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Obaseki increases minimum wage to N70k
Governor Godwin Obaseki of Edo State has announced a new minimum wage of N70,000 for civil servants.
The governor made this known on Monday, while inaugurating the Labour House.
Obaseki named the Labour House after Adams Oshiomhole, Senator representing Edo North, and former governor of the state.
“The new minimum wage regime in Edo will take effect from May 1, 2024,” the governor said.
Recall the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and Trade Union Congress, TUC, have been pushing for a new minimum wage for workers across states. This is coming on the heels of the hardship occasioned by the economic reforms of President Bola Tinubu’s administration.
The removal of subsidy on petrol and unification of the forex windows in 2023, immediately led to food inflation and a spike in the prices of other goods and services.
Meanwhile, the national minimum wage has been pegged at N30,000 since April 18, 2019.
However, this sum has been described as “grossly inadequate” and “poverty wage” in the face of prevailing economic hardship.
More details coming on the minimum wage announced by Obaseki.
NFF appoints Finidi George as Super Eagles head coach
Finidi George has been appointed as the new head coach of the Super Eagles.
The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) announced Finidi’s appointment in a communique on Monday.
More to follow…
[OPINION] Sending Ooni of Ife to Tinubu - Lasisi Olagunju
“Has the Ooni ever told the president that the worst road in the universe leads to his kingdom? Has he told the president that the N79.8 billion contract for the reconstruction of Ibadan-Ife-Ilesa road awarded in September, 2019 by his friend and villa mate, Muhammadu Buhari, has remained a contract for ghosts? Has he invited the president’s attention to the truth that since last year when he took over, the road has sunk even deeper in the mire of decrepitude? And, that even FERMA, a perennially rich agency that pretends giving palliatives on federal roads, has since seen the futility of stitching this rag? Or could it be that Kabiyesi does what our presidents since 1999 do – escaping road users’ pains by flying over our heads”?
One day, I will have the courage to ask the immaculate Ooni of Ife, Oba Enitan Ogunwusi, how he feels each time he travels on the horrible Ibadan-Ife road. Ben Okri, ‘The Famished Road’ storyteller, finds his own ‘road’ a torment – he says it “leads home and then away from it, without end.” Okri thinks the road a torment because he meets it “with too many signs and no direction.” The Ife-Ibadan road has signs, it has directions – and I find them very treacherously significant because they interlock fingers while road users lose life and limbs. The road has signs and directions to the very bowel of hell.
Olojo, the guardian divinity of the House of Oduduwa, is the famed owner of two machetes: with one machete, he prepares the field for the plants of tomorrow; with the other, he clears the road for prosperity (Ó fì’kan sán’ko/ Ó fì kan yè’nà). Those weapons must either now be blunt or lost. An Odu Ifa tells us something about Ile Ife and roads. It affirms that well-paved open roads start from Ile Ife. That affirmation today can only be treated on the operating theatre of irony. Could it be that truth has an expiry date and Ogbe’s truth of good, open roads in Ile Ife has expired? What we see today from the capital of Yorubaland (Ibadan) to the historical source of Yoruba people is the torment of a closed road that mocks the pathfinder-spirit of Oduduwa. The road does worse with its gaping craters and their threats of morphing into greater gullies. And it is a federal road.
Has the Ooni ever told the president that the worst road in the universe leads to his kingdom? Has he told the president that the N79.8 billion contract for the reconstruction of Ibadan-Ife-Ilesa road awarded in September, 2019 by his friend and villa mate, Muhammadu Buhari, has remained a contract for ghosts? Has he invited the president’s attention to the truth that since last year when he took over, the road has sunk even deeper in the mire of decrepitude? And, that even FERMA, a perennially rich agency that pretends giving palliatives on federal roads, has since seen the futility of stitching this rag? Or could it be that Kabiyesi does what our presidents since 1999 do – escaping road users’ pains by flying over our heads?
The reigning culture here is rooted in the ragged soils of our toil. I admit that badness is not peculiar to the Ife-Ibadan-Ilesa road. It is a national affliction that can’t be cured because of the greed of doctors who treat sick roads with fake and expired drugs.
We work hard to build roads that wear out before they are inaugurated. We have the interminable construction mess called Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. When did construction start there? When will it end – if it will ever end? How much have we sunk there? And, is it not a shame that the road is ready already for corrective surgery even before its makers are done making it? If you are a woman, and you are pregnant and your doctor tells you dancing is a ‘safe and fun way to exercise’, do not dance to the break beats of that road. It is made for abortion.
Ben Okri says “all roads lead to death” and “some roads lead to things which can never be finished.” Is that why our federal government’s roads are forever ongoing, none is ever finished or completed? Federal government’s statistics says out of Nigeria’s national road network of 200,000 kilometers, 36,289 km belong to it. Now, you ask Abuja which of its other roads, apart from the one from the Villa to Abuja airport, is good? Ask them why almost all roads that wear federal tags suffer neglect, abandonment or crass abuse.
My NYSC journey to the far north 34 years ago was on the Ibadan-Ilorin-Jebba-Mokwa-Yauri road. It was an experience in pleasantness. It is, today, a monument to frustration, a shrine to demons that feed on losses -human and material. The Ibadan-Oyo-Ogbomoso part of that road is one major reason why Nigeria should not have a federal government – or have roads managed by the Federal Government. There should be a coroner’s inquest on why that road was killed and who killed it. Without the states, the vehicle of Nigeria would have long lost its chassis. States keep doing what heart surgeons do when arteries are found blocked. They create bypasses, byways. A brand new 78-kilometre Iseyin-Ogbomosho road has just been built by Seyi Makinde’s Oyo State to escape the Federal Government’s death trap along that axis. A commenter online wrote: “The road has helped us to link northern Nigeria without using the dangerous Oyo-Ilorin road that has consumed so many lives…” The Oyo-Ilorin road of death spoken of here belongs to the government in Abuja.
Potholes jolt us to appreciate what bad roads represent in our lives. They tell us why the tyres of our country never last and why our rides are forever bumpy. Asking questions on why our roads are perennially bad is living the times of Ayi Kwei Armah’s ‘Two Thousand Seasons’: “A thousand seasons wasted wandering amazed along alien roads, another thousand spent finding paths to the living way.” Like Ouroboros, the self-tail-devourer, Nigeria’s ‘alien roads’ cyclically keep consuming the ‘living way.’
It is time to pound yam for the household, the idler among us goes for the heaviest pestle. This is better said in Yoruba: Òle bàá tì, ó gb’ódó nlá. There are abandoned federal roads everywhere which directly affect millions of Nigerians, but the government has moved the money to a 700km super coastal highway that will cost N15.6 trillion. The first phase is 47 kilometres, starting somewhere and ending nowhere, at a cost of N1.06 trillion. Should I just say that that N1 trillion will start and complete the reconstruction of decrepit Ibadan-Ife-Ilesa Road (224km), Ilorin to Bida (244.9km) and Shagamu to Benin (492km) if wisdom wills? Even at an inflated cost of N1 billion per kilometre, our husbands will achieve these and will even ‘collect change’. And Tinubu would have become very popular with it. But he wants a white elephant and has moved our money to purchase it.
White elephants are always expensive! Poet and journalist, Mathew Wills, in his ‘The Original White Elephant’ defines ‘white elephant’ as “something excessive that turns out to be valueless.” James A. Robinson and Ragnar Torvik in 2005 published an interesting article about the third world and deliberate bad investments – they titled their article: ‘White Elephants’. In that piece, they hold that politicians around here would always go for “white elephants” as against “socially efficient projects” because “the political benefits are large compared to the surplus generated by efficient projects.” That piece says much more than this. It is published in the Journal of Public Economics 89 (2005: 197-210). I think you should read it.
‘The Stolen White Elephant’ by Mark Twain is an interesting story on the cost of investing in big, expensive loss centres. It is the story of a fictional Kingdom of Siam. A reviewer says Siam is blessed with a “national appetite for fraud”. Another says it has officers of “pompous assumption of infallibility and ridiculous inappropriate procedures.” The “pointless” story is about an expensive search for a stolen white elephant, a further loss of hundreds of thousands of dollars in compensation and the eventual discovery of the rotting corpse of the supposedly stolen animal. The story ends with the duped narrator celebrating the man who duped him. It ends as the man pronounces himself “a ruined man and a wanderer in the earth.” In Studies in American Humour, Peter Messent (1995) does a lot of justice to it in his ‘Keeping Both Eyes Open.’ The whole story sounds Nigerian; what Fela called “expensive shit.” But I can argue that though we wander today, the past was a better experience.
“How can you develop a country rapidly if you can’t get about it?” Sir Rex Niven, pre-independence Speaker of Northern Nigeria House of Assembly, asked that question 69 years ago in relation to the state of roads in Nigeria. On January 27, 1955, Riven was asked to brief the Royal African Society and the Royal Empire Society in London on “Recent Developments in Nigeria.” He gave a very detailed account of himself as a British participant in the affairs of a key component of the Nigerian federation. Sector by sector, he spoke about efforts and failures. He particularly spoke on roads which he described as “the most important of the great aspects of development.” He said as he was speaking (in 1955), Nigeria had over 30,000 miles of roads whereas in 1920, “she had hardly any at all.” Then he used Kabba (in present Kogi State) to illustrate what he was saying: “The first province I went to, the newly constituted Kabba Province, had exactly 4 miles of road…but when I left Kabba four years later, there were over 200 miles of road.” Thirteen years later, the same Niven, in retirement, told the Commonwealth section of the Royal African Society on 11 November, 1969 that Nigeria had 40,000 miles of quality roads. That figure was even in spite of the ongoing civil war. Now, you ask: Why are our golden years always in the past? The past was obviously better handled.
[OPINION] The Dying Public School - Dakuku Peterside
There has been no remarkable uproar on the public-school collapse in Nigeria, affecting primary, secondary, and university education. Our leaders do not view it as a crisis. The reason is evident: there is a widespread trend among the garrulous upper class and middle class to send their wards and children to pricey private schools in Nigeria, with most of them sending their kids abroad. This dislocation between the elite class and public schools means that they are not only unmoved by its decay, but sometimes they are not even aware of the extent of the problem.
Increasingly, public school is becoming the domain of low-income people who need more resources to send their children to good private schools. Good education is no longer affordable and is a class issue in Nigeria today. The paradox is that today’s elite and middle class are products of a robust public school system that existed between the 1930s and 1990s in Nigeria. During these golden years of public school in Nigeria, it provided an environment that allowed individuals of different socioeconomic backgrounds to interact with one another while removing barriers based on race, class, and religion. These schools also provided young Nigerians with the life skills they need to be self-sufficient and productive, and many of the products of this public school system became global giants and are still making waves worldwide and nationally in various fields of human endeavour. Quality public education has been steadily declining, particularly since the 1980s, which has led to the nearly total collapse of the system we have in place today. There has been a discernible drop in our public school system’s overall level of instruction since the 2000s, which has alarmed the populace.
Nigeria has faced numerous challenges in providing quality public education for all its citizens. Economic downturns, political instability, corruption, and conflicts harm the education sector. Over the years, various education policies and reforms have been implemented to address the sector’s challenges. These include the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme, which provides free and compulsory education for all children up to junior secondary school level, and efforts to promote technical and vocational education to address skills gaps. Despite these efforts, significant disparities in access to quality education persist. The failure of public education in Nigeria has been a longstanding issue, marked by various challenges and setbacks that have hindered the system’s ability to provide quality education.
These challenges include chronic underfunding of the public education sector, a significant issue in Nigeria. We know that government spending on education has varied over the years, but it has often fallen short of recommended benchmarks such as the UNESCO-recommended 15-20% of the national budget. This lack of funding has resulted in inadequate infrastructure and a shortage of qualified teachers and essential educational resources. Second, there is a lack or insufficiency of essential infrastructure, including classrooms, libraries, labs, and restrooms in public schools. Dilapidated buildings, overcrowded classrooms, and unconducive learning environment make it difficult for students to learn effectively and for teachers to deliver quality instruction. Third, the quality of teaching in public schools is often compromised due to factors such as inadequate teacher training, low motivation, miserable wage , and poor working conditions. Fourth, the curriculum used in public schools is only sometimes relevant to the needs of students or the demands of the modern world. It may lack emphasis on critical thinking, problem-solving, and practical skills essential for success today. Fifth, the disparities in access to education persist in Nigeria, with rural and marginalised communities often having limited access to quality schools and educational resources. Sixth, corruption and mismanagement within the education sector are our albatross. Funds earmarked for education may be misappropriated or embezzled, leading to a lack of accountability and transparency in the use of resources. It is little wonder that many state governments claim to make public education the centrepiece of their administration’s targets, yet little or no improvement is seen.
Addressing these issues requires concerted efforts from the government, civil society, the private sector, and international partners. But it also requires the active participation and support of each one of us. Priority should be given to increasing investment in education, improving teacher training and welfare, upgrading infrastructure, revising the curriculum to be more relevant and inclusive, and promoting access to education for all, especially marginalised groups. Additionally, efforts to tackle corruption and promote good governance are essential for building a more effective and sustainable public education system in Nigeria. Ironically, governments at both federal and state levels have paid lip service to public education over the years, leading to the rise of the private education sector to fill the gap. Although millions of children with no other option still receive their education in public schools, they are no longer the place teachers and students fervently desire to be. The clamour for private schools has led to the exponential rise in Nigeria’s private primary, secondary and tertiary schools. We, as citizens, as parents, as educators, as policymakers, have a role to play in reversing this trend and revitalizing our public education system.
A cursory look at statistics will show any keen observer that we are in a dangerous place with our future generation, most of whom will not get any meaningful education. We are cheaply mortgaging the future by continuing to underinvest in public schools. All we are doing is laying the groundwork for society to fail. It is not appropriate to do so. For instance, from 2018 to 2020, enrolment in primary school declined by 62,000 or 0.3% (from 22,384,755 to 22,322,234) in public schools but increased by about 82,000 or 1.51% (5,504,632 to 5,587,528) in private schools. Likewise, enrolment in public secondary schools increased by about 18% between 2016 and 2019, while in private secondary schools the increase is about 56%. Besides, the student-to-teacher ratio in public primary schools is about 1:49 (against the 1:35 recommended, while it is significantly lower, at about 1:30, in private primary schools. Relatively, more private schools are popping up in big cities than public schools, and the numbers are almost getting even in some cities. This trend is expected to continue this way unless there is a significant intervention to stop the decline in public school enrolment, especially in urban areas with substantial upper- and middle-class families. The urgency of the situation cannot be overstated. We must act now to save our public education system.
The problem with private education often is the cost. Quality education costs are so high that only a few Nigerians can afford it. Recently, some Nigerians were abhorred by the news of the cost of fees of British Charterhouse School (N43 million per annum) for its students. Most did not know that the school had a waiting list of over 1000 when it initially wanted only about 200 pupils. Other decent private schools cost millions of Naira yearly, and parents struggle to cover these costs. Ironically, private schools are not only about quality of education but also about class distinction. It is assumed that the more expensive the school is, the better the quality. Unfortunately, the current situation is a shift of emphasis to expensive private primary, secondary and tertiary education at the expense of public institutions. The solution lies in a conscious public sector policy revision that encourages a renewal of the public education sector through curriculum renewal, teacher retraining, infrastructure renewal and renovation. For instance, when former Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State revamped and modernised public schools with up-to-date modern facilities, parents began to return their wards to public schools that had become competitive with even the best private schools. Most recently I got involved in helping two state governments asses the state of education and I just wept but I could feel the seriousness and determination of the affected governors to fix the broken system.
I applaud the president’s plan to census the Nigerian school system to create the primary data for education planning and development. I sincerely hope that the federal and state governments give serious attention to our public education sector. No template exists in the world where a country develops its human resources through private education. All the developed countries we know of developed and sustained a robust quality public education system that is inclusive, equitable, and of high standards. Public schools in these countries are where the children of the rich, the poor, and even the migrants interact and learn in a melting pot of family, cultural, and racial diversity. Quality primary education is a fundamental right of every Nigerian child, and the government at all levels must be held accountable for failure to provide that. Today’s children live in a highly technological and scientific globalised world, and they compete locally and globally for survival and contribute to humanity. It is a disservice to them if they lack the basic literacy, numeracy, and creative skills they need to thrive and develop in Nigeria.
CALLS FOR NEW CONSTITUTION…NASS Turns A Deaf Ear, Proceeds With Amendment
The National Assembly has shut down calls for the creation of a new constitution, instead of the statutory amendments or reviews which have been ongoing in the last 20 years.
The federal legislature said the process of creating a new constitution would lead to anarchy and chaos, adding that a country cannot throw its existing Constitution away on any account.
The National Assembly, which is resuming from its recess, added that a country cannot discard its grundnorm but will fine-tune it to meet emerging realities after promulgation or enactment.
Meanwhile, the House Committee on Constitution Review, chaired by Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, has so far received 13,500 memoranda on various subject matters.
The Nigerian Constitution has been subjected to five alterations since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, with the first and second alterations providing for the Financial Independence of the National Assembly and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and granting the Supreme Court jurisdiction on appeals from the Court of Appeal on the election of governors and their deputies.
The third and fourth alterations, among others, established the National Industrial Court under the Constitution as a superior court of record and provided for the funding of the Houses of Assembly of States directly from the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the state.
The fifth alteration under the 9th Assembly, amongst others, reinforced financial autonomy for State Houses of Assembly and Judiciary, decongested the Executive List, and deleted reference to the provisions of the Criminal Code, Penal Code, Criminal Procedure Act, Criminal Procedure Code or Evidence Act.
However, in the current National Assembly, the committee on the constitution amendment was set up in the Senate on February 14, 2024, while that of the House was inaugurated on February 26, 2024.
Since the 10th National Assembly began the process for the sixth Constitution amendment, there have been renewed calls for the abolishment of the present laws of the land and enactment of a new one.
Such demands had emanated from eminent leaders, elder statesmen, and serving and former governors who called for the complete abolishment of the 1999 Constitution, citing its lack of legitimacy and inability to address the country’s challenges.
Some of such calls were made at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) in Lagos during the National Dialogue on the Constitutional Future of Nigeria in honour of renowned legal luminary, Prof. Ben Nwabueze, organised by the Patriots with the theme: “Lawful Procedures for Actualising a People’s Constitution for Nigeria.”
A former secretary-general of the Commonwealth and Chairman of the Patriots, Chief Emeka Anyaoku had stressed that the current constitution lacked the legitimacy expected in a pluralistic country like Nigeria, and called for the adoption of the recommendations of the 2014 National Conference or the convocation of a nonpartisan constituent assembly to develop a truly federal constitution.
Leader of the Pan-Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, also called on President Bola Tinubu, who he said had been an advocate for a new constitution, to set up a committee to deliver a new constitution within three months, arguing that the National Assembly cannot oversee the process due to its origins in the flawed 1999 Constitution.
For a constitutional lawyer, Prof. Mike Ozekhome (SAN), the 1999 Constitution is fundamentally flawed and cannot be amended. “One million amendments multiplied by one million amendments added to another one million amendments cannot change the constitution because it is fundamentally flawed,” he said.
Also, a former Sokoto State governor, Senator Aminu Tambuwal, noted that the National Assembly could promulgate a law to begin the process of a new constitution, similar to the doctrine of necessity used during the health challenges of the late President Umar Musa Yar’Adua.
Tambuwal, a former speaker of the House of Representatives, said, “We can as well resort to another doctrine of necessity to come up with the legislation to enable us to commence the process of having a new constitution.”
Similarly, former governors James Ibori, Kayode Fayemi, and Obong Victor Attah have also emphasised the need to secure the support of Tinubu for a new constitution while Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State threw his weight behind the agitation for a truly federal constitution in Nigeria to devolve power to the federating units.
In the same vein, the National Christian Elders Forum (NCEF) said the perennial amendment of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution by the National Assembly should cease and that the lawmakers should instead commence work on a new grundnorm for the country.
The forum’s chairman, Dr Samuel Gani said after five alterations to the Constitution without any significant positive impact on the country, the National Assembly should commence work immediately on adopting the report of the 2014 National Conference which included a draft Constitution.
This is just as there have been agitations for the return to parliamentary system of government to replace the presidential mode, which is being championed by some members of the House of Representatives who have introduced three bills to that effect.
The bills seek to alter the Constitution to transition from the current presidential system to a parliamentary system at all levels – federal, state, and local government.
But speaking to LEADERSHIP, spokesperson of the House Committee on Constitution Review, Hon Philip Agbese declared the demands for abdication of the current Constitution as a call for anarchy and chaos as a country cannot throw its supreme law away on any account under a democratic dispensation.
Speaker Abbas Tajudeen had admitted that some citizens are calling for the Constitution to be entirely discarded instead of amendment, but that even more mature democracies have accepted this position as the United States had ratified 27 amendments to its Constitution.
“While some citizens argue that the document should be entirely discarded, it is important to remember that democratic consolidation can only be incremental and gradual,” Abbas said.
Giving an update on the Constitution amendment process in the House, Agbese disclosed that the Committee is still receiving memoranda till Tuesday, April 30, while 13,500 memoranda had so far been collected on various subject matters.
The Constitution Review Committee’s spokesperson also said the panel will be holding town hall meetings to train experts on the various subject matters on which memoranda had been submitted.
“We are still receiving memoranda. We have extended deadline for the collection of memoranda. We initially set the deadline for April 10 but that has been extended to April 30. We have so far received 13, 500 memoranda on various subject matters.
“These include state police, state creation, devolution of power, local government autonomy, etc. We have subcommittees looking at the various subject matters. By next week (Tuesday or Wednesday) we are holding a town hall meeting to train experts on the various subject matters,” the lawmaker said.
Constitution Reforms Will Be Taken Seriously – Senate
Speaking to LEADERSHIP, the chairman, Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Yemi Adaramodu, said the issue of the amendments will be taken seriously as the lawmakers resume on Tuesday.
“The issue of constitutional review will be taken seriously. Issue of electoral reforms will be taken seriously also. Already, committees had been constituted in the Senate before we went on recess. We are going to hold critical meetings with stakeholders.
“We are going to move to the zones, which is necessary, to get the input of Nigerians and their desires in the constitution amendment and the electoral reforms,” Adaramodu said.
LEADERSHIP reports that bills and memoranda have been received with the issues of devolution of power, true federalism, local government autonomy, parliamentary system, state police, and giving roles to traditional rulers, among other issues being raised.
The bills are coming as private and member bills while the executive has announced it will submit bills in the amendment process.
All the bills, if passed by the National Assembly, must get two-thirds approval from the 36 state houses of assembly.
[Leadership]
State Police Non-Negotiable – Ex-AIG
A retired Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Ambrose Aisabor, has said adopting state police is non-negotiable.
According to him, the clamour for state police raged over the failure of the federal police.
Daily Trust reports that the discussion on state police has been revived recently with President Bola Tinubu and state governors supporting it.
Aisabor in a chat with our correspondent yesterday, said the new dynamics in security have made state police imperative.
He said, “The argument is that state governors will misuse the outfit. Is the federal government not presently misusing the federal police? So many civilized countries are practicing multilevel policing. There are always safeguards for checks and balances. When you look at what we are having now, most of the police requirements are already being borne by the various state governments.
“Apart from salaries and allowances which the federal government is responsible for, other logistics needs of the police are being handled by governors.”
Governors will hijack it – Ogun traditional ruler
A first-class traditional ruler in Ogun State, the Eselu of Iselu kingdom, Oba Akintunde Akinyemi, has rejected the call for the establishment of state police, saying the country was not ripe for a decentralised policing system.
Oba Akinyemi expressed fear that the state governors may hijack the apparatus of state police to intimidate and victimise members of the opposition parties in their states.
Oba Akinyemi spoke in an interview with journalists on the sideline of his birthday ceremony, held in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital.
The traditional ruler argued that if the existing police force is well equipped, funded and motivated, it will be better positioned to fight insecurity and other criminal activities confronting the country.
[DailyTrust]
Many feared dead, others injured as herdsmen attack Enugu community
Nimbo community in Uzo-Uwani Local Government Area of Enugu State has again come under attack by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
DAILY POST learnt that the attack, which occurred late Sunday evening, claimed some lives, with many others critically injured.
Sources disclosed that the herders attacked mourners at Ugwuijoro Nimbo community, leaving behind tears and sorrow.
Some of those killed were identified as Okeh Simon Ugwu Oruku, Okeh Chukwuebuka, Julius Ogbonna Odiegwu and Gabriel Ugwor Ezea.
A gruesome video sighted by DAILY POST Monday morning showed a deserted community.
The voice in the video cried out that the invaders took the villagers by surprise and shot sporadically at the mourners.
Tables and chairs could be seen scattered in the compound where the mourners had gathered, with lifeless villagers also seen in the pool of their blood.
DAILY POST recalls that Nimbo was also attacked in 2016, leading to the death of scores.
The incident attracted a nationwide outrage then.
Meanwhile, the Police Public Relations Officer, PPRO, Enugu State Command, DSP Daniel Ndukwe is yet to respond to an enquiry sent by DAILY POST on the latest attack.
[DailyPost]
Electricity crisis: Lagos, Edo,Oyo await NERC authorisation
- •Enugu, Ekiti, Ondo get the nod to generate, distribute power
Can state governments truly take on the challenge of generating, transmitting and distributing electricity, given the substantial capital required for such projects? Would governors prioritise investing in initiatives that may not yield significant returns during their limited tenures? The Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu, consistently highlights the prolonged gestation period of electricity projects as a major hurdle. Rather than solely blaming weak regulation for the industry’s challenges, he advocates for the recapitalisation of electricity Distribution Companies (DisCos) or involvement of core investors capable of meeting the sector’s financial and technical demands. He actively seeks new investors to help reduce Aggregate Technical Commercial and Collection (ATC&C) losses.
Since the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) delegated oversight powers to Enugu, Ekiti and Ondo states last week, energy experts have raised pertinent questions about their potential impact on operations. Will these states merely regulate existing underperforming firms, or can they enact meaningful changes? Shedding light on the country’s energy mix, NERC’s Vice-Chairman, Musliu Oseni, revealed on April 3, that gas plants and hydroelectric sources account for 75 per cent and 25 per cent, respectively. However, the feasibility of state governments generating, transmitting and distributing electricity remains a subject of debate. While some doubt their financial capacity and question their motives, others ponder whether they will explore renewable energy opportunities or solely focus on leveraging existing power infrastructure for revenue. With NERC’s recent decision to cede regulatory power to state bodies such as the Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission (EERC), the landscape of the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) has shifted after 19 years of NERC’s monopoly.
On April 22 2024, this move marked a significant departure from the status quo, as regulatory authority was transferred to the Ekiti State Electricity Regulatory Bureau and the Ondo State Electricity Regulatory Bureau the following day.
According to NERC Chairman Sanusi Garba and Commissioner Legal, Licensing and Compliance, Dafe C. Akpeneye, regulatory oversight was transferred to Enugu, Ekiti and Ondo states effective May 1, 2024. This decision, rooted in the amended Electricity Act 2023, marks a significant shift from the previous centralisation of the electricity market. The NERC management emphasised that decentralisation became feasible after presidential assent was granted to relevant amendments of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on March 17, 2023.
Sanusi and Akpeneye added that “Paragraph 14(b) Part II of the Second Schedule to the 1999 CFRN which provides that “a House of Assembly may make laws for the state with respect to generation, transmission and distribution of electricity to areas not covered by a national grid system within that State” was amended to “a House of Assembly may make laws for the State with respect to generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity to areas within that state.”
The NERC management highlighted that this amendment granted legislative autonomy to federating states in Nigeria, allowing them to legislate on electricity generation, transmission and distribution within their jurisdictions. As Enugu, Ekiti and Ondo states seize this opportunity to separate their electricity markets from NERC control, other states like Oyo, Kaduna, Edo, Nassarawa, and Lagos are reportedly following suit. This shift not only alters the landscape of the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry but also redefines the states’ roles in power generation and distribution.
However, the true test lies ahead as these states must now demonstrate the financial capacity to operate independently beyond mere legislative authority.
It’s important to remember the presence of the Federal Government-owned Nigerian Electricity Supply Company (NESCO) in Jos, Plateau State. Originally established to support the thriving tin production business of the Nigerian Tin Mining Company, NESCO continues to operate even after the decline of tin mining in the area. Today, it remains active, supplying electricity to various customers in the city.
Before the 2023 Electricity Act, several states had expressed interest in establishing and managing their own power plants. Lagos State, for instance, embarked on this path over 15 years ago, seeking to generate its own electricity. Similarly, Edo State stands out as a success story with its 550MW Ossiomo Gas Power Plant, supplying power to various consumers. More recently, the Aba Geometric 188MW Power Plant, in partnership with Aba Power Limited Electric (APLE), resumed electricity supply to the Aba business cluster, marking a significant departure from the Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC). While these power plants may not be operating at full capacity, they continue to operate and contribute to the electricity supply.
But how has the order transferring power to the Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission changed the landscape of the power market in the state? Basically, NERC has, in compliance with the Act, granted the ESERC power to regulate its intra-state electricity market activities once the order takes effect.
NERC ORDER NO: NERC/2024/039 states that: “On completion of the transfer under subsections (2) and (3), whichever occurs later in time, the commission shall have no further regulatory responsibility whatsoever for electricity market activities carried on entirely within the state to which regulatory responsibility has been transfered.”
The law has further empowered the state commission to incorporate and license a company: powers firm that it oversights. NERC said: “B. EEDC shall complete the incorporation of EEDC SubCo within 60 days from (1st May, 2024), the effective date of this Order and, EEDC SubCo shall apply for and obtain a licence for the intrastate supply and distribution of electricity from EERC. C.EEDC shall identify the actual geographic boundaries of Enugu State and carve out its network in Enugu State as a standalone network with the installation of boundary meters at all border points where the network crosses from Enugu State into another state.”
In essence, the state commission will now grant licenses to companies owned by the Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC) for operation within the state. However, the EERC will not regulate the activities of the EEDC in areas beyond the state’s territorial boundaries.
Additionally, any significant electricity firm emerging within the state will also be subject to licensing and regulation by the EERC. Despite its name, the Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission lacks regulatory authority over the EEDC’s franchise areas in Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, and Imo States. These states will continue to fall under the oversight of the NERC until they establish their own regulatory commissions. This is so because the EA 2023 says, “Notwithstanding the provisions of section 63(1) and subsection (5), the generation, transmission, system operation and distribution of electricity in a State that has not exercised its option under subsection (2) shall continue to be regulated by the Commission in accordance with the provisions of this Act until such a time as that State exercises the option.”
In the instance of transferring regulatory oversight of the electricity market in Ekiti State to the Ekiti State Electricity Regulatory Bureau (EERB), NERC stated that it has issued an order based on the state’s application for a regulatory bureau. This action aligns with the amended Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN) and the Electricity Act 2023 (Amended), facilitating the transition of regulatory responsibilities from the Commission to the EERB.
Accordingly, the transfer Order by NERC has the following provisions:- Direct Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC) and Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company PLC (IBEDC) to incorporate a subsidiary (BEDC SubCo and IBEDC SubCo) to assume responsibilities for intrastate supply and distribution of electricity in Ekiti State from BEDC and IBEDC. BEDC and IBEDC shall complete the incorporation of BEDC SubCo and IBEDC SubCo within 60 days from 22 April 2024 and the sub-companies shall apply for and obtain licences for the intrastate supply and distribution of electricity from EERB, among other directives. All transfers envisaged by this order shall be completed by 22 October 2024.”
But unlike Enugu State that all its notable electricity market activities are hitherto under the franchise of only Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC), Ekiti State electricity market business has been under the operation of Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company (IBEDC) and Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC), hence the above NERC order. Similarly, NERC also transferred regulatory oversight of the electricity market in Ondo State to Ondo State Electricity Regulatory Bureau (OSERB) in compliance with the same Act. The commission said: “The transfer Order by NERC has the following provisions: Direct Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC) to incorporate a subsidiary (BEDC SubCo) to assume responsibilities for intrastate supply and distribution of electricity in Ondo State from BEDC. BEDC shall complete the incorporation of BEDC SubCo within 60 days from 22 April 2024 and the sub-company shall apply for and obtain licence for the intrastate supply and distribution of electricity from OSERB, among other directives. All transfers envisaged by this order shall be completed by 22 October 2024.”
The EA 2023 is explicit that the BEDC shall now register a distribution branch company that is licensed by the OSERB. From the view of the foregoing, the Act has brought the operators nearer to its customers in the above mentioned states. Since the new commission or bureaus will oversee their licensees, there is the high hope that it will result in a better customer relation and improved service delivery. However, some industry players have always raised the questions about source of funding since Nigeria’s commercial banks seem to have shut their doors of lending against the power sector. Owing to their huge exposure to the industry and the unwillingness of both governments and private investors to service the debts, the local banks are out of the options. Thus, only the next few years shall tell whether the new electricity legislation has induced more light or darkness.
Political chess: Wike, Fubara resume Rivers supremacy battle
IN the run-up to the 2023 general elections, the relationship between Nyesom Wike, then governor of Rivers State and Siminalayi Fubara, the state Accountant-General, as he then was, was like that of a father and son.
Wike, at the twilight of his administration, did everything to ensure that he installed a loyal successor, which he found in Fubara, against the wishes of many party bigwigs and faithful in the state, who argued that the latter, being a political rookie and having not contributed anything to the Peoples Democratic Party, should not have been given the plum job.
Wike, however, appealed to the heavyweights to accept Fubara for reasons best known to him. His plea was received with mixed feelings among party men and women, especially among the majority of the aspirants seeking the party’s ticket ahead of the election.
The likes of former governor of the state, Celestine Omehia, erstwhile deputy governor, Tele Ikuru, former Minister of Transport, Dr Abiye Sekibo, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Chief Austin Opara, Senator Lee Maeba, among others, were party stalwarts Wike locked horns with and stepped on their toes before having his way, causing a major crack in the party fold.
Even before Fubara was declared winner of the primary, it was said that some of the aspirants, including Dr Sekibo, in objection, walked out of the Dr Obi Wali International Conference Centre, the venue of the exercise where Fubara was elected as the party’s standard-bearer.
One of the fallouts of the disagreement was that Dr Sekibo, Senator Maeba, and Chief Opara, who were governorship aspirants of the party, along with Sir Omehia and other chieftains of the party, like former Commissioner for Employment and Economic Generation, Dr Leloonu Nwibubasa, turned their backs on Wike.
Needless to say, the aggrieved party stalwarts also opposed the group of five governors, known as the G-5, aka Integrity Group, led by Wike, who rejected the Peoples Democratic Party presidential candidate and former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, as the political permutations then gathered momentum for the poll.
While Wike saw them as state enemies for aligning with Atiku, one of them and former senator, Maeba, voiced his concerns bluntly thus, “A candidate has emerged for our party. So we don’t need anybody to tell us who to support for the president in the coming election. What we should do is to come together and support the candidate that has emerged.”
Fubara contested the election, won by a landslide and was sworn in as governor in a well-attended ceremony, held at the Yakubu Gowon Stadium, Elekahia, in Port Harcourt, on May 29, 2023, after Wike had handed over state power and authority to him in the public glare.
Within the first three to four months of the new administration, things were going smoothly between the godfather, Wike, and his godson, Fubara, until somewhere down the line, when some strange developments were noticed.
Like a bolt from the blues, Wike and Fubara were no longer seen together exchanging the usual banters, even at important state functions. Tongues started wagging and, as it is said, the walls have ears, so that from within there were whispers that the house was falling.
Noticeably among the cracks in the wall was the former governor ensuring that four commissioners – Works, Education, Attorney-General/Justice, and Finance, who worked under him when he held sway, were reappointed and assigned the same portfolios by his successor.
Subsequent appointments of commissioners were, according to the ‘whispers,’ determined by Wike, while the incumbent governor was limited to appointing special advisers and related aides, coupled with the fact that he hardly took any major decision without the express approval of his predecessor, which he (Fubara) began to find nauseating.
An elder statesman and pioneer spokesperson of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, High Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe, during an interview with The PUNCH correspondent, bare it that Governor Fubara had expressed worry over the trend and had dared to resign from office following the high-handedness of his predecessor, which he considered a mouthful.
In search of a breath of fresh air, Fubara resorted to relating his travails to some top politicians, including known political foes of his predecessor and followed it up with a private visit to Governor Douye Diri of Bayelsa State in Yenagoa, and his Edo State counterpart, Governor Godwin Obaseki in Benin.
Again, it was said that Governor Fubara, against his godfather’s advice, started attending PDP stakeholders’ meetings outside the state and interacted with bigwigs and heavyweights, a development that Wike neither found funny nor palatable.
The result was the commencement of the moves to unseat the governor, who was barely six months in office, by the state House of Assembly, led by Wike’s kinsman from Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, Martin Amaewhule.
After the move to impeach the governor failed, Wike, who was already the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, himself had alleged that there was a move by Fubara to change the leadership of the state legislature and install one loyal to him in a bold effort to start building his political structure as a sitting state chief executive.
“You want to remove an Obio/Akpor man, you will go first,” Wike was quoted as saying during one of his famous outings in the media.
While the unfolding political drama had set the stage for 27 members of the state House of Assembly loyal to the FCT minister to execute their plan, the night before the planned impeachment proceeding, precisely on October 30, 2023, an explosion rocked the state House of Assembly and destroyed the hallowed chamber.
Not deterred, the 27 lawmakers went into the bombed chamber under heavy security and announced a notice of impeachment against the governor, who demanded to know the sin he committed to warrant the plan by the lawmakers, amid all the hullabaloo and pandemonium that occurred, including teargas and water shelling on Fubara.
According to Newton’s Third Law of Motion, ‘every action has an equal and opposite reaction’. A day after, on December 13, 2023, Governor Fubara supervised the demolition of the imposing Assembly complex with several earthmoving equipment and the complex has since then been under lock and key to date.
Justifying the demolition, the state Commissioner for Information and Communications, Joseph Johnson, at a news briefing in his office, said the facility had integrity issues, made worse by the bombing, adding that engineers had advised that the facility was no longer safe for legislative business due to the structural defects.
During the melee, former House Leader, Edison Ehie, who had earlier been removed and suspended, claimed that he had been elected Speaker by his colleagues and announced the suspension of some of his colleagues, including Martin Amaewhule.
A few days afterwards, Fubara presented an appropriation bill of over N800bn to four members of the state Assembly loyal to him at the Government House, Port Harcourt and 24 hours after, the bill was passed into law and assented to by the governor, going down in the annals of democracy as the fastest in the country.
In the heat of the political crisis, President Bola Tinubu stepped in and intervened, inviting warring parties to Abuja, a development which culminated in an eight-point peace agreement, which directed Fubara to represent the budget to the whole House and reappoint about nine commissioners loyal to Wike who had resigned from his cabinet in the wake of the faceoff between godfather and godson.
Back home and across the country, the presidential truce was greeted with disapproval and outright rejection by a plethora of Governor Fubara’s supporters, including the Rivers State Council of Elders. However, amid several youth and group protests, Fubara pledged his commitment to implementing the agreement, saying, “It is not a death sentence,” though Rivers’ elders argued that it was.
The governor went ahead and fulfilled almost all the terms of the Abuja peace agreements, including payment of allowances due to the lawmakers and reinstating the resigned pro-Wike commissioners.
However, the governor had yet to represent the budget to the Amaewhule-led Assembly, the centre of a lingering faceoff with the majority lawmakers and the state caretaker committee of the All Progressives Congress, led by Chief Tony Okocha.
Chief Okocha had, at a media interaction, said, “The governor cannot be cherry-picking which agreement to implement when he appended his signature to the document before Mr President.”
On December 22, a mother-of-all-all protest by various groups, including the Ijaw National Congress, led by its President, Prof Benjamin Okaba, the Ijaw Youths Council, Eastern zone, the Nigeria Labour Congress, Rivers State branch, National Youths Council of Nigeria and the National Association of Nigerian Students, South-South zone, grounded the state with a clear message of rejecting the presidential peace agreement, which they said favoured Wike.
One of the leaders of the protesters and the state chairman of the NYCN, Chijioke Ihunwo, put it succinctly thus, “We reject the eight-point agenda because it was not written by Rivers people who gave the governor their mandate. We, therefore, warn that if the governor makes the mistake of trying to represent the budget, we will occupy the Government House.”
While the issues of representing the budget, the status of the lawmakers and the presidential intervention are currently before the court awaiting adjudication, Governor Fubara, at a recent public function, reiterated his commitment to the peace accord, saying his honest decision to implement the pact was because of his respect for President Tinubu.
Fubara stated, “Mr President invited all the parties to Abuja and came out with a resolution that we should go and implement. That resolution, I am implementing. It is not a constitutional implementation. It is a political solution to a problem. And I’m doing it out of the respect I have for Mr President.”
He, however, warned that he would surprise those who thought his decision to implement the agreement was a sign of weakness.
In analysing the political situation, some pundits said Fubara’s refusal to represent the budget was in order, emphasising that it would be a grave tactical error for him to do so. They further averred that Fubara would be stepping on a minefield planted by the pro-Wike lawmakers to enable them to finally nail him if he attempted to represent the budget.
But be that as it may, the recent outburst of the FCT minister ruling out any reconciliation with his estranged political godson seems to sound the death knell on any hope of reconciliation between the duo. This was just as Fubara himself was proving to be a good student of diplomacy, preaching peace and practising war.
But the pro-Wike lawmakers are not backing down, as they have vetoed the governor to amend some extant laws in the state, including the Rivers State Local Government Law, the state Advertising and Signage Law and the Rivers State Assembly Commission Law, which limits the powers of the governor in more ways than one if allowed to sail through
Only recently, on March 30 precisely, the 27 lawmakers threatened Governor Fubara with impeachment, saying they would be compelled to do so as a last resort if it would take to enforce their responsibilities and uphold the constitution of the land.
Speaker Amaewhule, flanked by 26 of his colleagues, while issuing the threat at a news briefing at his official residence, accused the governor of refusing to implement all the agreements reached in Abuja, adding that he (Fubara) had continued to act outside the law, including running the state without an approved budget.
Amaewhule also took a swipe at the former Director General of the PDP Presidential Campaign Council in the state, Dr Abiye Sekibo, for casting aspersions on the FCT minister in a bid to paint him black before President Tinubu, knowing well that the president is happy with the good works Wike is doing in Abuja.
Speaking directly to Dr Sekibo and his pro-Atiku supporters, he said, “They must not forget that the Rivers State House of Assembly has the mandate of the people and that we swore an oath of allegiance to the constitution to do the needful, including the impeachment of the governor as a last resort.”
There is no gainsaying the fact that in the coming weeks and months, it will be needless to peep into the star to predict the impending outcome of the political imbroglio in Rivers State. It is also an open secret that as of today, the Abuja peace agreement, which led to a semblance of temporary peace (of the graveyard) in the state, had crumbled.
Though Fubara has been talking tough lately, acting with aplomb and gaining the support of many stakeholders, a cursory look shows that Wike still holds the aces, as he still controls the political structure, especially of the PDP in the state.
The former governor still commands the loyalty of all chairmen of the 23 local government areas of the state, who were elected during his tenure as governor. Similarly, the three senators, including Senator Barry Mpigi of the Rivers South-East, the district of the incumbent governor, remain Wike’s loyalists any day.
Similarly, the FCT Minister still enjoys the support of the majority of the 13 members of the green chamber of the National Assembly from the state, save for three dissenters.
However, Fubara is not unaware of the challenges ahead as he is gradually endearing himself to the people, especially civil servants and the labour unions. The approval for payment of salaries arrears, promotion of workers who had been stagnant for about nine years, and approval of N100,000 as a Christmas bonus for workers last December lends credence to this.
Some groups, including members of the ‘Grassroots Development Initiative,’ a political arm of the PDP set up before the 2015 general election, and which has the FCT minister as its grand patron, paid visits to the governor at the Government House, Port Harcourt, to pledge their loyalty and support for his administration.
A case in point was on March 10, 2024, when former coordinators of the GDI in 12 local council areas of the state pledged their support for Governor Fubara. The coordinators represented Obio/Akpor, Ogu/Bolo, Port Harcourt City, Opobo/Nkoro, Gokana, Bonny, Ahoada West, Ahoada East, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, Oyigbo, Asari-Toru, and Akuku-Toru local government areas, according to a statement issued by the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Nelson Chukwudi.
The former coordinator in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, Collins Onunwo, led the delegation of former members of the GDI All Coordinators’ Forum on the solidarity visit to Fubara, where they explained that their decision to resign from their positions in GDI to join the Simplified Movement was in the interest of the Rivers people.
The governor thus continues to entrench his hold on the party, with the recent redeployment of two loyalists of the FCT minister in his cabinet, namely, Prof Zacchaeus Adangor, SAN, the state Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, and Isaac Kamalu, the state
Commissioner for Finance, to whom the governor redeployed to the Ministries of Special Duty (Governor’s Office) and Employment Generation and Economic Empowerments, respectively.
Watchers of political events in the state described the deployments as attempts by Fubara to whittle down their powers and influence in his administration and render them somewhat redundant.
Prof.Adangor and Kamalu’s rejection of their deployment and consequent resignation from the cabinet a day after their deployments, to all intent and purposes, thus achieved what political analysts described as a subtle way of asking them to take a bow and leave without necessarily firing them, which otherwise would have been a violation of the Abuja peace treaty.
But another school of thought said that aside from the commissioner for youths and that of information and communications, and perhaps one or two others believed to be his staunch supporters, the governor may still be eating with the devil as other known loyalists of the FCT minister are still in his cabinet.
The appointment of 16 new Permanent Secretaries with gifts of new Sports Utility Vehicles in January this year, was said to be a masterstroke to enable him to work with those he feels comfortable with, while the commissioners in those ministries may be the mere status of symbols or ceremonial heads going forward, especially as it may be difficult for him to appoint new commissioners, knowing full well that they would be subjected to screening and confirmation by a legislature which is not his best of friends.
Another twist to the tale is the list of the state PDP caretaker committee members, released over a fortnight ago by the party’s national secretariat, which was populated by Wike’s men, suggesting that the former governor still has a handful grip on the party in the state and at the national level.
Of particular importance and interest is the fact that while the state publicity secretary of the PDP, Sydney Gbara, is working with Governor Fubara, the chairman of the ruling party in the state, Aaron Chukwuemeka, is loyal to Wike.
It is also noteworthy that in his bid to keep his loyalist base secure and intact, and maintain his stranglehold on the party in the state, the FCT minister has influenced the appointment of some of his confidants into key positions at the federal level so that they don’t change their minds and become ‘SIMPLIFIED’.
Some of the appointments are that of the former state PDP chairman, Amb. Desmond Akawor, who is now a federal commissioner of the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission; his predecessor, Mr Felix Obuah, is now the coordinator of the Abuja Metropolitan Management Council.
Also, the former commissioner for works under Governor Fubara, Dr Des George Kelly, was appointed the Director-General of the Border Communities Development Agency, and Prof. Henry Ogiri was appointed as federal commissioner in the National Population Commission, among others approved by President Tinubu himself.
Meanwhile, with the tenure of the current LG chairmen winding down, it is yet unknown whether Governor Fubara will conduct local government election as the state, just APC caretaker committee chairman, Chief Okocha, has alleged plans by Fubara to install council administrators at the expiration of the tenure of the council chairmen.
Also, the state legislature had amended the local government law by fiat, empowering the government to extend the tenure of the council chairmen by not more than six months, if the governor fails to conduct council elections.
Wike’s camp is however, unsettled with the recent support Governor Fubara received from Atiku’s loyalists in the state, including Dr Sekibo, Secondus, Opara, Sir Omehia, Senator Meaba, Dr Nwibubasa, all of whom Wike recently described as ‘expired politicians,’ and a couple of others who openly declared loyalty and support for Governor Fubara and chided Wike.
[Punch]
[OPINION] Adenuga @71: Jack of all trades, master of all - Justice Okamgba
Mike Adenuga is one of the brightest stars in Africa—a remarkable man who has proven his adaptability and excellence in different industries. Today, the 71-year-old Nigerian billionaire celebrates his birthday as a symbol of his continued impact and creativity.
One of the few Nigerians on this year’s Forbes World Billionaires list is Mike Adenuga. He is currently the second wealthiest man in Nigeria, having made his mark in the banking, real estate, oil and gas, telecommunications, and aviation industries. Adenuga epitomises a self-made man.
Born on April 29, 1953, in Ibadan, Nigeria, to Oloye Michael Agbolade Adenuga Snr. and Omoba Juliana Oyindamola Adenuga, Mike Adenuga’s journey began in humble surroundings, with his father a schoolteacher and his mother a businesswoman.
His educational journey began at Ibadan Grammar School, and he then earned his higher school certificate from Comprehensive High School Aiyetoro.
Despite his modest beginnings, Adenuga’s determination propelled him forward. He worked tirelessly as a taxi driver to fund his university education.
He graduated from Northwestern Oklahoma State University and Pace University with degrees in Business Administration before pursuing an MBA at Pace University in New York.
Adenuga attributes much of his success to his mother’s influence, acknowledging her role in shaping his formidable work ethic.
At 26, his relentless drive struck gold. His diverse business ventures culminated in his first million dollars, a stepping stone to his grand ambitions.
His business acumen is undeniable, as reflected in his estimated net worth of $6.7bn by Forbes. But Adenuga’s legacy extends beyond wealth. He is a true inspiration, demonstrating the power of hard work, vision, and an unwavering entrepreneurial spirit.
His diverse portfolio spans telecommunications (Globacom), oil exploration (Conoil Plc), banking (Sterling Bank), real estate (Cobble-Stone Properties), and construction (Julius Berger). Adenuga is a true “Jack of all trades” and a “master of all”.
Telecoms
Adenuga’s fearless approach to risk-taking was evident when he delved into the telecommunications industry race after Nigeria opened its doors to GSM licenses.
Despite initial setbacks, his determination remained unwavering. Eventually, in 2003, he successfully secured a license and launched Globacom.
By 2001, Adenuga had already established himself as a prominent figure in Nigeria’s economy. When the opportunity arose with the Obasanjo administration offering GSM licenses, he naturally joined the competition. Despite facing a setback and losing $20m in the process, Adenuga was resolute.
His persistence paid off handsomely as he returned stronger, securing a license that paved the way for Globacom’s emergence as a future national telecom leader.
Launched in 2003 with the ambition to become Nigeria’s telecom giant, Globacom swiftly established itself as a game-changer under Adenuga’s astute leadership.
Despite entering the market two years after its competitors, the company, propelled by Adenuga’s vision, became known for its innovative approaches.
It championed per-second billing, a revolutionary concept that democratised phone usage for Nigerians, solidifying Globacom’s status as a trailblazer in the telecommunications industry.
Globacom, with over 60 million subscribers, has continually pushed boundaries in the telecommunications industry, pioneering various network technologies such as 2.5G, 3G, and 4G LTE.
Constantly setting new standards, Globacom has been at the forefront of innovation.
One of its most significant achievements was the launch of Glo-1, a groundbreaking intercontinental submarine cable project that transformed internet connectivity in Nigeria.
With a staggering investment of $250m, solely funded by Globacom, Glo-1 marked the first of its kind in Africa.
Stretching over 9,800 kilometres, the cable links Nigeria to Europe and America, with landing points along the West African coast and Europe.
This monumental infrastructure upgrade significantly enhanced internet speed and reliability for voice, data, and video services.
Beyond its impact on individual users, Glo-1 provided vital connectivity for key sectors such as oil and gas, banking, and education.
This transformative project underscores Adenuga’s foresight and dedication to shaping Nigeria’s technological landscape.
Despite the chaos that ensued a few months ago due to a major cut in submarine cables, telecommunications subscribers across Nigeria and several other African countries found themselves in a state of panic.
There were reports that the outage, which affected internet users in South and West Africa, might continue for several weeks. Among those significantly affected were banks and telecom organisations, heavily reliant on those cables for internet services.
However, amid the turmoil, Globacom subscribers remained unaffected. They continued to enjoy uninterrupted internet connectivity and other services throughout the outage.
This resilience serves as a testament to the strength and foresight of Globacom, a company that has made substantial investments in infrastructure development.
Such an achievement directly reflects the vision of Adenuga, the founder and chairman of Globacom.
His forward-thinking approach to prioritising infrastructure has firmly positioned the company as a dependable service provider, capable of weathering unforeseen disruptions with ease
Oil and gas
His influence extends beyond the realm of telecommunications; he is also a significant figure in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry. Adenuga saw an opportunity when Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s (retd.) administration opened the door for indigenous participation.
Despite initial hesitations, Adenuga boldly invested over $100m in exploration and drilling activities.
His gamble paid off in 1991 when Consolidated Oil, his company, achieved a historic milestone by becoming the first Nigerian company to discover and produce oil in commercial quantities.
Today, Conoil Producing Limited, formerly Consolidated Oil, stands as a trailblazer in Africa’s indigenous oil and gas exploration and production sector.
This pioneering spirit continued as Adenuga identified potential in the National Oil and Chemical Company. He acquired the company, infused it with fresh investments, and rebranded it as Conoil Plc.
Conoil’s success story is remarkable. It has become a household name in Nigeria, boasting a network of over 450 retail outlets across the country.
Adenuga’s vision and strategic investments have solidified Conoil’s position as a key player in Nigeria’s oil and gas landscape
It is a leader in modern retail formats, including mega stations and non-space pumps, and holds the top spot in the aviation fuel market.
His leadership has propelled Conoil Producing to operate six promising oil blocks in the Niger Delta, with a daily production of approximately 20,000 barrels.
Its 27-year track record is further bolstered by substantial oil reserves, estimated in millions of barrels, and vast gas reserves in trillions of cubic feet.
Adenuga’s significant stake (74.4 per cent) in Conoil Plc underscores his commitment to the company’s continued success.
Conoil’s strong market presence is built on its expertise in supplying a wide range of petroleum products, from petrol and diesel to kerosene and aviation fuel.
Its “Quatro” brand of lubricants is another testament to its diversified product line.
Banking
Adenuga’s foray into banking began with the establishment of Devcom Bank and Equitorial Trust Bank. Both institutions became trailblazers in their fields, contributing significantly to the development of the public, commercial, and retail sectors.
Their financial strength shone brightly during the 2005 banking consolidation exercise. ETB effortlessly met the N25bn capital requirement, a testament to its stability and avoiding the need for a stock market offering.
This achievement solidified their position as major players in the Nigerian financial landscape.
However, Adenuga’s vision extended beyond individual success. Recognising the potential for further consolidation, he orchestrated the strategic merger of ETB and Devcom Bank, which laid the groundwork for an even more formidable presence in the industry.
Years later, the merged entity consolidated further, joining forces with Sterling Bank Plc.
Today, Adenuga remains a significant shareholder of the resulting behemoth, Sterling Financial Holding.
This publicly traded giant, a testament to Adenuga’s astute financial strategy, operates two key subsidiaries: Sterling Bank Plc, a cornerstone of traditional commercial banking services in Nigeria, and Alternative Bank Limited, a pioneering force in Nigeria’s non-interest banking sector that offers innovative financial solutions.
Aviation
The billionaire businessman is also playing actively in Nigeria’s aviation sector. His company, Conoil, boasts an aviation arm, Conoil Aviation, actively involved in the aviation sector.
Conoil Aviation plays a key role in keeping Nigerian airplanes fuelled. It handles the entire process, from production and storage to transportation and delivery of jet fuel in at least six major airports across the country: Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja; Margaret Ekpo International Airport, Calabar; Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano; Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos; Maiduguri International Airport, and Sokoto airport.
His foundation
Beyond his accomplishments in business, Adenuga is also well-known for his generosity and unwavering commitment to philanthropy.
His altruistic efforts have touched the lives of countless individuals and celebrities alike.
Established by the business titan, the Mike Adenuga Foundation stands as a beacon of pan-African philanthropy.
Rooted in the belief of fostering social and economic empowerment across Nigeria and other African nations, where the Mike Adenuga group of companies operates, the foundation is committed to catalysing positive transformations in these regions.
Through a diverse array of initiatives, it endeavours to harness resources, cultivate skills and knowledge, ignite innovation, drive social and economic progress, fortify infrastructure, widen educational access, improve healthcare systems, foster partnerships between nonprofits and governmental bodies, promote commerce, empower local enterprises, and elevate living standards.
At its core, the foundation prioritises critical areas such as health, rural development, education, entrepreneurship, and providing special opportunity grants.
Distinguishing itself from conventional grant-giving entities, it strategically aligns with stakeholders and beneficiaries to conceive and execute impactful programmes.
The foundation donated N500m to aid flood victims in Bayelsa State.
Through its actions and collaborations, the Mike Adenuga Foundation assumes a pivotal role in advancing philanthropy and effecting positive change across African societies.
More than just offering aid, its mission is to empower Nigerians and other Africans by creating enduring solutions that propel social and economic progress.
During the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Adenuga demonstrated remarkable leadership by being among the first to donate N1.5bn towards combating the dreaded coronavirus scourge.
In addition to offering crucial assistance in handling the situation, his proactive initiative encouraged other Nigerians to support the cause. This exemplifies Adenuga’s characteristic leadership style: he leads by example, prompting others to follow suit.
In Adenuga’s words, “How much money can one individual or his family enjoy? You must spread it and touch lives; that is what brings true happiness and joy. What’s the point if your friend is wealthy and it doesn’t show in his friends?”