The first item that caught my attention on Facebook penultimate Wednesday was Mr. Nsikak Essien’s page. It reads: “Christianity is not a primitive accumulation of wealth, an obscene display of opulence”. The photograph of the Catholic Church’s Pope Francis blessing a white car followed. A horde of executives clad in black (business) suits stood behind him. Nsikak’s narrative continued: “This latest Lamborghini car, which costs $200,000.00, was donated to Pope Francis by the car company. After blessing (the car), His Holiness (that is, Pope Francis) donated it (the car) to be auctioned and the proceeds donated to four charity organizations in his (Pope Francis’s) name. How many men of God would do that?”

Before I continue, let me introduce Mr. Nsikak Essien to those who may not know him. Nsikak was the editor of the National Concord during those turbulent June 12, 1993 years when I was the editor of The PUNCH and Saturday PUNCH. He also was - and still is - one of the finest writers this country has produced. The National Concord was the flagship of numerous publications owned and bankrolled by Chief MKO Abiola. The PUNCH and CONCORD newspapers led the way in the battle against the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that was won free and square by Abiola. That election remains the most credible in the history of elections in this country, judged so by both local and international observers and commentators, private and governmental.

Back to Nsikak’s post. We now know that the cost of a (brand new) Lamborghini car is about $200,000.00. At an exchange rate of N1,700.00 to a dollar, that translates to N340,000,000.00 (Three Hundred and Forty Million Naira) only! Since the car was said to have been donated by the “car company”, which I understand to mean the company that made the Lamborghini, we should presume that it is a brand new car, not a “Tokunboh” or refurbished car. It is also sure to be a delectable, state-of-the-art car, possibly with special made-for-maximum-pleasure fittings and accessories.

 Despite this, the pope, obviously, was not blown out of this world because of this gift. He did not see, describe or exclaim it as a miracle from God or as evidence of answered prayers. There was no nexus or connection between the car gift and the anointing of God upon the head, life or ministry of the pope. The pope didn’t need the car in the real sense of the word. He must have had other cars that he had been riding before this gift came. So, it most likely did not solve any car needs for him. 6. 

Possibly as a result, he had no problems giving it away. Possibly, too, it is a function of his state of mind and philosophy of life not to engage in what Nsikak described as “primitive accumulation of wealth (and) obscene display of opulence”. Marxists define it as “primitive capitalist accumulation” because, in Marxian theory, capitalism and capitalists thrive on primitive accumulation, whether or not they have a need for that which is being accumulated.

 Rather than bask in the glory of a new Lamborghini as an addition to what may be an intimidating array of all manner, make and class of cars in his garage that may be bursting at the seams, and show it off to his congregation who would scream and yell and shout hallelujah as they struggle to touch the exotic car as a “point of contact” for their own miracle to tumble down from heaven swiftly, the pope gave his Lamborghini away to charity. He asked that the car be auctioned and the proceeds given to four charity organisations in his (the pope’s) name.

What must have gone through the pope’s mind, informing him to make that decision? Is it the bible passage that says what shall it profit a man if he inherits this world but loses his soul? (Mark 8:36 - 37). Or is it the other one that commands us to lay up our treasures in heaven and not here on earth? (Matthew 6: 19-21). Can it be the story of the young rich ruler who, thinking he could flaunt his own righteousness, came to Jesus and asked him what he must do to inherit the kingdom of God? He scaled all the hurdles listed by Jesus except one: sell what you have and give the proceeds to the poor (Mark 10: 17 - 31).

 Could this have been what informed the pope’s decision? Luke 12: 15 admonishes us to “Take heed and beware of covetousness, for one’s life does not consist in the abundance of the things he possessions” Not in the abundance of Lamborghini and Rolls Royce; private jets; palatial homes and exquisite wardrobes; and out-of-this-world riches that make the possessors some of the richest pastors on planet earth!

Pope Francis directed that his Lamborghini be auctioned and the proceeds shared among four charity organisations. Lucky organisations! If auctions are what we know them to be, that car, on auction, will attract far more than its factory price. The fact that it has had the pope’s name attached to it - he even blessed it - would certainly raise its value and make it a collectors' item. There are wealthy people who love to pluck up such items. Four charity organisations will be blessed by the pope’s large-heartedness. They are the ones who have received a miracle. They are the ones whose prayers have been answered.

If you are not current, Nsikak’s post will appear innocuous; you can simply read it, wonder what it is all about and move on. But for those who are current, it is pregnant with meaning. It is loaded. As our people will say: The witch cried yesterday and the child died today; who does not know that it is the witch that cried yesterday who killed the child that died today! A Nigerian man of God celebrated a landmark birthday a few days earlier and he reportedly got the gift of how many Rolls Royce cars! 

A Rolls Royce Cullinan, the type this man of God reportedly received, costs around $391,750.00, which is about N665, 975,000.000 (Six Hundred and Sixty-Five, Nine Hundred and Seventy-Five Million Naira, far more expensive than (almost double the price of) Lamborghini. And he got not just one but two - that is double portion and (evidence of?) double anointing! I am not aware if he took or will take the same steps as Pope Francis. Has he or will he auction his own Rolls Royces and give the proceeds to the poor? At no time other than now do the Nigerian poor need a helping hand and a large heart as Pope Francis’s!

My guess is that Nsikak was not just interested in criticising but wanted to draw attention to, and recommend, the example of the pope to his Nigerian counterpart. After all, a man of God is a man of God, be he black, be he white; and whether in Europe or Africa, God’s standard is the same. It is not impossible that the Nigerian man of God might not have seen the pope’s laudable example; that being the case, Nsikak’s post will be of immense help. Our elaborating it here should also be icing on the cake. Maybe the Nigerian man of God will chance upon this. Maybe someone will chance upon it and bring it to his attention. Maybe he will read Nsikak or this piece and be grateful that he did. Maybe not! Maybe he will read it, take umbrage and fly into a rage. What insolence! How dare they teach me what to do with my Rolls Royce? What audacity! Why try to ruin my birthday bash?

If he reacts like that, it could be real trouble! In 1973, the Port-Harcourt-based correspondent of the Bendel State Government-owned OBSERVER newspaper, Minere Amakiri, wrote a story deemed unpalatable by the then military governor, Alfred Diete-Spiff, simply because the story, which detailed the plight of teachers in the state, coincided with the governor’s birthday (30th July, 1973). The governor ordered that Amakairi be arrested and his head shaved with broken bottles! Decades later, after he had retired and was now a traditional ruler in the same Rivers State, I had the opportunity of interviewing Diete-Spiff. There was nothing really aghast in Amakiri’s story; the young and irascible governor’s hubris and uncontrollable anger were the issues.

And such elements are everywhere, churches and mosques inclusive. Some 12 or so years ago, I counselled a man of God and leader of the church against his incessant visit to the Presidential villa of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. Reduce your frequency there, I told him in one of my columns. Rather than take heed, he took advantage of his position and reported me. I was summoned. I explained myself and was discharged and acquitted. Months later, this same man of God’s private aircraft got entangled in the cash-for-arms fiasco in South Africa. Do you remember that scandal? His vibrant voice became muted. He is yet to recover and regain his swagger!

 Those that have ears, let them hear!

FEEDBACK

 You have thoroughly researched your discourse on the nation's politics and elections. The 1993 presidential election turned out to be what it was: Fair, free, credible, and successful because of the quality of the main contestant, Chief MKO Abiola. He knew what he wanted and prepared adequately for it. It was MKO's long-term project . He knew that he had a lot of work to do and was prepared for it. Contestants since the 1993 elections just want power for the sake of power to satisfy their selfish interests and greed, with no intention to serve. That is why they buy votes and force themselves on the people. There can never be another 1993 presidential election, never again in this country! Modern-day contestants have no interest in the people who vote for them. But with people like you consistently pontificating, maybe our politicians will have a change of heart! Don't get discouraged! Maybe, someday, there will be sanity! - Wale Ojo.

The solution to our myriad problems is a return to the collective destiny begun under the Western Regional Government, by which every Yoruba was conscious of his/her existence. The atomization engendered by the creation of states under the neutralization of the autonomy of regional governance must be reversed; otherwise; we shall suffer a continuous lamentation of our plight. This is why the Yoruba Referendum Committee is advocating a "Yoruba Referendum" to legitimize our aspiration, which will address these issues. The Western Region did not wait for the rest of the country before pursuing self-government. There is no reason, therefore, for us to wait for countrywide restructuring before taking steps towards self-government. Other parts of the country so interested can emulate our example. A Bill to that effect has been sent to the Houses of Assembly in the South-west and the state governors. There is no point having a "Yoruba National Anthem" if we cannot determine our own destiny. -Femi.

 Former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, BOLAWOLE was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of The WESTERNER newsmagazine. He writes the ON THE LORD'S DAY column in the Sunday TRIBUNE and TREASURES column in NEW TELEGRAPH newspaper on Wednesdays. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

"Behold, I will make them of the synagogue of Satan who say they are Jews and are not but do lie — behold, I will make them to come and worship at thy feet and to know that I have loved thee" - Revelations 3:9.

There can be no doubt that the scripture above is referring to the Zionists and fake Jews who currently make up the State of Israel.

Worse still in John 8:44 Jesus actually referred to these fake Jews as "the children of the devil".

The Book of Revelations says that they are of "the Synagogue of Satan" and that "they claim to be Jews but are not".

Jeremiah 23:3-8 compounds the point by telling us that when Jesus returns He Himself will gather the real Israelites back to Israel.

Despite what people believe this great event has not yet taken place and the so-called establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 was not the one sanctioned or envisaged by God and the Holy Bible. 

This begs the question, if the Israel of today is not the one envisioned and promised by the Holy Bible then who and what exactly is it and for whose purpose was it established, God's or satan's?

Who and what is this boastful, vain, calamitous and fatherless monstrosity that boastfully flies the Star of David and that has brought so much havoc to the world?

Who and what is this strange, arrogant, cantankerous, overbearing and belligerent entity that falsely lays claim to being a divine resurrection of the Biblical Promise Land but is instead a torment to its neighbours and an ugly scar to the world? 

These are questions for another day but what can be said for now and hardly disputed is the following. 

In view of its racist laws and disposition and the monumental carnage and horror that it has visited on the innocent and defenceless women and children of Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon over the last one year and given the heinous crimes that it has subjected the Palestinians to over the last 76 years, the Israel of today can best be described as a vicious, bestial and callous ethno-supremacist, fascist, apartheid state that has no right to exist.

It is also a citadel of religious bigotry and extremism and a repugnant and repulsive repository and sewer of the most insidious and vicious form of Zionist propaganda and Jewish proselysation. 

It is an evil and genocidal entity whose intention is to eliminate and eradicate every single Arab man, woman and child in the Arab Gulf and all the nations and territories that exist between Egypt and Iran and forcefully occupy their land.

If Nazi Germany forfeited the right to exist as a consequence of the Holocaust perpetuated against the Jews before and during World War 11 why should Israel not forfeit the same right for doing precisely the same thing to the Palestinians 80 years later?

For those who dispute the fact that apartheid is alive and well in Israel I urge them to consider the words of Gideon Levi, a highly celebrated and respected Israeli journalist, who said the following at the Oxford Union a few years ago. 

"I am an Israeli. I was born in Israel. I am even perceived to be an Israeli patriot. I care about Israel. I belong to Israel and I am attached to Israel. Don’t speak about symmetry because there is no symmetry.

I would even suggest there is no conflict. Was there a French-Algerian conflict? 

There was a brutal French occupation in Algeria which came to its end. There is no Israeli-Palestinian conflict. There is a brutal Israeli occupation which must come to an end one way or the other. In our dark backyard there is a regime that today is by far one of the most cruel brutal, tyrannies on earth. Not less than this. I know what I say because I covered it for 40 years and this regime cannot but be defined as apartheid. Two peoples live in one piece of land and one people has all the rights in the world and I am talking only of the occupied territories. Two people share one piece of land there. One people has all the rights in the world, the other people has no rights whatsoever. It looks like apartheid, it talks like apartheid and it is apartheid. Nobody can contradict it: nobody who has been there and nobody who is fair enough to look. 

Go to the Jordan valley, see their prosperity in the settlements and then go and see the Palestinians who live there with no electricity, without water, without any rights and then tell me if it’s apartheid or you might invent it another title. When I steal your car I am not in a position to put conditions in returning the car. First of all return the car and the only way to return the car is by giving EQUAL RIGHTS TO THE PALESTINIANS".

If there are still any righteous and God-fearing men left in Israel, Gideon Levy, who is a regular contributor on the Israeli/Palestinian conflict on CNN, BBC and Al Jazeera, is one of them. It takes courage to swim against the tide and speak truth to power when you are a Jew that still lives in Tel Aviv. Kudos to him.

Many talk about the frightful and horrific events of October 7th when the Al Qassam Brigade, the armed wing of the Palestinian resistance movement known as Hamas, struck a devastating retaliatory blow against their oppressors, killed over 1000 Jews including women and children and abducted over 200 others yet they conveniently forget that Israel struck the first blow in 1948 by killing over 700,000 innocent and defenceless Palestinians, including women and children, and displacing over one million and taking over their homes during the infamous Nakba! 

Worst still ever since that time and for the last 76 years hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank have been murdered by Israeli security forces and armed right wing militant settlers, tens of thousands of Palestinian men, women and children have been illegally detained in Israeli prisons whilst Gaza, a tiny strip of land of over 2.5 million Palestinians sandwiched between Israel and the sea was turned into the world's largest and most degrading concentration camp second only to Auschwitz by the Zionists! 

As if that were not harrowing enough let us consider the fact that well over 60,000 civilians, most of whom are still buried below the rubble and three quarters of whom are women and children, have been killed in Gaza by the Israeli Defence Force in the last one year alone!

85,000 tons of explosives have been dropped on Gaza by the Israeli Defence Force in the same period and 75% of buildings and infrastructures have been blown up and flattened.

In addition to that ALL of the universities and 95% of schools have been destroyed together with all but one of the thirteen hospitals. Simply put there is no Gaza left! 

Women, children, infants, babies, students, aid workers, refugees, nurses, doctors, teachers, lecturers, UN officials, hospitals, university campuses, churches, mosques, refugee camps and virtually every other structure and living thing in the strip have not been spared.

A few days ago CNN reported the following: 

“According to the Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without Borders at least 128 journalists have been killed since the beginning of the war, nearly all of them Palestinian media workers in Gaza killed as a result of Israeli airstrikes. Some of the journalists died while wearing protective gear identifying them as members of the press. Multiple news organizations and free press groups have accused the Israeli military of deliberately targeting journalists.”

One would have thought that the mass slaughter of their colleagues alone if nothing else would have moved the Western media agencies to report the events in Gaza and now Lebanon in a more factual, balanced and objective manner but they have refused to do so and instead continue to cover up the heinous war crimes and crimes against humanity that Israel is indulging in with such impunity. 

Those that applaud the barbaric, inhuman and callous actions of the Zionists in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iran forget that after the Zionists have finished killing everyone in the Middle East and establishing their 'Greater Israel' at the expense of Arab, Muslim and Christian lives, they will seek to subjugate, destroy and bend the rest of the global South to their will.

This is a challenge that we must prepare for and now is the time to build the necessary global, military and regional alliances to resist and thwart it whenever it comes. 

Yet the establishment of a 'Greater Israel' is not enough for the Zionists: what they really aspire to achieve is the total and complete capitulation and domination of the entire world, the eradication of all of the great faiths including Islam and Christianity and the enthronement of world Jewry. 

For them this quest borders on an obsession. It is their ultimate and long term objective and those that doubt it should read the Talmud and the Torah.

They should also read a major literary work known as the Protocols of the Elders of Zion which, contrary to the lie that many Jewish and Western historical revisionists have been peddling and propagating for years in an attempt to cover up what is clearly an evil intent, was NOT a fake document. 

Quite apart from that the unspeakable atrocities that have been committed by the rogue Zionist state over the last one year confirms the assertion that the greatest mistake that the world ever made was to allow the State of Israel to be re-established in 1948.

What was essentially an act of charity and kindness borne out of pity and guilt on the part of the Allied Powers after World War 11 may well be the catalyst to World War 111 today and could lead to the utter destruction of humanity.

This is indeed food for thought. 

Going forward many are beginning to question the right of Israel to exist let alone defend herself.

Does an alien invader, an occupier of other people's land, an ethnic cleanser and a murderous hegemon have the right to continue to rob, subjugate, oppress, butcher and slaughter the indegenous landowners? 

Does having white skin and European origins confer on the Ashkazi Jews the right to wreak havoc on the Palestinians, the Arabs and the entire Middle East? 

Are the Jews really a master race that are above all others, that are above international law and that can do no wrong?

Was President Emmanuel Macron of France not right when he said that the West should stop supplying arms and lethal weapons to Israel? 

Is it not time for the United States of America, who are clearly complicit in Israel's genocide, to regain its sovereignty and independence from AIPAC, the State of Israel and the Jewish lobby in their country?

Is it not time for them to review their rabidly pro-Israel policy and join the rest of the civilised world?

These are pertinent questions which must be answered at the soonest.

This is especially so given the fact that 80% of Israelis have rejected the idea of a two state solution and believe that the Palestinians are sub-human creatures that deserve to continue to live in subjugation and bondage. 

In case we are in any doubt about just how perverse, depraved and out of touch with reality most Americans are when it comes to Israel we should consider the words of Gov. Tim Walz who is the running mate to Vice President Kamala Harris in the upcoming American presidential election. 

During the Vice Presidential debate with Senator J. D. Vance last week he said,

""The expansion of Israel is an absolute necessity for the United States".

Whilst the civilised world is calling for restraint, a ceasefire, a cessation of hostilities and a peaceful resolution of the crisis many in America are calling for an expansion of Israel's borders and the establishment of Netanyahu's dream of a Greater Israel! That can hardly be the way forward.

Those that still doubt the Zionist quest for a Greater Israel would do well to consider the words of Bezalel Smoritch, the Israeli Finance Minister, who said the following.

"I openly declare that we want a Jewish state that includes Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon".

They should also consider the words of Israeli Heritage Minister Amichi Eliyahu who suggested that a nuclear bomb be dropped on Gaza and that the few Palestinians that may survive it should be driven into the Sinai desert!

Again they should reflect on the words of Israeli Minister of National Security, Itamer Ben Givr, who has been convicted by the Israeli courts on terrorism charges on several occasions and who said,

"My right, my wife's, my children's, to roam the roads of Judea and Samaria (meaning the West Bank) are more important than the right of movement of the Arabs. This is the reality and that's the truth. My right for life comes before their right to movement."

On other occasions Ben Givr has said even more outrageous things like calling for the storming and destruction of the Al Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem which happens to be Islam's second most sacred and most famous mosque in order to make way for the building of a Jewish temple on the same spot and he has also called for the summary execution of all Palestinian prisoners and detainees in Israeli prisons in order to make space for others! 

On Gaza he said the following, "We cannot withdraw from the Gaza Strip. Not only do I not rule out Jewish settlement there, I believe it is also an important thing. The war presents an opportunity to concentrate on encouraging the migration of the residents of Gaza. In my view such a policy is correct, just, moral and humane solution”. 

He went on to say that of the 2.5 million Palestinians that live in Gaza, 25,000 each should be dispersed and deported to 100 different countries all over the world and any that are left should be thrown into the sea! 

One wonders what type of heartless creature this individual is.

Finally the skeptics and naysayers should also ponder on the fact that Israeli military snipers openly and consistently target Palestinian children and babies for elimination in Gaza and they should consider the words of Meirav Ben-Ari, a female Member of the Israeli Knesset (Parliament) who said "the children of Gaza brought this upon themselves" and asserted that they "deserve what they were getting".

I could list many more examples of the mindless and callous words and disposition of the Zionist leaders which clearly illustrate their desire to wipe out not just the Palestinians but all the Arabs in order to make way for the Greater Israel but for the purposes of this contribution the few that I have cited will suffice. 

Needless to say, given their collective mindset, I have no doubt that Oliver Stone, the great American film producer, was absolutely right when he said that having met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on one occassion he had come to the conclusion that he was totally and completely insane.

I have little doubt that we can safely arrive at the same conclusion when we consider the mental and psychological disposition of Smotrich, Ben Givr, Eliyahu, Ben-Ari and virtually every other member of Netanyahu's cabinet and leading military commanders.

They are all blood-crazed, blood- thirsty psychopaths who are as mad as a hatter and who deserve to be confined to a mental institution! 

At this juncture permit me to express my complete and utter disgust at the way in which Israel has conducted itself over the last one year and I make bold to proclaim that a nation of ethnic cleansers, child killers and genocidal maniacs cannot possibly be victorious in any conflict.

It is only a matter of time before they are brought to their knees.

In this respect the words of a BBC reporter reporting from Tel Aviv just a few days ago are instructive. He said, "No one has hope for the future here. Many professionals are leaving Israel and many residents are going bankrupt. The war is expanding every day and its continuation increases the despair of the Israelis day by day."

Equally enlightening are the words of leading Israeli political commentators and media houses themselves who have evidently seen the handwriting on the wall and who are living in trepidation of the future and the consequences of the horrendous blood-drenched path that their Prime Minister has chosen to tread. 

Three examples will suffice.

A few days ago Sher Hever, a leading political economist who grew up in Israel, said the following.

"Israel's genocide in Gaza also threatens its own survival. Any regime that commits genocide also commits suicide.There is no coming back from it and this is what Israelis are seeing for themselves".

His insight is commendable and second to none.

On their part, Haarezt, which is one of the leading and most influential newspaper houses in Israel wrote the following in its editorial.

"Netanyahu led Israel into the worst year and the worst war in its history. And it's not even over. History will not judge Benjamin Netanyahu as a righteous crusader leading the West in a holy war against Islamofascism, as he sees himself. Instead it will regard him as the inept politician who blindly led Israel to October 7th and all the debacles that folllowed". 

Finally, in an article titled 'Israel Takes Its Last Breath' written a few days ago for Haarezt by Ari Shavit, a famous Zionist columnist, the author penned the following:

“It seems we have passed the point of no return and Israel may no longer be able to end the occupation, stop the colonization, and achieve peace. It seems that it is no longer possible to reform Zionism, save democracy, or unite the people in this country".

He goes on, "There’s no point in living in this country anymore. There’s no point in writing in Haarezt. There’s no point in reading Haarezt. We must do what Rogel Alpher suggested two years ago which is to leave the country. If ‘Israelism’ and Judaism are no longer vital parts of one’s identity and if every Israeli citizen holds a foreign passport not only in a technical sense but also psychologically, it’s over. It’s time to say goodbye to friends and move to San Francisco, Berlin, or Paris".

He goes further by saying, "We must step back and watch the democratic Jewish state sink. Maybe the issue hasn’t been resolved yet. Maybe we haven’t yet passed the point of no return. Maybe there’s still a chance to end the occupation, stop colonization, reform Zionism, save democracy, and divide the land".

He concludes by saying,

"It appears that we are dealing with one of the toughest people in history and the only solution is to give them their rights and end the occupation". 

Sher Hever, the Editorial Board of Haarezt and Ari Shavid reflect the thinking and share the fears of millions in Israel today and have said it all.

With sentiments like this being voiced in the apartheid state there may well be hope after all and the darkness that Benjamin Netanyahu represents may well be swept away from power from within.

Let us hope that this is the case because the alternative is a grave one for the State of Israel and may result in her being wiped off the face of the earth. 

The truth is that if anyone represents an existential threat to Israel it is not Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, the Arabs, Iran or the Palestinians but rather it is Benjamin Netanyahu and his cabinet of delusional and psychotic right wing fanatics who are hell bent on provoking a regional war which their nation cannot possibly survive let alone win.

Permit me to conclude with the following.

Giorgus Mitralias, a Greek journalist, a founding member of the Greek Committee Against Debt and a member of the CADTM network wrote the following in an essay titled 'When Israel's accomplices accustoms us to a monstrous, heartless and inhuman world'.

He said,

"Almost a year ago we wrote that one of the aims of Netanyahu and his acolytes was to accustom us to a world that increasingly resembles a jungle where only the law of the strongest reigns and where the worst atrocities against the weakest are permitted! Today, after twelve months of atrocities and crimes that often surpass the imagination, we can say that the Zionist state is accustoming us to something much more serious: perversity, mass sadism and indiscriminate, unrestrained violence against civilians, which are tolerated, recognized and even accepted as “normal” behavior by those above! This bestialises not only those who commit these unspeakable crimes but also all those who tolerate and encourage them, pretending not to see!"

Giorgus has spoken the bitter truth: the world has indeed lost its compassion and humanity.

May God deliver us all. 

(Chief Femi Fani-Kayode is the Sadaukin Shinkafi, a former Minister of Aviation and a former Minister of Culture and Tourism)

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Mascot Ogunjemiyo 

(A Stockbroker and Oil & Gas Expert)

Topic: Fuel Price Crisis and Economic Hardship

Date: 12th October, 2024                         

Join Zoom Meeting

https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09

Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732

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President Bola Tinubu congratulates businesswoman Hajia Muinat Bola Shagaya as she celebrates her 65th birthday.

The President joins family, friends and business associates in celebrating the founder and CEO of Bolmus Group International, whose business and philanthropic endeavours have touched the lives of many Nigerians.

The President commends Hajia Shagaya’s contribution to the nation's economic growth, particularly through her diverse business investments in industries such as oil, real estate, banking, and communications.

President Tinubu extends his heartfelt wishes for the continued health and happiness of the trailblazing entrepreneur.

Bayo Onanuga
Special Adviser to the President
(Information & Strategy)

President Bola Tinubu condoles with the Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Mr Kolo Mele Kyari over the death of his daughter.

Kyari’s daughter, Fatima died Friday at the age of 25 after protracted illness.

The President sympathizes with Kyari and the rest of the family on the irreparable and painful loss.

President Tinubu prays for the repose of the soul of Fatima and urges the Kyari family to stay strong at these trying times.

Bayo Onanuga
Special Adviser to the President
(Information & Strategy)

The Supreme Court held that the State Governments have no power to keep, control, or disburse allocations from the Federation Account to Local Government Councils. It granted an order of injunction restraining the State governments by themselves, their privies, agents, officials, or howsoever called, from further collecting, receiving, spending, or tampering with local government council funds from the Federation Account for the benefit of Local Government Councils.

It also ordered that the Federation or Federal Government of Nigeria, through its relevant officials, should commence the direct payment to each Local Government Council of the amount standing to the credit of each of them in the Federation Account.

The age-long debate as to the status of Local Government Councils (LGC) doesn’t appear to have been finally settled, even with the recent Supreme Court judgement asserting the financial autonomy of the LGCs. Other important issues have trailed the LGCs, especially that of whether or not there should be a Local Government Electoral Commission, possibly within the structure of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), to replace the State Independent Electoral Commission. Will it make LGC elections credible, so that it’s not always the ruling political party in the State or appointees of the Governors that take all the Chairmanship and Councillorship positions within their States, as has been the outcome in most States over the years, since it is the Governor that is responsible for staffing SIEC? Will it guarantee the LGC’s independence, and their place as a third tier of Government? Will it curb the high handedness of the State Governors?

Festus Okoye, a former National Commissioner of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) gives an in-depth analysis of the issue, and recommends the best approach to settling it.

Sooner or later, the critical stakeholders in the Nigerian Federation must settle the debate on the place and role of State Independent Electoral Commissions in the matrix of electoral Commissions in Nigeria. Coterminous to the role and place of State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIEC), is the raging debate on the role, place, and independence of Local Governments in the Federal structure of Nigeria.

Related Issues

Three related issues underscore the urgency of a quick debate and resolution of the issue of Local Governments, through constitutional alteration and amendment of the constitutive legal instruments. The first is the unreported judgement of the Supreme Court in Suit No. SC/CV/343/2024 delivered on the 11th day of July, 2024 involving the Attorney-General of the Federation and the Attorneys -General of the 36 States of the Federation, on what is now popularly referred to as Local Government autonomy.

The second issue relates to a pending Bill before the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, seeking to establish a National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission (NILGEC) charged with the responsibility of conducting elections to the office of Local Government Chairmen and Councillors across all States of the Federation. The Bill titled “Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531)” was sponsored by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance, Senator Sani Musa, (APC, Niger-East).

The third issue is the flurry of Local Government Elections that have been conducted since the judgement of the Supreme Court delivered on the 11th day of July, 2024. There are also the judgements of the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court on the dissolution of Local Governments, and the unimplemented reports of Committees set up by the Federal Government on electoral matters, that have become residual issues in our electoral framework.

The other ancillary issue is that Section 197 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), establishes the State Independent Electoral Commission as one of the State Executive Bodies. The Constitution gives the Governor of each State the power to appoint the Chairman and members, subject to confirmation by the House of Assembly of the State. Nigeria and Nigerians must resolve whether the State Independent Electoral Commissions must continue to exist and conduct Local Government elections. This is because of their performance and sheer powerlessness, before the State Governors and the State Houses of Assembly.

Impact of Supreme Court Judgement in LG Financial Autonomy Case

There is no doubt that the judgement of the Supreme Court of Nigeria on financial autonomy for the seven hundred and sixty-eight Local Government Areas in Nigeria and six Area Council Areas in the Federal Capital Territory has raised, once again, the question of the place, relevance and independence of the various Local Governments in Nigeria. It has also raised the question of the independence, relevance, and impartiality of the States’ Independent Electoral Commissions. More fundamentally, it has brought to the fore, our practice of Federalism and the place of grassroots structures in our Federal structure.

The critical question is, whether the judgement of the Supreme Court delivered on the 11th day of July, 2024 will solve the myriad challenges bedevilling the Local Government system in Nigeria. Other than the Supreme Court judgement on the financial independence of the local governments, are there other issues that must be tackled to strengthen the place of local governments in the Nigerian Federal structure? First, it will be good to understand the problems resolved by the judgement of the Supreme Court.

On the 24th day of May, 2024, the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) took out an Originating Summons before the Supreme Court of Nigeria against the Attorneys-General of 36 States of the Federation, seeking various reliefs. On the 11th day of July, 2024, the Supreme Court delivered its judgement and granted 11 Declarations and 3 Orders. The Supreme Court granted a declaration that the States of Nigeria, or any one of them, acting through their/its respective State Governors and or State House of Assembly, are/is under obligation to ensure democratic governance at the third tier of government in Nigeria, that is the Local Government level.

The Supreme Court decried the unlawful and unconstitutional dissolution of democratically elected Local Government Councils, and their replacement with Caretaker Committees. It held that State Governments and the Houses of Assembly have no power to constitute, appoint, or determine a Local Government. It held that a State Government or the Governor of a State has no power to constitute, appoint, or determine a local government that Section 7(1) of the 1999 Constitution has prescribed can only be by Local Government Councils, democratically elected by persons in a local government area.The Supreme Court stated that only democratically elected Local Governments can receive distributable amounts standing to the credit of Local Government Councils in the Federation Account. The Supreme Court held that it amounts to grave misconduct to use a State Law or Administrative directive to dissolve or cause the dissolution of democratically elected Local Government Councils. It also held that the State Governments have no power to keep, control, or disburse allocations from the Federation Account to Local Government Councils. It granted an order of injunction restraining the State governments by themselves, their privies, agents, officials, or howsoever called, from further collecting, receiving, spending, or tampering with local government council funds from the Federation Account for the benefit of Local Government Councils. It also ordered that the Federation or Federal Government of Nigeria, through its relevant officials, should commence the direct payment to each Local Government Council of the amount standing to the credit of each of them in the Federation Account.

Before the Supreme Court judgement, most Nigerians saw the local governments as glorified outposts of the State Governments, and most of them were selected and not democratically elected. The State Independent Electoral Commissions organised “one-way” elections, and in most of the States, the ruling party “cleared” all the contested positions.

The State Governments and the State Houses of Assembly dissolved the Local Government Councils at will, appointed Caretaker Committees, and arbitrarily fixed their tenure. The Courts intervened, but, the problems persisted. The bone of contention has been the interpretation and application of Section 7 of the Constitution (as it provides that “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils is under this Constitution guaranteed; and accordingly, the Government of every State shall, subject to Section 8 of this Constitution, ensure their existence under a Law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance, and functions of such councils”).

In the case of Eze & ors v Governor of Abia State & ors (2010) LPELR-4133(CA) on the dissolution of democratically elected Local Governments, the Court of Appeal per Helen Moronkeji Ogunwumiju, JCA (as she then was) held that the powers conferred on the Government of every State by Section 7(1) of the 1999 Constitution to ensure the existence under a law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and functions of a local government, can only be executed within the confines of the provisions of the Constitution. Thus, the power of the State House of Assembly under Section 4(7) of the Constitution, cannot extend to truncate the tenure of a democratically elected local government council. The Constitution only recognises elected members of the local government council. It is ultra vires the Constitution, for any State Legislature to make a law that dissolves a local government council made up of elected Chairmen and Councillors, and replace it with members of a Caretaker Committee selected by the State Government. 

The Court of Appeal in the case of AG Benue State & ors v Umar & ors (2007) LPELR-8076, emphasised that Caretaker Committees have no place in our constitutional democracy. It held that “under Section 7(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, the system of local government by democratically elected Local Government Councils is guaranteed, and the Government of every State is obliged to ensure their existence under a law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and functions of such councils”.

The Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) (2008), weighed in on the conduct of Local Government elections by the State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). It addressed the composition and functions of SIEC in Chapter 5 of Volume 1(Main Report). The Committee found that “the 1999 Constitution provides for the establishment of State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs), which have the function of conducting elections of Chairmen and Councillors into the Local Government Councils. Paragraph 3 to the Third Schedule (Part II) of the 1999 Constitution provides that “A State Independent Electoral Commission shall comprise the following members (a) a Chairman; and (b) not less than five but not more than seven other persons” who are to be appointed by the State Governor, and confirmed by the House of Assembly for the State. Many people who submitted memoranda, expressed dissatisfaction with the performance of SIECs, which were considered mere organs of the incumbent State Governors and the ruling parties. Unfortunately, the conduct of the local government elections by them in 2004, and more recently in 2008 in many States of the Federation, tended to support the negative perception of the SIECs. In most of the States where local government elections were conducted, candidates of the ruling parties won virtually all the seats. Often, such results do not reflect the voting pattern in Federal elections. In view of the performance of the SIECs in 2004 and 2008 elections, there have been popular suggestions at the public hearings, in some of the memoranda submitted, and also in the media for their abrogation. The poor performance of SIECs gives cause for concern, given the significance of local governments in a democratic society. The third tier of government, should be the foundation of democratic governance for the citizens. It is the closest level of government to the citizens. Therefore, it should be seen to address the basic needs of the citizens. Furthermore, it provides citizens with more direct representation, and opportunity for political participation. However, in its present form, Local Government operators are seen as mere nominees of State Governors who lack the independence to implement popular and democratic programmes”.

Various Recommendations on the Reform of SIECs

The Committee recommended that the existing SIECs be reorganised and integrated into the structure of INEC, for greater efficiency and autonomy. This will entail constitutional amendment and statutory provisions, integrating and coordinating the activities of the State offices of INEC and SIECs for all elections.

1) Scrapping of SIECs and Transfer of their Functions to INEC

On 4th October, 2016, the Constitution and Electoral Reform Committee (CERC) was inaugurated by Mr Abubakar Malami, SAN, the then Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice “to, among other things, recommend measures required to improve the electoral process and deepen democracy in Nigeria”. The Committee recommended the scrapping of SIECs, and the transfer of their functions to INEC. The Committee also recommended the amendment of the Constitution to include a provision that “INEC shall not be subject to the directive or control of any other authority or person, in the performance of its functions’’. This provision is to insulate INEC from the influence and control of Government and its agencies.

2) Establishment of National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission

Presently, we have a Bill before the National Assembly seeking to establish a Local Government Independent Electoral Commission. The Bill titled “Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531)”, was sponsored by the Chairman Senate Committee on Finance, Senator Sani Musa, (APC, Niger-East). The Bill seeks to establish the National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission (NILGEC) responsible for conducting elections to the office of the Local Government Chairman and Councillors, and any other matter to do with local government as a third tier of government. NILGEC will organise, oversee, and conduct elections for the offices of Local Government Chairman and Councillors across all States.

Part of the functions of NILGEC will include preparing and maintaining an accurate and up-to-date voter register, ensuring the conduct of voter education and public awareness regarding the electoral process, and setting and enforcing electoral guidelines and regulations for Local Government elections, recruitment and training of electoral officers and staff for efficient election management and investigating and adjudicating electoral disputes. The budget for the proposed Commission will be approved by the National Assembly, and elections for the offices of Local Government Chairman and Councillors shall be conducted every four years. “Upon the establishment of NILGEC, all powers and functions related to the conduct of Local Government elections previously vested in any other body or authority, shall be transferred to NILGEC.”

Now, the Federal and State Governments are working out modalities to implement the judgement of the Supreme Court. This has led to a flurry of Local Government elections, and dates for their conduct. Kwara State has conducted its Local Government Election, and the ruling party “won” all 16 Chairmanship positions and the 193 Councillorship positions. Imo State conducted its Local Government elections, and the ruling party “won” all 17 Chairmanship positions and the 305 Councillorship positions. Enugu State has conducted its Local Government Elections, and the ruling party won all 17 Chairmanship positions. In Delta State, the ruling party “won” the 25 Chairmanship positions and 499 of the 500 Councillorship seats. In Sokoto State, the ruling party “won” all the 23 Chairmanship seats and the 244 Councillorship positions. Anambra State conducted its own Local Government elections on the 28th day of September, 2024. The ruling party” won” the Chairmanship and Councillorship positions in the 21 Local Government Areas of the State. Kaduna State will conduct its own on the 19th day of October, 2024 and Abia State will conduct its own on the 4th of November, 2024.

The Supreme Court’s judgement, is a huge victory for the rule of law and due process. It is a credit to the AGF, that some form of financial independence has been restored to the Local Governments. Nigerians expect the Local Governments to impact grassroots development, rather than existing for the payment of salaries and sharing overheads.

A related issue thrown up by the Supreme Court’s judgement on the local government’s financial autonomy, is whether the problems bedevilling the Local Governments have everything to do with the retention and use of money meant for the Local Governments by State Governments through the Joint Accounts. The retention of the money due to them, rendered the Local Governments redundant. The arbitrary dissolution of the local governments instills fear in the occupants of the positions, and makes them subservient to the State Government and the State Assembly. The juggling and uncertainty of tenure means that, aspirants to the position of Chairman and Councillors of Local Governments can spend so much money on nomination forms, campaigns, payment of poll agents, and other ancillary things, and lose office in less than one year after assuming office.

Financial autonomy has not changed, and may not change the dizzying scenarios associated with Local Government elections. The results from the conduct of Local Government elections after the judgement of the Supreme Court, further affirms that Nigeria has a long way to go in restoring the integrity and independence of the Local Governments.

The Bill pending before the National Assembly, seeks to establish a NILGEC. The sponsor of the Bill is responding to the challenge of the Local Governments, and the inability of the State Independent Electoral Commissions to conduct credible elections. The sponsor of the Bill therefore, seeks a collective and uniform approach to solving the problem through a single electoral management body to conduct elections in the Local Governments in the 36 States of the Federation.

The Bill may suffer a stillbirth, for a variety of reasons. Local Governments in Nigeria are a creation of the Constitution. Section 7 of the Constitution is clear and emphatic, on the system of local government administration. “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils is under this Constitution guaranteed; and accordingly, the Government of every State shall, subject to Section 8 of this Constitution, ensure their existence under a Law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance, and functions of such councils”. Furthermore, Section 197 of the Constitution establishes the State Independent Electoral Commission, as one of the State Executive Bodies. The Constitution gives the Governor the power to appoint the Chairman and members, subject to confirmation by the House of Assembly of the State.

This means that no law made by the National Assembly, can alter or override the provisions of the Constitution. The Constitution is the fundamental law of the land, and all other laws flow from the Constitution, and any other law that is inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution will be void to the extent of the inconsistency. Section 1(3) of the Constitution provides: “If any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail, and that other law shall to the extent of the inconsistency be void”.

The National Assembly, the Executive, and the Judiciary derive their powers from the Constitution. As observed by Ayoola, JSC in the case of INEC v MUSA (2003) LPELR-24927(SC), “the legislative powers of the Legislature, cannot be exercised inconsistently with the Constitution. Where it is so exercised, it is invalid to the extent of such inconsistency”. He also observed that“where the Constitution has enacted exhaustively relating to any situation, conduct, or subject, a body that claims to legislate in addition to what the Constitution had enacted, must show that it has derived the legislative authority to do so from the Constitution”. Hon. Justice Mary Peter-Odili, JSC, made the same point in the case of Jegede & Anor v INEC & Ors and said “The Constitution is the very foundation and structure, upon which the existence of all organs of government is hinged. It must be held inviolable”. Similarly, in the case of HOPE DEMOCRATIC PARTY v OBI (2012) ALL FWLR (Pt. 612) 1620 at page 1644, the Supreme Court, per Adekeye JSC held that: “The Constitution is the supreme law of the land, therefore, the provisions are superior to every provision embodied in any Act or law, and are binding on all persons or authorities in Nigeria. The failure to follow any of the provisions, renders the steps taken unconstitutional, null, and void.”

The Bill titled “Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531), cannot be used to amend the Constitution. The Bill cannot abolish State Independent Electoral Commission, as it is a creation of the Constitution. The new Commission cannot organise the registration of voters, as that power is specifically donated to the Independent National Electoral Commission. The Distinguished Senator can only introduce a Bill to amend the Constitution, and bring into being the proposed Local Government Independent Electoral Commission. While the sentiments that gave rise to Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531) are understandable, the route to an independent State Electoral Commission must be found in the Constitution. It is wasteful to duplicate electoral management bodies. It is wasteful for the new body, to conduct voter registration. It is wasteful for the new body to have the full complement of offices, staff, and the paraphernalia of conducting elections.

I still submit that it is wasteful to have 36 electoral management bodies for the country, with each having offices and staff in all the Local Government areas of the country. It is wasteful for the State Independent Electoral Commissions to have their own Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, ballot boxes, and cubicles.

The Best Approach and Constitutional Amendments Required 

The best approach to an independent electoral management body that can conduct credible elections at the local governments, is suggested by the Electoral Reform Committee (2008), and that is the integration of the State Independent Electoral Commission into the structure of the Independent National Electoral Commission, to form one electoral body for the country. The Committee recommended that the existing SIECs be reorganised and integrated into the structure of INEC, for greater efficiency and autonomy. This will entail constitutional amendments, and statutory provisions integrating and coordinating the activities of the State offices of INEC and SIECs for all elections. This will entail altering Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution, to vest the Independent National Electoral Commission with the power to conduct Local Government Elections. It will entail amending Section 285 of the Constitution and all other corresponding sections, to bring them into conformity with the new legal regime.

It will also entail amending Section 7 of the Constitution, to prescribe a definite tenure for the Local Governments in Nigeria. The National Assembly must amend Section 197 establishing the State Independent Electoral Commission. They must also amend Sections 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, and 205 of the Constitution. These sections deal with the removal of members of SIEC, independence of certain bodies, quorum and decisions, powers and procedures, and interpretation. Section 110 of the Electoral Act 2022 has prescribed the procedure for the removal from office, of a Chairman and Vice-Chairman of an Area Council. The amendment must follow the same pattern, and prescribe the procedure for the removal from office of a Chairman or Vice-Chairman of a Local Government. The National Assembly must also tweak Section 150 of the Electoral Act relating to the procedure for Local Government Elections, in furtherance of Paragraph 11 of Part ll of the Second Schedule to the Constitution, to rhyme with Sections 98 to 113 of the Electoral Act.

Half measures, will not be enough. Financial independence alone, will not guarantee the autonomy of the Local Governments. The process through which Local Government Chairmen and Councillors get elected and assume office, must be protected. Their tenure must be guaranteed, and there must be diversity in the membership of the various Local Government Councils. The Executive and the Legislature at the National and State levels must put the nation first, and strengthen grassroots democracy. Every nation arrives at Federalism based on its history, culture, practices, and antecedents. We must practice Federalism that works for us, and not one that undermines grassroots democracy.

Festus Okoye, Legal Practitioner; former National Commissioner, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)

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I just came across an interesting Press Statement signed by one Luka Binniyat, the Middle Belt Forum's Kaduna State Chapter Chairman, dated Sunday, October 6, 2024, in which he tried to raise legitimate questions around the composition of the Board nominees of the newly established North West Development Commission (NWDC).

Without prejudice to the whole essence of the inclusivity message that the said intervention sought to push through, one would still like to insist that there are palpable signs of gross misunderstanding and misrepresentation bordering on outright confusion around the definition of the term or concept of the Middle Belt that its Forum's Kaduna State Chapter Chairman was attempting to project out there via his Press Statement.

Firstly, even from the sound of its name alone, the Middle Belt concept looks to be more of a geographical expression than anything else, and that has been the case since its formal introduction into the public consciousness several decades ago.

Indeed, it can rightly be argued that it all started as an agglomeration of the various peoples or communities spread across the middle or centre of the geographical expression we have all come to know and recognise as Nigeria today. And that has remained so for quite a while now since the Middle Belt concept’s official launch, but I stand to be corrected.

As time went by, however, successive leaders and promoters of the Middle Belt Forum and its ideals actively sought to expand its reach by way of the deliberate extension of its outreach messaging to appeal to other people of the same or similar faith and shared experiences. This is principally on account of their minority status in several of the core Northern States, with a view to fighting for a common cause. And that is all fine and good, to be honest!

But what they should probably have done from that point onwards was to promptly effect an appropriate name change to reflect its renewed focus and expanded status beyond its original geographical circumscription. This is especially so because many of its targeted would-be new entrants are undoubtedly located very far away from the centre or middle of any perceived belt, geographically speaking.

Again, you cannot possibly go on to define the Middle Belt "as all parts of Nigeria that were not ruled or conquered by the Sokoto Caliphate (emphasis mine) and the Kanem Borno Empire in pre-colonial Nigeria", in one breath, and then go right ahead to immediately attempt to contradict yourself by including such historic towns and villages of the Gwandu Emirate as Kalgo, Koko/Besse, Suru and the like, in your patented pipedream of an expanded or greater Middle Belt, in another breath.

That does not make any logical sense at all, unless you do not have the slightest idea of what you really are talking about. To do so would amount to the closest example of approbation and reprobation one could possibly think of, albeit in the reverse sense!

Indeed, if one can ever get away with 'annexing' any other town against its express wishes based on your own strictly defined criteria of not having been ruled or conquered by the Caliphate, that town would certainly not be Kalgo, would it?

Kalgo, by the way, is reputed to be a veritable staging point of sorts for several Gwandu Princes who served as its District Head, better known by its formally recognised title of Sarkin Gobir of Kalgo, en route their onward journey towards their manifest destiny of ascending the Gwandu Emirship stool of their forebears; Gwandu, being the pivotal Western flank of the expansive Sokoto Caliphate, just in case Mr. Binniyat may not have been aware of that fact.

Again, as unlikely as it may ordinarily seem to the untrained eye on account of the legendary modesty of the vast majority of the Emirs in its rich and storied history, the Gwandu Emirship stool has always been, and will forever remain, the second most revered throne in the hierarchy of the Caliphate structure after that of His Eminence, the Sultan of Sokoto; again, just in case Mr. Binniyat may not have realised that just yet.

In addition, and talking specifically about the Southern Kebbi concept, I struggle to see how a place like far away Kalgo; a town that is both critical and historically relevant to the Gwandu Emirship stool and also proximal to Birnin Kebbi, its longstanding capital located  just a stone's throw away, can ever be considered to be an integral part and parcel of any conceivable expanded Southern Kebbi or Kebbi South configuration of his dream by any stretch of the imagination.

At any rate, I am not exactly aware of the existence of any extended Belt of sufficient enough dimension, at the centre or in the Middle of which Kalgo may logically be deemed to have been factored into, and both legally and legitimately embraced.

These are just a few observations around the deliberate provocative narrative spins driven by the extremely wild and way off the mark conjectures informing that strange inclusion of the mentioned areas in the expansive buckle of the utopian Middle Belt concept that Mr. Luka Binniyat may wish to respond to.

In closing, I would still like to humbly restate that nothing I have said or written here is designed to detract from the essence of the primary message he is trying to convey around the recent nominations for the newly established NWDC Board.

Abdullahi Usman 

(Wednesday, October 9, 2024)

The political landscape of Nigeria is constantly evolving, and as we have seen in recent years, smaller political parties are starting to gain traction in regions once considered strongholds of the two dominant parties: the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). One such party is the Action Peoples Party (APP), which, following its recent popularity and successes in Rivers State, has captured the interest of many political observers. The question on everyone’s mind is whether the APP could replicate the success of the Labour Party (LP), which has emerged as a formidable force in the Nigerian political arena, particularly after its significant wins in the 2023 general elections.

Rivers State, a key political hub in the Niger Delta, has long been dominated by the PDP, with occasional competition from the APC. However, recent developments indicate that the political landscape is no longer business as usual. The PDP’s stronghold is being challenged not only by the APC but also by emerging parties like the APP. In the last election cycle, the APP made significant inroads in Rivers, winning several local seats and gaining visibility.

This rise in APP’s influence in Rivers has sparked conversations about the party’s potential to grow beyond its current standing. Could the APP be the next Labour Party in terms of sudden national recognition, broad acceptance, and electoral victories?

The APP’s growing acceptance in Rivers can be attributed to several factors. First, the leadership of the APP in Rivers State has managed to present itself as a viable alternative to the dominant PDP and the opposition APC. The APP has capitalized on the general discontent among the populace over economic hardships, poor governance, and a perceived disconnect between the ruling elite and the masses. Just as the Labour Party managed to connect with the youth, the middle class, and the underrepresented in the 2023 elections, the APP is beginning to fill a similar space in Rivers.

As gathered from a professional colleague whose beat as a Journalist in the Niger Delta Region includes Rivers, the party’s message of inclusivity, transparency, and grassroots development has resonated with many voters who feel abandoned by the traditional parties. Many Rivers residents are searching for fresh ideas, leadership with integrity, and a party that truly represents their interests. APP’s increasing popularity is also driven by the fact that it has been able to attract credible candidates, both young and experienced, who share the party’s values and vision for Rivers State.

The Labour Party’s meteoric rise during the 2023 elections offers several lessons for the APP. First and foremost, the Labour Party understood that to break the dominance of the established parties, it had to appeal to the masses’ sentiments while positioning itself as a voice for the voiceless. With Peter Obi’s candidacy for the presidency, the LP successfully painted itself as the party of hope, change, and accountability. This narrative appealed to millions of disillusioned voters across the country, particularly in urban areas and among the youth.

The APP in Rivers State has a similar opportunity. By positioning itself as a party that genuinely listens to the people and prioritizes their needs, it can continue to chip away at the PDP and APC’s hold on the electorate. The APP can also draw inspiration from the Labour Party’s focus on grassroots mobilization. Labour’s success was not solely due to its presidential candidate; the party was able to build a network of supporters across the country through town hall meetings, social media campaigns, and personal engagements with voters.

In Rivers, the APP could adopt a similar strategy, deepening its connection with voters at the grassroots level, holding leaders accountable, and maintaining consistent communication with its base. If it can successfully create a narrative that mirrors the Labour Party’s underdog story, the APP has the potential to blossom into a major political force not just in Rivers but across the Niger Delta and beyond.

However, while the APP’s recent gains in Rivers are promising, the road ahead is fraught with challenges. The political terrain in Rivers State is complex and competitive. The PDP, with its deep pockets and entrenched political machinery, will not easily cede control. Similarly, the APC, despite internal fractures, remains a formidable opponent with strong backing from national figures.

To succeed, the APP must avoid the pitfalls that have derailed other smaller parties in Nigeria. One of the key challenges is maintaining party cohesion. Many smaller parties have struggled to remain united as they grow, with internal disagreements often leading to factionalism and weakening their political effectiveness. The APP will need to ensure that it remains disciplined, unified, and committed to its core values.

Another challenge is maintaining relevance beyond local elections. While the APP has gained momentum in Rivers, it must work to translate that local success into broader regional and national relevance. This means identifying strong candidates for gubernatorial, senatorial, and national assembly positions in the next election cycles. If the APP can field competitive candidates in these races, it can solidify its place as a serious political contender.

One key to the APP’s continued success will be its ability to form strategic partnerships and coalitions with other like-minded parties and political actors. The Labour Party’s rise was bolstered by the support of various civil society groups, labor unions, and other smaller parties that aligned with its vision. In a similar vein, the APP could benefit from forming alliances with other progressive parties, community groups, and labor organizations that share its goals for grassroots development and transparent governance.

By working together with other political stakeholders, the APP can build a broader coalition of supporters that can challenge the entrenched political elites in Rivers. This strategy could also extend beyond the state, as the party could seek to partner with national movements that are calling for political reform and greater accountability in Nigeria’s governance.

Whether the APP can fully blossom like the Labour Party will depend on its ability to maintain its momentum, avoid internal divisions, and stay true to its grassroots message. The political conditions in Rivers State are ripe for a change, with many voters disillusioned by the PDP and the APC. The APP has the potential to capitalize on this discontent, but it must remain focused and strategic in its approach.

The party must also remember that its journey to greater relevance will be a marathon, not a sprint. Just as the Labour Party’s rise was built on years of groundwork, the APP must continue to build its base and engage with voters year-round, not just during election season. If it can do so, it may very well become the next major political force in Rivers State, and potentially beyond.

In fact, the Action Peoples Party’s recent successes in Rivers State have raised important questions about its potential to become a dominant political force, much like the Labour Party in 2023. While there are no guarantees in politics, the APP’s growing popularity, strong grassroots appeal, and ability to present a viable alternative to the PDP and APC suggest that it is on the right track. However, the road to political relevance is long and challenging, and the APP will need to remain focused, united, and committed to its ideals if it hopes to fully blossom in the political garden of Rivers and Nigeria at large.

In a world teeming with social influencers, celebrities, and internet personalities, it is easy for one voice to get lost in the noise. Yet, every so often, someone comes along who is not just another face on the screen, but a force of nature, a beacon of truth, and a rallying point for millions seeking justice and fairness. Very Dark Man (VDM) is one such individual. To say he is God-sent would not be an exaggeration, and it would not be overstating it to claim that someone like him only comes once in a lifetime.

VDM, as he is often fondly referred to, has captivated audiences with his fearless stance against injustice, his unapologetic exposure of societal ills, and his tireless commitment to holding those in power accountable. In a world where many are quick to exploit their platforms for personal gain, VDM has chosen to use his influence for something far more meaningful: to be a voice for the voiceless and to speak out against societal injustices that others are too scared or indifferent to address.

One of the reasons Very Dark Man resonates so deeply with his audience is his ability to connect with everyday people. He doesn’t just talk about injustice from a distance; he brings it close, makes it personal, and invites others to see the world through the lens of those who are suffering. His unique approach, blending raw emotion with well-researched facts, has struck a chord with those who have long felt ignored by the mainstream media and societal leaders.

When he speaks, it is with the conviction of someone who has lived through the struggles of those he defends. He does not sugarcoat his messages or tiptoe around delicate issues. Instead, he confronts them head-on, showing the raw truth and forcing society to look at its own reflection. This unfiltered, direct approach is rare in today’s world, where diplomacy often translates into silence, and where fear of backlash leads many influencers to avoid controversial topics.

Very Dark Man’s advocacy for justice goes beyond merely shedding light on issues. He actively seeks to hold those responsible accountable, whether they are individuals, corporations, or governmental institutions. His investigative skills are second to none, as he meticulously gathers evidence to support his claims before presenting them to his audience. This approach has earned him a reputation for being credible, authentic, and deeply committed to the truth.

His most impactful work has been in exposing fraud and corruption within institutions that have for years gone unchecked. Whether it is highlighting police brutality, tackling issues of social inequality, or calling out organizations that exploit vulnerable individuals, VDM has consistently shown a deep-rooted desire to see justice served. In a country where many shy away from taking on the establishment for fear of reprisal, VDM stands tall, unyielding, and unwavering.

His fight for justice has come at great personal cost. Like many who dare to challenge the status quo, Very Dark Man has faced threats, smear campaigns, and attempts to silence his voice. Yet, he remains undeterred. His bravery in the face of such adversity only serves to inspire others to speak out, proving that even in the darkest moments, there is hope for change if we are willing to fight for it.

VDM’s influence extends far beyond his immediate audience. His work has sparked a new wave of activism among young people, many of whom have been inspired by his courage and dedication to making a difference. For a generation that has often felt disconnected from traditional forms of advocacy and political engagement, VDM provides a fresh, relatable perspective on how to effect change in the modern world.

His methods, which include utilizing social media to raise awareness, have resonated particularly well with younger audiences. He has mastered the art of making complex social issues accessible and engaging, all while maintaining a sense of urgency and importance around the topics he discusses. This ability to connect with a younger generation is a critical part of his appeal and speaks to why someone like Very Dark Man comes around only once in a lifetime.

He is not just an influencer; he is a movement. People from all walks of life, whether they are activists, students, or everyday citizens, are rallying behind his cause, inspired by his passion and his unrelenting pursuit of truth. In a world where apathy often reigns supreme, VDM has reminded us all that we have a role to play in shaping the future, and that no voice is too small to make a difference.

For many, it feels as though Very Dark Man is nothing short of God-sent. His timing is impeccable; he arrived on the scene when the world needed him most. In an era marked by disillusionment, mistrust in authority, and a growing sense of hopelessness among the masses, VDM provides a much-needed sense of direction and purpose. His work is not just about exposing problems, it is about offering solutions and galvanizing people into action.

It is not often that we come across individuals who are willing to put their personal safety and comfort on the line for the sake of others. Yet, Very Dark Man has shown time and time again that he is willing to sacrifice everything to ensure that justice is served. His selflessness is a rare trait in a world that often prioritizes personal gain over the common good. It is this quality, perhaps more than anything else that makes him an once-in-a-lifetime figure.

As we continue to watch Very Dark Man’s journey unfold, it is important to recognize the significance of his contributions and the impact he has had on our society. In a world where so many have chosen to remain silent in the face of injustice, he has used his platform to speak loudly and boldly. He has reminded us of the power of one voice and the change that can come when that voice is used to uplift others.

We must not take for granted the fact that individuals like VDM are rare. They come along only once in a generation, if at all, and when they do, they have the potential to change the course of history. It is up to us to support his work, to amplify his message, and to ensure that his efforts are not in vain.

In fact, Very Dark Man is more than just a social media figure or influencer, he is a symbol of hope, a warrior for justice, and a once-in-a-lifetime advocate for truth. His legacy is already being written in the hearts of those he has inspired, and it is one that will undoubtedly endure for years to come.

The Nigerian populace has, in recent months, been faced with an unprecedented economic downturn that has stretched their resilience to its limits. Many citizens are struggling to make ends meet, as inflation skyrockets, unemployment rises, and the cost of living reaches unbearable levels. Amid this economic storm, a statement by Nigeria’s First Lady, Remi Tinubu, stirred the public. Defending her husband, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, she claimed that he was not responsible for the economic hardship currently plaguing the nation. Her comment, while undoubtedly aimed at deflecting criticism, has been met with mixed reactions, mostly frustration and disbelief.

As Nigerians grapple with daily economic woes, the call is clear: they seek actionable, people-friendly solutions, not excuses or blame-shifting. Against the foregoing backdrop, permit this writer to, through this article, examine Nigeria’s leadership under Tinubu’s administration, scrutinize the claim that the president is not responsible for the economic hardship, and call for solutions that focus on the needs of the people, rather than defensive rhetoric.

From the onset of Bola Tinubu’s presidency in May 2023, Nigeria’s economic situation has deteriorated significantly. The removal of the fuel subsidy, which Tinubu announced within his first few weeks in office, set off a domino effect that worsened the already precarious financial situation of millions of Nigerians. While the fuel subsidy removal was hailed by some economists as a necessary policy shift to prevent long-term fiscal collapse, its immediate consequences were brutal. Fuel prices tripled overnight, leading to increased transportation costs and the inflation of food prices and essential goods. The government provided promises of palliatives to cushion the effects, but the implementation of these promises has been slow, and their impact remains largely unseen by the general populace.

Additionally, the floating of the naira led to further devaluation of the currency, exacerbating the cost of imports and increasing inflationary pressure. For many Nigerians, this meant their purchasing power diminished at an alarming rate, leaving them unable to afford basic necessities. Businesses, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), have been hit hard by the twin forces of inflation and high energy costs. With dwindling profits and rising operational expenses, many are forced to shut down or scale back operations, leading to increased unemployment.

It is within this context that Remi Tinubu’s defense of her husband must be viewed. While it is true that the Tinubu administration inherited many of Nigeria’s economic challenges, the public perception is that his policies have worsened an already bad situation. Nigerians are not looking for excuses, but for leadership that can pull the nation out of its current crisis.

During an event at the Palace of Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, on Thursday, the First Lady emphasized that the Tinubu administration is still in its early stages and should be given time to implement its policies. She argued that President Tinubu was not responsible for the current economic hardship, implicitly suggesting that the blame lay elsewhere, perhaps with previous administrations or global economic factors. While it is undeniable that Nigeria’s economic problems are deep-rooted, with decades of mismanagement, corruption, and policy failures playing a significant role, the timing and tone of her defense struck a nerve with many Nigerians.

The statement appeared to downplay the struggles of ordinary citizens, many of whom are finding it increasingly difficult to survive. In a country where millions are living below the poverty line, a defense of the president without tangible solutions to alleviate their suffering seems out of touch with the harsh realities on the ground. Instead of deflecting responsibility, Nigerians expect their leaders to confront the challenges head-on, demonstrate empathy, and propose meaningful, sustainable solutions that address the root causes of their plight.

Moreover, leadership entails accepting responsibility for the decisions made under one’s administration. The removal of the fuel subsidy, the devaluation of the naira, and the failure to promptly implement effective palliative measures all fall under the Tinubu administration’s purview. Deflecting blame, as the First Lady’s statement seemingly does, only fuels public frustration and erodes trust in the government.

At this critical juncture, Nigerians are not merely looking for explanations, they are looking for hope. Hope that comes from well-thought-out policies, hope that stems from a government that listens to the people’s cries, and hope that comes from leaders who show empathy and take action. The Tinubu administration must prioritize the development of people-centered solutions that focus on alleviating the burden on the masses.

One immediate step that can be taken is the implementation of social safety nets that are transparent and accessible. The government’s promise of palliatives following the removal of the fuel subsidy has been mired in delays and poor execution. Many Nigerians have yet to feel the effects of these promised relief measures. The administration must expedite the distribution of palliatives, ensuring that they reach the intended recipients, particularly those in rural areas and the most vulnerable segments of society. This would provide much-needed relief in the short term.

In the longer term, the government must focus on creating an enabling environment for businesses to thrive. SMEs, which form the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, are in dire need of support. Access to affordable credit, subsidies for energy costs, and improved infrastructure would go a long way in reviving these businesses and stimulating job creation. Furthermore, the government should focus on diversifying the economy away from its heavy reliance on oil, investing in agriculture, technology, and other sectors that can provide sustainable economic growth and employment opportunities.

A key component of addressing Nigeria’s economic crisis lies in leadership that takes responsibility. While it is true that no single administration can fix Nigeria’s systemic issues overnight, leadership involves acknowledging the failures of past policies and taking ownership of the current situation. The Tinubu administration cannot afford to sidestep accountability. Instead, it should engage in meaningful dialogue with stakeholders, including the private sector, labor unions, and civil society, to develop comprehensive strategies that address the root causes of the current economic woes.

Moreover, communication is crucial. The Nigerian public deserves transparency and regular updates on the government’s efforts to mitigate the economic crisis. Remi Tinubu’s defense of her husband, while perhaps well-intentioned, lacked the substance that Nigerians are desperate for. Citizens want to know what specific actions the government is taking to improve their lives, how soon they can expect to see positive changes, and how their leaders plan to steer the nation toward economic recovery.

As Nigerians continue to navigate the tough economic terrain, they are not interested in who is to blame for their suffering, they want relief, hope, and solutions. The Tinubu administration must pivot from defensive rhetoric and focus on implementing policies that genuinely uplift the people. Leadership in times of crisis requires humility, empathy, and action. Nigerians are looking for leadership that can provide practical, people-friendly solutions to ease their burden.

The First Lady’s defense of her husband highlights the frustration within the corridors of power, but it misses the mark in addressing the real issues on the ground. Nigerians are tired of excuses, they want a government that listens to their struggles and acts with urgency to deliver solutions. Time is of the essence. The Tinubu administration has the opportunity to turn the tide, but it must act now and act decisively. Nigerians have waited long enough; they deserve a leadership that can bring about the economic relief they so desperately need.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to ask, “Who will tell our first lady that Nigerians want people-friendly solutions, not excuses?