in some cases while in others, it projects a deepinstitutional hesitation which seeks to protect the principle of esprit des corps. Perhaps those who are dissatisfied with the stand of the NJC are hyper critical but we need to answer Professor Ndikalu’s question: ‘Will a judge who is suspended for one year without pay not more likely to come back more hungry and more corrupt?’

Finally, the greatest challenge today in our justice delivery system is located within cases emanating from politics and elections. They are therefore those that the NJC should handle with iron fists. We are thus at a time when the nation is in dire need of judicial activism in which politicians should no longer be helped to cover their reprehensible acts. Political events that are widely known or transmitted on national television are notorious facts. In a good system notorious facts need no proof; instead, judicial notice is taken of them. This is a courageous posture that can keep Nigerian politicians at bay.