The last two weeks witnessed a gale of defections by politicians notably from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the governing All Progressives Congress (APC). The high water mark of these defections were the fell swoop defections of the Governor of Delta State, Sheriff Oborevwori, and a former Governor of Delta State and the former Vice Presidential running mate of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 General Elections, Ifeanyi Okowa, and many of their supporters.

Defections in Nigerian politics are not new. Their antecedent can be traced to the First Republic when we operated a British-style parliamentary system. The phenomenon was referred to as “cross carpeting”. In spite of this unsavory history, defections have come to define and characterise the politics of the Fourth Republic which encompasses our return to democracy from 1999 up to the present.

Interestingly, the opposition PDP, which previously held sway until 2015, set this unseemly tone by co-opting bigwigs of the opposition on the watch of former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Yar’Adua. Subsequently, the APC took this predilection to a new low: it enticed members of the opposition and others facing investigation for alleged corruption by dangling them carrots. A former chairperson of the APC enticed allegedly corrupt politicians by famously promising that they would be free of their sins if they joined his party.

The latest gale of defections is alleged to be informed, partly, by subtle blackmail and coercion. This allegation is lent credence when we consider that one of the high-profile defectors, until now, was being brow-beaten and hectored by one of the anti-corruption agencies.

It is correct to argue that these defectors have the right to do so if they choose. After all, our Constitution allows us to associate freely and in an untrammeled fashion. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is a serial defector and whose political standing is supposed to be vitiated by Okowa’s defection, underscored this in his recent remark.

If politicians have the right to defect or to choose which persons to relate with, our defections are informed largely by the need to jump onto a gravy train and a primitive desperation for power. This is best underlined by the languid rationalisation offered by former Governor Okowa. He claimed that in hindsight, he ought to have aligned with the interests of his geo-political South South. What took him so long to receive this revelation? Does he want us to seriously subscribe to the notion that he did not give his aspiration to be Vice President any forethought?

In other jurisdictions where politicians are informed by high-minded ideals and well considered principles, it is an uphill task to defect or make the kind of shameless three hundred and sixty degrees turn that our politicians make. In such serious climes, cogent and reasoned explanations will be offered to the citizens or voters. Or the politicians will resign their positions because the platforms they used to secure power were no longer tenable.

Even in the more redeeming Second Republic when there was a semblance of ideological politics, and the political parties were anchored on some modicum of principles, the parties, at the worst of times, were sundered or splintered into factions. The Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) were cases in point.

Today’s political parties, except a very few, are mere sucked eggs. They are bereft of belief, principles or moral compass. Worse, the returns on investment in politics in Nigeria is the highest of any enterprise, hence the desperation for office. This desperation is aimed, not at adding value to Nigerians but at feathering the nests of these politicians.

The fact that politicians can defect with ease, and without recourse to their supporters or voters, speaks eloquently either to a lack of respect for Nigerians or to an insult to their intelligence. It also betrays the fact that the overriding considerations for the typical Nigerian politician are power and the lavish perks of office.

If, as some of them glibly argue, that they are leaving their parties to the governing APC because they are dysfunctional or that they are riven with crises, is the APC, which refuge they desperately seek, a paragon? This is a party, like other defective ones, which does not lay premium on internal democracy. This is a party which scarcely holds meetings of its executive bodies. This is a party which gives its ticket to the highest bidder. And this is a party which is bereft of any succinct or lofty agenda other than state capture.

The APC is thus as guilty, if not more guilty, than the parties they are abandoning.

This writer’s conjecture is that those scrambling for the grace and embrace of the APC do so for two self-seeking reasons: To have their sins glossed over by a party desperate to remain in office and to seamlessly access its ticket in 2027. This may be informed by the calibration that the APC has some of the most pivotal institutions which will facilitate this possibility in its thrall.

But even this calculation may be preposterous or unattainable.

Besides, as the well-worn saying goes, only fools rush in where angels fear to tread. Those departing the APC may not be without blemish but they had compelling reasons, informed by the APC’s failings and peccadilloes, to leave. The APC, itself, rather than alleviate Nigeria’s woes, has worsened them and remains, at best clueless.

Additionally, a scramble which is not adroitly managed can only lead to an implosion. The spooning or dishing out of the gravy could be messy. This is not to mention the greed and vaulting ambition of those jumping onto the APC train.

These defections also take Nigerians for granted. The defectors, and those cajoling them, assume that Nigerians will forever be docile and that they would forbear the misrule and excesses of the APC in perpetuity. There is a word for it. It is called hubris. Hubris often comes before a catastrophic fall.

Dazang is a former director at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)

Former Aviation Minister, Femi Fani-Kayode has lamented reports indicating that some terrorists in Zamfara State fed their dog with twins born in captivity.

DAILY POST reports that a member of the House of Representatives, Aminu Jaji, had on Wednesday said the security crisis in Zamfara degenerated to a point where babies born in captivity were fed to dogs owned by the insurgents.

The lawmaker narrated that a pregnant woman was abducted by the daredevil terrorists but when she gave birth to a set of twins in captivity, the leader of the terrorists group “took the babies and threw them at their dog.

“The dogs ate them up, one after the other”, the lawmaker said.

Reacting, FFK in a statement on his X handle on Friday said “can there be a more callous crime against humanity than this? Can there be a more explicit display of man’s inhumanity to man?

“Can there be a more bestial act of savagery and barbarity? O Lord behold our tears, arise to our nations defence and rid us of this evil”.

According to him, Nigeria”must eliminate these feral psycopaths and send them back to hell. We must rid our land of this godless horde.

“With strength and courage we SHALL prevail. They will NEVER break our spirit! We shall NEVER bend the knee to them”!

[DailyPost]

If you’re a Nigerian student planning to study abroad, it’s important to prepare for more than just your visa and travel plans.

One major hurdle is passing the required exams, tests that assess your language proficiency, academic readiness, or professional aptitude. These exams vary based on your desired course of study, level (undergraduate or postgraduate), and destination country.

Here’s a list of nine exams you may need to write:

1. IELTS – International English Language Testing System

IELTS is one of the most widely recognised English language tests in the world and is often required for study in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and several European countries. It assesses four key language skills: listening, reading, writing, and speaking. Most academic institutions require the IELTS Academic version, with a band score of 6.5 or higher often considered competitive.

Administered by the British Council and IDP, the IELTS is offered several times a year in major Nigerian cities like Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt. While Nigerian students speak English natively, institutions still demand IELTS to meet immigration or university admission requirements. Preparing with mock tests and speaking practice is essential to achieving a strong result.

2. TOEFL – Test of English as a Foreign Language

The TOEFL is a popular English language test, especially for schools in the United States. Like IELTS, it evaluates listening, reading, writing, and speaking skills—but the format is entirely computer-based. Many American universities require a minimum score of 80–100 on the TOEFL iBT, depending on the course. 

While TOEFL and IELTS serve the same general purpose, some institutions have a clear preference for one over the other. Students are advised to check individual university requirements before registering. TOEFL is also accepted by institutions in Canada and some European countries, making it a flexible option.

3. PTE – Pearson Test of English

The PTE is a newer English language proficiency test that is rapidly gaining recognition, especially among institutions in Australia, New Zealand, and the UK. It is computer-based and uses AI to score all sections, offering faster results—typically within 48 hours. It also tests speaking, listening, reading, and writing.

For Nigerian students applying to countries where PTE is accepted, the test provides a flexible alternative to IELTS and TOEFL. Additionally, PTE is now accepted for visa applications by several immigration authorities, including the UK Home Office, making it useful not just for school, but also for relocation planning.

4. SAT – Scholastic Assessment Test

The SAT is a standard requirement for undergraduate admission in the United States, and it is gaining popularity in some Canadian and European institutions. It tests critical reading, writing, and mathematics skills. A good SAT score, often above 1200 can significantly improve a student’s chances of getting into top-tier schools or qualifying for scholarships.

For Nigerian secondary school students aiming to attend universities abroad straight after WAEC or NECO, the SAT is often the first international exam they encounter. It is held multiple times a year in Nigeria and has become more accessible through online resources and local preparatory centres.

5. ACT – American College Testing

An alternative to the SAT, the ACT is accepted by all US colleges and universities and is often preferred by students who excel in science and time-limited assessments. The ACT includes English, Mathematics, Reading, Science, and an optional Writing section. Scores range up to 36, with competitive applicants often scoring above 28.

While less commonly known than the SAT in Nigeria, the ACT is equally valid and sometimes better suited for students who are more analytical and quick-thinking. It is advisable to take practice tests for both SAT and ACT before choosing one, as some students perform significantly better in one format over the other.

6. LSAT – Law School Admission Test

For Nigerian students aspiring to study law in the United States or Canada, the LSAT is a required exam. It tests logical reasoning, analytical reasoning, and reading comprehension—not legal knowledge. Admissions into competitive law schools usually demand scores in the 160+ range out of 180.

Preparing for the LSAT involves months of practice and familiarity with the unique question types. It is offered only a few times per year, so early planning is essential. Many students pair it with a strong undergraduate academic record and extracurricular experience to enhance their applications.

7. GRE – Graduate Record Examination

The GRE is a standardised test required for many postgraduate programmes, especially in the United States. It assesses verbal reasoning, quantitative reasoning (math), and analytical writing. Some competitive fields, such as economics, engineering, and psychology, may expect scores above 320 out of 340.

Although some universities have recently waived the GRE as part of post-pandemic flexibility, many still require or recommend it—particularly for scholarships and assistantships. Nigerian graduates planning to pursue master’s or doctoral degrees abroad are encouraged to write the GRE well in advance of deadlines.

8. GMAT – Graduate Management Admission Test

The GMAT is essential for applicants to MBA and other business-related graduate programmes. It tests quantitative skills, verbal reasoning, integrated reasoning, and analytical writing. A competitive GMAT score—generally above 650—can increase chances of admission into top global business schools.

Nigerians applying to business schools in the UK, US, or Canada are advised to prepare thoroughly, as the GMAT is challenging and time-intensive. Some institutions now offer a GMAT Focus Edition, which is shorter and more targeted, making it easier to manage for working professionals.

9. MCAT – Medical College Admission Test

The MCAT is required for admission into medical schools in the United States and Canada. It assesses knowledge in biology, chemistry, physics, psychology, and critical reasoning. Scores range from 472 to 528, with top schools expecting 510 or higher.

For Nigerian students interested in becoming doctors abroad, the MCAT is not only tough but also expensive, with limited testing centres available. It requires long-term preparation and strong science foundations. Many students combine their MCAT scores with clinical experience or shadowing programmes to boost their applications.

[TheNation]

The Executive Chairman of Agege Local Government Area of Lagos State, Ganiyu Egunjobi, has thrown his weight behind the emergence of Lagos Assembly Speaker Mudashiru Obasa’s son as the All Progressives Congress chairmanship candidate for the upcoming council polls, declaring that the young man “deserves to succeed me.”

Egunjobi, in an interview with select journalists, addressed the mounting controversy that followed the May 10 APC primaries, dismissing claims of imposition and defending the legitimacy of the process that produced candidates across local government areas.

“I think the reactions in those quarters where they are shouting ‘imposition’ is in the character of politicians in our clime,” Vanguard quoted him as saying on Friday.

“I’m sure if the results had gone their way, they would be lavishing praise on the electoral process. The election committee put up a good show and should be commended, same with the leadership of the party in the state.” 

Tensions had risen after a protest in Agege and Orile-Agege by some APC members who accused Speaker Obasa of planting loyalists and family members, including his son (Abdulganiyu), as flagbearers in the upcoming July 12 council elections.

But Egunjobi dismissed the demonstration as a charade sponsored by political desperadoes.

“I watched the video of the so-called protest and I was amazed to see those who led it. A political neophyte, who is a charge-and-bail lawyer, anchored it.

“For your information, this man until recently was gushing about the Speaker, thinking singing the praise of Obasa would get him the party chairmanship ticket for Orile-Agege,” he said.

He added that some of the aggrieved aspirants, including Sola Osolana and Bukola Sofidiya, only returned to the party shortly before the primaries and lacked the moral and constitutional right to contest.

“We know some of their paymasters in the persons of a certain serving senator from Ogun State and a three-time House of Assembly member in our area, to mention but a few,” he hinted, without naming names.

Addressing the controversy over the candidacy of Obasa’s son, who is reportedly running as a vice-chairmanship candidate in Agege, Egunjobi defended the Speaker’s son as eminently qualified, drawing comparisons to political dynasties in the United States and Nigeria.

“This is someone that is well-read, a PhD student for that matter, who has been touching lives in Agege long before now. In fact, he deserves to succeed me.

“People blabbing ‘imposition’ in respect of the Speaker’s son’s matter are not fair to the young man and Agege,” he declared.

Highlighting his own tenure, which ends in about two months, Egunjobi reeled out achievements including the construction of roads, health centres, public school infrastructure, vocational training, youth empowerment programmes, and local job creation.

“We built a CBT centre for JAMB candidates, upgraded our vocational training institute, and even created a deradicalisation programme for louts post-EndSARS,” he said.

“Over 700 staff, including security personnel under ‘Paramole’, are on our payroll, receiving stipends to maintain peace and order.”

When asked about the perennial Awori versus non-indigene divide in Agege politics, the chairman responded with a rebuke of identity politics.

“We are all born and bred in Agege. Come to think of it, no Awori person in Agege is more Agege than me. The dichotomy doesn’t hold water and is inconsequential,” he concluded.

[Punch]

Ahead of the 2027 general elections, the National Working Committee (NWC) of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) has appointed key leaders to fill vacant positions at the party’s national secretariat.

According to the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Araba Rufus Aiyenigba, the appointments were made in accordance with the SDP Constitution and the mandate given to the NWC by the National Convention. 

Aiyenigba explained that the NWC meeting, chaired by the National Chairman, Alhaji Shehu Musa Gabam, led to the appointment of three prominent members into strategic leadership roles aimed at strengthening the party.

New Appointments: Senator Ugochukwu Uba – Deputy National Chairman (South)

From Anambra State, South-East Zone.

A scholar, public servant, and politician, Uba served as the Director-General and later Honourable Commissioner in Anambra State during the SDP administration of the late Governor Chukwuemeka Ezeife in 1992.

He was also a member of the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS) under Professor Omo Omoruyi during the IBB regime.

Uba represented Anambra South as a Senator from 2003 to 2007, serving as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Marine Transport and contributing to the passage of the Cabotage Act.

He holds a first-class Bachelor’s degree and a Ph.D. in Political Science and was a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja until 2021.

Dr. Sadiq Umar Abubakar – Deputy National Chairman (North)

From Gombe State, North-East Zone.

An acclaimed statistician with a Master’s in International Affairs and Diplomacy and a Ph.D. in Political Economy and Development.

He served as the SDP’s pioneer National Secretary from 2010 to 2015 and was the party’s Governorship Candidate in Gombe State in 2011.

Abubakar also chaired the SDP Convention Planning Committee in 2011 and was the pioneer Director-General of the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC), Nigeria.

Mr. Hussani Ado Bello – National Financial Secretary

From Kano State, North-West Zone.

A chartered accountant and retired civil servant from both the Federal and Kano Civil Service Commissions.

Currently a Finance and Tax Consultant, as well as a Public Relations Strategist.

He previously served as the SDP State Chairman of Kano in 2018, the Organizing Secretary of Kano State IPAC in 2019, and Chairman of the Forum of SDP State Chairmen in 2020.

Aiyenigba announced that the appointments, effective from May 15, 2025, were validly conducted and aimed at fortifying the party’s leadership structure as it prepares for the 2027 elections.

[Vanguard]

The 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), conducted by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), sparked public outcry over widespread failures, leading to a rare press conference by the Registrar, Professor Is-haq Oloyede. His statement is notable for its candour and rhetorical flourish. However, in light of best practices in crisis communication, the address reveals commendable efforts alongside critical shortcomings.

One of the core tenets of crisis communication is the prompt and transparent acknowledgement of the issue. JAMB’s press statement scores highly on this front. The Registrar admits, unequivocally, that technical glitches occurred and that candidates were affected. This stands in contrast to the typical deflection or denial often seen in Nigerian public sector communication. “There are grounds for the complaints about our 2025 UTME results… This press conference is convened to unveil the bitter truth of our findings,” he said.

This openness lends credibility and helps contain reputational damage. However, the initial delay between the release of the results (May 9) and the press conference (May 14) allowed public distrust to fester, which reduced the effectiveness of the eventual admission.

While transparency is commendable, the Registrar’s tone at times veers into the overly rhetorical and self-congratulatory. Phrases like “we burn the midnight oil” or referencing spiritual maxims like “Man proposes, God disposes” dilute the severity of the situation. Rather than focusing on the affected candidates, the statement meanders through lengthy descriptions of quality assurance processes and organisational philosophy.

Best practices suggest using clear, concise, and empathetic language during crises. Overusing metaphors and anecdotes may come across as deflective or insincere. Audiences seek reassurance, not poetry.

ALSO READ: 19-year-old UTME candidate commit suicide after scoring 190 in JAMB

JAMB earns praise for the Registrar’s assumption of responsibility: “As Registrar of JAMB, I hold myself personally responsible… and I unreservedly apologise for it.”

This is a textbook move in crisis communication: own the failure, don’t blame others. It helps maintain public trust. However, the apology is somewhat undermined by attempts to shift focus to the robustness of the system and the incompetence of unnamed service providers. The emphasis on “just one of the two service providers” feels like a hedging tactic rather than full accountability.

Another best practice is to provide a factual and comprehensible explanation of what went wrong. Here, the Registrar offers significant technical detail: issues with shuffling options, patch errors, server misconfigurations, and distinctions between “LAG” and “KAD” operational zones.

However, while thorough, the explanation is not sufficiently user-centred. Many stakeholders, including students, parents, and the general public, may struggle to understand this technical jargon.

The core message could have been simplified: What went wrong? Where did it happen? How many were affected? What are you doing about it?
Excessive focus on internal systems and structure detracts from the human cost of the crisis and obstructs clarity. JAMB took decisive remedial steps: affected candidates will retake the exam; WAEC was contacted to address scheduling conflicts; affected parties will be notified through multiple channels.

This is a strong and practical response, demonstrating both empathy and action, which are key pillars of effective crisis resolution. The Registrar’s statement that JAMB will reschedule exams for 157 affected centres reflects a responsive approach. However, the solution would have resonated more if it had been presented earlier and more clearly in the speech. It appears near the end, following many paragraphs of justification.

Moreover, it’s unclear whether the Board will compensate or support the candidates beyond merely rescheduling. For a proper restorative approach, some gesture of support (e.g., transportation assistance, exam fee waiver, or psychosocial support) would demonstrate deeper care.

Involving respected stakeholders—educators, parents’ associations, tech experts, and former officials—adds legitimacy to the investigation. It shows that JAMB is not acting unilaterally and values transparency. Still, the Registrar misses the opportunity to mention whether any candidates themselves, or their guardians, were part of this review. Their voices, being the most directly affected, should have had a space in the resolution process.

In closing, the Registrar leans into a heartfelt apology and uses phrases like: “I AM SORRY to all Nigerians.” This statement, although made late in the address, strikes a powerful emotional note. The triad of “please,” “thank you,” and “I am sorry” adds a human touch to the message. It indicates that JAMB acknowledges the public’s dissatisfaction.

However, the apology would have carried more weight if placed earlier in the statement, rather than buried after technical justifications. Best crisis responses end with concrete commitments to prevent recurrence. The Registrar fails to outline clear steps for future reform. While the speech highlights existing quality assurance processes, it does not promise new oversight mechanisms, third-party audits, or changes to provider contracts.

A future-facing statement such as “We will implement X, Y, Z to ensure this never happens again” is notably absent. JAMB’s crisis communication during the 2025 UTME controversy was commendable in its openness but flawed in its delivery. By focusing more on public clarity and actionable commitments—and less on internal glorification—it could have strengthened trust during a time of institutional vulnerability. For future incidents, JAMB must prioritise speed, simplicity, and support over storytelling.

Onyima, a former Commissioner for Information in Anambra State, teaches at Paul University, Awka.

Dear Justice Binta Nyako,

This is not a legal brief. This is not a media headline. This is not an accusation. This is a letter. A solemn, sober appeal to your spirit, to your integrity, and to the legacy you are still building.

You sit at a crossroads that most public servants will never truly understand—not just between two legal arguments, but between fear and fortitude. Between duty and destiny. Between the convenience of delay and the clarity of conscience.

You are in possession of a case that carries more than legal consequences—it carries national, spiritual, and generational weight. The matter of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is not only about what happened in the chamber of the Senate. It is about whether a chamber of law will affirm the dignity of truth.

And the question many are quietly asking—some aloud, some within—is this:

What is the worst they can do to you, if you do what is right?

Can they block your elevation to the Supreme Court? Possibly.

Can they transfer you to a quieter, less convenient judicial post? Perhaps.

Can they isolate you from their circles of comfort? Likely.

But at your stage, with your experience, your age, your understanding of life’s deeper currents—is any of that worth more than your conscience?

They may have power for today. But only truth travels into forever.

And robes, titles, appointments—these things do not outlive memory. But justice does.

Justice, real justice, lives beyond buildings and bulletproof gates. It is carried in the mouths of citizens, in the prayers of women who feel unseen, and in the notebooks of students who hope that, one day, the law will protect them too.

They may offer influence. They may offer distance from discomfort. But no one—no matter how connected—can offer you peace with your own name, if your name drifts from the truth.

Remember, Madam Justice, this is not your beginning. This is the phase where every word from your lips, every judgment from your gavel, becomes the story that others will tell when you are no longer there to tell it yourself.

And when your robe is folded away, and your seat becomes someone else’s—what story will be told in your absence? What legacy will outlive the salary, the titles, the ceremonial entrances? Will it be said that you stood, or that you stalled?

There are those who whisper that courage costs too much. But courage, when spent in service of truth, never runs out. It multiplies. It echoes. And it blesses generations to come.

Those who sit in power may change the rules, but they cannot change the records of time. Those who wish to bend your judgment may do so in shadows, but light always finds what shadows try to hide.

What stands before you is not simply a legal argument. It is a national temperature check. Will the judiciary affirm courage, or bow to convenience? Will the Constitution guide judgment, or will unseen hands shape rulings through unseen pressures?

We are not asking you to be political. In fact, we ask the opposite.

We ask you to be judicial.

We ask you to show that law is still sacred in Nigeria. That truth still has a home. That the robe still means something beyond ceremony.

You are no longer just one among many. This case, and what you do with it, may well be the most publicly remembered moment of your judicial career. And it will not be remembered for the technicalities or citations—but for the courage, or the absence of it.

You are a woman whose age grants you freedom from ambition, and whose experience grants you the wisdom to see through all political fog. You carry no need to climb ladders anymore. You are already above them. And from this height, you have one sacred opportunity left: to decide whether you will descend with the crowd—or rise above the noise.

Let them say what they will. Let them plot what they may.

But let it also be said, one day:

That Justice Binta Nyako, in her time, was not moved by fear.

That she did not flinch.

That she remembered what the robe was meant to symbolize.

That she ruled for the law—and not for the loud.

Let it be said not in newspapers, but in homes. In classrooms. In the silence of the mind where all true memory lives.

You are not doing this for Natasha.

You are doing it for your name.

For democracy.

For your Creator.

For Nigeria.

And yes—especially for those unborn daughters who will someday sit where you sit, and will wonder whether the law still bends to truth.

We are watching. Not with anger—but with hearts breaking under the weight of disbelief. With the trembling belief that perhaps—perhaps—this time, justice will not bow. That one judge, one voice, might still resist the tide.

And while we weep and wait, we remember—with grief and expectation—what your fellow justices once declared with courage.

We remember the year 2017. A year when a Federal High Court, unshaken by political heat, declared the suspension of Senator Ali Ndume not only unlawful but a betrayal of the Constitution. That judgment was not about favor. It was about fidelity. That ruling reminded Nigeria that no Senate chamber has the right to suspend a voice elected by the people. The judge that day saw beyond chairs and titles—he saw a constitutional violation bleeding in daylight.

And again, in 2018, it happened. A court stood again. This time in defense of Senator Ovie Omo-Agege. The judgment was firm: this suspension too, like the one before, was a misuse of legislative procedure. It was an overreach. It was unlawful. That court did not care for political winds. It did not pause for party lines. It heard only the voice of the law—and responded without trembling.

Now, we hear the excuse: that Senate internal rules justified defiance of court orders. That they could brush aside a judicial instruction because their Standing Orders allowed it.

But how, Justice Nyako? How can any internal Senate rule ever rise above the Constitution? How can any legislative manual supersede a court order from a constitutional judge? How can Nigeria claim to be a democracy—if its lawmakers obey their own preferences and defy the rule of law?

Justice Nyako, no. This cannot be accepted. Not again. Not now.

You know this. You have lived this. You carry the weight of decades in the legal system. You know that once the judiciary is made to kneel before politics, democracy becomes theatre.

Those rulings in 2017 and 2018 were not accidents. They were the cries of a legal system fighting to stand. They said clearly that legislative chambers are not above the law. They cannot suspend a Senator in darkness and call it order. They cannot hide injustice behind the veil of ‘procedure.’

And now, you have been handed this same flame.

You are not writing the first paragraph—but perhaps the last hope.

When you raise your gavel, raise it in the name of those rulings.

Raise it in defense of the Constitution.

Raise it for the daughters who will one day ask whether courts still had strength in their mother’s time.

Let your ruling say what fear cannot.

Let it whisper into the fabric of our nation: that justice is not an accessory, and law is not a tool of convenience.

Let it be your moment—not for applause—but for legacy.

With prayer. With grief. With tears still falling—because Nigeria is desperate for one judge who reminds the powerful: justice is not a strategy. It is a stand.

This writer does not know any of the individuals involved; the focus is solely on upholding democracy, truth, and justice.

Respectfully,

Did we have mass failure of candidates in the 2025 tertiary institutions’ qualifying examination or a deplorable conduct of the scheme by the JAMB? While it would take time and independent investigation to unravel candidates’ allegation of “wrong result”, the role of JAMB generally, presents another case study in the difficulty of making the Nigerian system work. No, the trouble with Nigeria is not simply a failure of leadership. It goes beyond leadership and indeed beyond political leadership. The judiciary, the legislature, the civil service, security agencies, health sector workers, universities, to mention only a few sides of public service are as dysfunctional and corrupt as various executive arms of government. What seems more characteristic of Nigeria’s public life is the unwillingness to uphold the common good. Personal, narrow and group interests are brought to override the larger societal interest in many decisions and execution of public programmes. Added to the vice of privatisation of policies is the near – absence of work ethics. We routinely chant “international best practices” without corresponding commitment to upholding standards. That is why service delivery is mediocre, bumpy and slow. That is why built infrastructures and facilities deteriorate in no time. As will be seen, JAMB’s controversial outing this year cannot be situated far from this background.

At no other time have we witnessed the barrage of outrage that greeted this year’s entrance exams. While in the last ten years, results for 2020 and 2021 were considered poor, they did not receive the widespread protests nor intensity of criticism trailing the current exercise. JAMB had announced release of the 2025 result on Friday, May 9, with emphasis on the 78 percent below 200 mark score. In 2020, under 200 point score was 79 percent; and climbed to 87 percent the following year 2021. Yet, reactions to those results were not as strong as with this year’s edition. Public response to result of the April 2025 higher institutions’ entry exam was largely dismissive. Significantly, candidates and or their parents rejected the low scores on their slips as incorrect. They did so with such confidence and resolve that could not be ignored. As at Monday, May 12, 2025, about 8400 candidates had reportedly filled the formal complaint form demanding access to their scripts. Typical of Nigerian government agency, JAMB leadership’s initial attitude to the outcry was playing the ostrich and deflecting the heart of the matter. Reacting after seventy – two hours of public outcry over the doubtful results, the Board’s spokesman appeared on Channels television on Monday, to read the stilted official line of candidates’ errors, omissions and challenges with digital demands as the issues. This technical slant featured prominently in a briefing by the Board’s registrar to announce the results on Friday, May 9, 2025. However, as the resolve to take legal steps to compel JAMB to transparently authenticate the disputed results gathered momentum, the Board finally buckled. By Monday afternoon, the JAMB leadership was forced to set aside it’s stereotype of candidate technical inadequacy to pledge a fact – finding review of the examination package.

While we await report of investigation into the doubtful results, it’s necessary to draw attention to other controversial steps by JAMB with hope that corrective action will be taken going forward. There were problems with the much advertised mock UTME test. Some candidates were posted outside their chosen States for the exam. Defending the arrangement, JAMB’s Public Communication Advisor, Fabian Benjamin told journalists that not all computer based centres were available for the mock exam. “If centres for mock in Abuja are filled up and there were available centres in Nassarawa State, candidates will be sent there” Vanguard, April 15, 2025 reported. This still does not absolve the admissions body from responsibility to place candidates where they registered. JAMB conducts two major exams in a calendar year. What does it do with the considerable time at it’s disposal? Is it asking too much to say the Board ought to confirm the availability of needed facilities before commencing sale of registration forms? The crux of the matter is that this oversight, this inconvenient relocation of candidates repeats every year. Where then is the supposed value of the mock exam as mirror towards successful main exam? Conducting hassles – minimal, mock exam which involves a tiny number of candidates, should not continue to be problematic.

Another instance of the Board’s wrong footing is the approved publication for those taking Literature. The novel chosen this year is The Lekki Headmaster by Kabir Alabi Garba. No problem about the literary quality of the work. But the print format of the publication is a big issue. The 63 page book, by standard setting, would run up to 90 pages. The text however, is in font size ten, instead of the preferred twelve point, making the print – run tiny. Additionally it is rendered in single line spacing with the result that the pages are tight. The compression poses problem of readability, a big challenge in an environment where electricity supply is not often assured. Exams by their very nature task the mental and attitudinal faculties of students. Saddling candidates with barely legible texts in the context of a very competitive exam is unhealthy. The selection of a visually deficient title as The Lekki Headmaster reflects poorly on JAMB. The decision calls into question the judgment that approved a publication with potential of unduly tasking candidates. Why didn’t JAMB insist on stress – free, readable specifications for the adopted texts? What was the Board doing all year round that it could not find a suitable, eyes – friendly publication? The impression that follows this scenario is that of a conscious attempt to cut costs. Unfortunately, this would be at the expense of some candidates’ performance. Any situation that tends to put the candidate at disadvantage should be avoided.

JAMB also got it wrong on the timeline for commencement of the exam. The slip admitting candidates for the exam clearly stated that they were to report at the various centres by 6:30am. The Labour Party 2023 presidential candidate, Mr Peter Obi, was therefore right in his indictful intervention on the matter. Obi’s faulting of the time schedule was justified. An official indication that a “compulsory” public event will kick off by 6:30am is invariably a recommendation for those concerned to be on the road much earlier. Ordinarily, that would pass for insensitivity on the part of the organisers. But to prescribe such time schedules under the prevailing insecurity situation in the country and for a programme involving youths and teenagers is reckless and dangerous. What attitude could be more uncaring of responsibility to society? In suggestive admission of the scandalous time fixture, JAMB spokespersons denied the 6: 30am directive, emphasising that the exam proper started at 8am. It was difficult deciding which was more ridiculous; the barefaced lies about not having communicated 6:30am to candidates or 8am exam crap; or the bungled opportunity of candour and apology. It was a low moment for the organisation. Did it not bother the management what candidates who began accreditation by 6:30am and exams by 7.00am would think of these deceptions? What lessons would these manipulations teach them about sense of public service in their country? Again, JAMB wanted to curtail expenditure by shrinking the number of days the exams would run. And again, this was to be achieved at the detriment of quality. The exam dash embarked upon by JAMB would explain the early morning schedules and exploitation of candidates whose computer systems developed problems. There were reportedly no redress if the system hung for thirty minutes or an hour. In effect, the exams in some respect, became a crash programme focused on completing a task rather than upholding set standards.

Mercifully, JAMB’s admission of responsibility for the controversial mass failure came as this essay was about being completed. JAMB Registrar Professor Ishaq Oloyede’s press conference of Wednesday, May 14, 2025, was a display of humanity and humility so rare in Nigeria’s public affairs. His sense of accountability was in sharp contrast to the officialdom of May 9 when the candidates and Nigerians were taken for granted. The regret expressed over result analysis errors came across as sincere and I think most Nigerians would accept the apology. Although some harm has been done, the opportunity of resit for affected candidates should mitigate the extent of loss. What remains is for the JAMB authorities to internalise the lessons surrounding this chain of events in achieving better performance subsequently. And let our public officials, in high and low offices, take inspiration from this hopefully born – again experience to make themselves servants of the people dedicated to the common interest.

Title-winners Paris Saint-Germain still have the Champions League final to look forward to later this month but the Ligue 1 season reaches its climax on Saturday with European places still up for grabs and a quartet of clubs scrapping to avoid relegation.

PSG secured a fourth consecutive domestic title more than a month ago and will collect their trophy following Saturday’s match at home to Auxerre.

Luis Enrique’s side will then turn their thoughts to the French Cup final against Reims on May 24 and the Champions League final against Inter Milan in Munich a week later.

Behind them, Marseille and Monaco clinched podium places, and guaranteed access to next season’s Champions League, with victories last weekend combined with favourable results elsewhere.

That leaves one spot in Europe’s elite club competition to be decided, with four teams — Nice, Lille, Strasbourg and Lyon — still in contention for a place in the third qualifying round of the Champions League.

Nice, who fell short in the Champions League play-offs in 2017, are best-placed to take the remaining spot as they come into their final match at home to Brest in fourth place and with the best goal difference.

A 1-0 win for the Ineos-owned outfit would leave Lille needing to win by six goals, or Strasbourg requiring an eight-goal margin of victory for them to go above Nice.

“I prefer to be slightly above the others in the table than slightly below them,” admitted Nice coach Franck Haise, who took Lens into the Champions League two years ago.

“To get fourth place, which would not be trivial, first of all we need to win. We know that.”

A slip-up would give a real chance to Lille, who finished fourth last season and then came through the qualifying rounds of the Champions League before going on to reach the last 16.

Strasbourg also retain hope of a first campaign in Europe’s elite competition since 1979/80, despite the frustration of seeing a 12-game unbeaten run ended in a 2-1 loss at Angers last weekend.

– Saint-Etienne to survive? –

Lille and Strasbourg are both at home to relegation-threatened opponents, in the shape of Reims and Le Havre respectively.

Lyon, meanwhile, know their chances of taking fourth are extremely slim. They must win at home to Angers and hope the three teams above them all lose, with the consequences of missing out on the huge prize money on offer in the Champions League likely very serious for them.

“First of all, we need to focus on ourselves,” said Lyon coach Paulo Fonseca. “We know it’s going to be very difficult for all the other teams to lose, but we must go out looking to win our match without thinking about the rest.”

The team finishing fifth will go into the Europa League with sixth entering the Conference League, although seventh place will be enough to qualify for Europe provided PSG win the French Cup.

At the bottom, Saint-Etienne gave themselves a lifeline last weekend in their bid to avoid an immediate return to the second tier.

A win at home to Toulouse will see them grab the lifeline of a two-legged play-off against either Dunkerque or Metz to stay in the top flight — provided Le Havre do not win.

Reims and Nantes are also not yet safe from the danger of finishing in the bottom three.

Key stats

4 – Four teams go into the last night of the season with a chance of taking France’s fourth and final qualifying spot for the Champions League

21 – PSG’s Ousmane Dembele has 21 goals and is on course to end the season as Ligue 1’s leading scorer, although Marseille’s Mason Greenwood is just two behind on 19

9- The number of PSG players named in the Ligue 1 team of the season — Lille goalkeeper Lucas Chevalier and Lyon forward Rayan Cherki were the only two from elsewhere to make the select XI

Fixtures on Saturday (kick-offs 1900 GMT)

Lens v Monaco, Lille v Reims, Lyon v Angers, Marseille v Rennes, Nantes v Montpellier, Nice v Brest, Paris Saint-Germain v Auxerre, Saint-Etienne v Toulouse, Strasbourg v Le Havre

[Guardian]