If there wasn’t this global alliance of mostly English-speaking nations based on common law principles, there would be a need to create one.
Commonwealth leaders are meeting this week on the island of Samoa for our bi-annual summit. Intense discussion over free and fair trade, security, and climate action are occupying us 56 members – all friends and allies.

If an alliance of primarily English-speaking nations rooted in common law and shared commitment to global rules didn’t exist, one would need to be created. Like-minded countries would naturally come together to amplify their values while also providing a mechanism to lend collective heft to the individual economic and geopolitical interests of each member.

The world already has such an organisation, and its bi-annual leadership forum – the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) – is it. Yet, every two years like clockwork, the usual, ill-informed questions about the purpose and future of this oldest international organisation of partner nations appear: How can it survive its members becoming republics? What is the purpose of an institution that is neither a single market nor a regional political union?

The organisation’s demise has been predicted for decades, mostly because of the misunderstanding that becoming a republic means Commonwealth exit. Quite the opposite: it is in fact a path most members have trod.

History aside, today the Commonwealth is more relevant than it has been in decades. The world is moving beyond regional trade and governance blocs, shifting towards global networks of nations with shared interests across regions and hemispheres.

The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) – spanning the Americas and Asia, and with the accession of the UK, Europe and binding 12 countries in a trade-based pact – is one example; the Alliance for Small Island States (AOSIS), an intergovernmental organisation of low-lying coastal and small island countries, comprising 39 nations stretching across all corners of the globe is another. Though one is for trade, the other for political salience, both are based not on geography but on a common interest – the convening principle for which the Commonwealth is the original item.  

While multi-continental, global networks are back in favour, that doesn’t mean the Commonwealth could not benefit from a rethink. As President of the Commonwealth’s second most populous state, I believe more can and should be done together on economic cooperation and mutual political support.

Bi-lateral agreements between AfCFTA and leading Commonwealth economies such as the UK, India, and Australia would create a web of interlinked trade agreements among Commonwealth nations, driving closer cooperation and deeper integration across the Commonwealth. Britain has proposed a UK-AfCFTA trade agreement. Others should follow.

Nigeria urges larger Commonwealth economies to prioritise importing materials and foodstuffs from African Commonwealth nations.

Supported by bilateral trade agreements, there’s no reason why African coffee or fresh produce couldn’t be offered to Western Commonwealth members at preferential rates in exchange for investment in local processing industries. This would not only integrate our economies but also provide nations like Britain with affordable products they can’t grow while creating jobs in Africa – reducing the need for migration by offering better opportunities at home.

The Commonwealth has finally begun caucusing as a group at the United Nations, a development that surprisingly only became official a few years ago. While not every vote is or should be taken as a bloc, one thing is clear: securing an African seat on the UN Security Council with Commonwealth backing would supercharge the relevance of our 56-country family. This move would decisively prove the Commonwealth’s importance and silence doubts about its future.

Far from done, the Commonwealth’s time has come.  

•Bola Tinubu is the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

In the ever-evolving world of social media and pop culture, few personalities have captivated the Nigerian public like Bob Risky. Born Idris Okuneye, the controversial socialite has managed to build a platform that consistently keeps people talking. Whether through his bold cross-dressing, flamboyant lifestyle, or outspoken nature, Bob Risky is a name everyone knows. However, despite this widespread recognition, a fundamental question lingers: Is Bob Risky a genuine celebrity, or does he fit into the category of a “yeyebrity”, a term used in describing individuals who seek fame without any discernible talent or contribution to the nation’s economic growth?

To answer this question, it is important to define what it means to be a celebrity in today’s social media-driven world. Traditionally, celebrities are individuals who attain fame through their accomplishments, whether in music, acting, sports, or other forms of entertainment. A celebrity, by this standard, earns their place in the limelight through hard work, skill, and talent.

However, with the rise of platforms like Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok, fame has taken on a new dimension. Social media has democratized celebrity culture, allowing anyone with an internet connection and a smartphone to build a following and become “famous.” This new breed of public figures includes influencers, YouTubers, and socialites, many of whom have no apparent talent beyond their ability to stir conversation, spark controversy, or share parts of their life that the public finds intriguing.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to opine that Bob Risky’s fame is largely a product of this new dynamic. With over five million Instagram followers, the socialite’s influence is undeniable. But is this enough to classify him as a true celebrity?
The reason for the foregoing misgiving cannot be farfetched as Bob Risky first burst onto the scene in 2016, when his bold decision to openly embrace cross-dressing drew widespread attention. In a conservative country like Nigeria, where discussions about gender and sexuality are often taboo, Bob Risky’s decision to flaunt his feminine appearance was revolutionary, and controversial.

Unfortunately, this controversy only helped to increase his fame. Bob Risky’s social media posts, which often feature him wearing elaborate makeup, designer clothes, and expensive accessories, attract millions of views and comments. He has become a fixture of Nigerian pop culture, regularly making headlines for his outspoken opinions and lavish lifestyle.

In many ways, Bob Risky embodies the modern influencer. He has successfully leveraged his platform to promote products, mainly skin-lightening creams and other beauty items, and to establish himself as a businessperson. His ability to monetize his online presence is impressive and demonstrates a level of business acumen that few “yeyebrities” possess.

Supporters of Bob Risky argue that his fame is a reflection of his ingenuity and boldness in the face of societal judgment. In a country where many people are afraid to express their true selves, Bob Risky has used his platform to promote self-expression and individuality. By pushing boundaries and breaking cultural taboos, he has paved the way for conversations about identity, acceptance, and non-conformity.
For many young Nigerians, particularly those within the LGBTQ+ community, Bob Risky is seen as a symbol of liberation. His refusal to be silenced in a society that largely rejects him has earned him a loyal following. In this sense, Bob Risky’s fame is not just about controversy; it is also about the role he plays in challenging the status quo.

Additionally, Bob Risky’s business ventures cannot be overlooked. He has turned his online fame into a source of income, endorsing brands, selling beauty products, and promoting his lifestyle. In a world where social media has become a key marketing tool, Bob Risky’s ability to capitalize on his influence is a mark of his entrepreneurial spirit.

Despite Bob Risky’s undeniable fame and financial success, many Nigerians are not convinced that he is a true celebrity. Critics argue that his rise to prominence is more about shock value than genuine talent or contribution to society. The term “yeyebrity” refers to people who are famous for being famous; individuals who attain attention through controversy or outrageous behavior but lack the substance to back it up.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to opine that for these critics that Bob Risky fits squarely into this category. His claim to fame is based largely on his ability to provoke reactions, whether through his cross-dressing, his lavish displays of wealth, or his outspoken personality. Unlike actors, musicians, or athletes who are celebrated for their craft, Bob Risky’s fame does not appear to be tied to any particular skill or talent.

Moreover, some Nigerians feel that Bob Risky’s influence is damaging. His promotion of skin-lightening creams, for instance, has sparked concern among health professionals, who warn that such products can have harmful effects.

Again, Bob Risky’s tendency to flaunt material wealth in a country where many struggle with poverty has also drawn criticism. For these reasons, many Nigerians believe that Bob Risky’s fame is shallow and undeserved.
The debate about whether Bob Risky is a celebrity or “yeyebrity” speaks to a larger issue in Nigeria and across the world: the changing definition of fame. In an era where social media has blurred the lines between celebrity and influencer, the criteria for what makes someone a public figure have evolved.

In the past, being a celebrity meant excelling in a specific field, whether it was music, film, or sports. Today, fame can be achieved simply by having a large online following and staying in the public eye. This shift has created room for individuals like Bob Risky to rise to prominence, even if their fame is not rooted in traditional notions of talent.

So, is Bob Risky a celebrity or a “yeyebrity”? The answer ultimately depends on how one defines fame. If we adhere to the traditional definition of celebrity, fame earned through talent and contribution, then Bob Risky might not fit the bill. His rise is more a product of controversy and self-promotion than any particular skill.

However, if we accept the modern view of celebrity, where social media influence and online presence are enough to build a brand and create a following, then Bob Risky is undeniably a celebrity. He has mastered the art of staying relevant, and in today’s world, that is often all it takes to become a star.

Whether you love him or hate him, Bob Risky has made an indelible mark on Nigerian pop culture. His fame may be unconventional, but it is real. As the debate continues about the nature of his celebrity status, one thing is certain: Bob Risky is not going anywhere, and for better or worse, he will remain a fixture in Nigeria’s social media landscape for years to come. So, given the foregoing argument, the question still begs for answer, “Is Bob Risky a Celebrity or “Yeyebrity”? As you ponder over the arguments made in this context, your answer to the question is as good as mine.

The title of the highest-paid soccer player goes to stars who not only shine on the field but also know how to market themselves. Big names like Cristiano Ronaldo, Lionel Messi, and Kylian Mbappé have recently led the pack in earnings. 

Their huge contracts with clubs, including moves to leagues like the Saudi Pro League, and major endorsement deals with top brands, have made them some of the wealthiest athletes in the world. These players’ success comes from both their incredible soccer skills and their ability to attract sponsorships, showing how sports and business can come together in modern football.

Here are five world highest-paid footballer in 2024 according to Forbes news you should know:

1. $285 million – Cristiano Ronaldo

Cristiano Ronaldo, the famous Portuguese soccer star, is once again the highest-paid player in the world. His huge income comes from his salary and big endorsement deals. In 2023, Ronaldo’s move to the Saudi Arabian club Al-Nassr gave him a major pay boost, with reports saying his contract is worth hundreds of millions per year. Besides his success on the field, Ronaldo’s global brand, including deals with Nike and his own CR7 products, adds to his massive earnings. His ability to stay at the top shows both his talent and his strong appeal to fans and companies alike.

2. $135 million – Lionel Messi

Lionel Messi, one of the best soccer players in the world, is always among the highest-paid athletes. After leaving Barcelona in 2021, Messi signed a big contract with Paris Saint-Germain (PSG). His earnings are also boosted by endorsements with major brands like Adidas and Pepsi, along with his business ventures, like the Messi Store. In 2023, Messi made a big move to Inter Miami in the MLS, increasing his income even more with a special deal that includes sharing revenue with Apple and Adidas. This move helped cement Messi as one of the top earners in sports.

3. $110 million – Neymar Jr.

Neymar Jr., the Brazilian soccer star, is still one of the highest-paid players in the world. His 2017 transfer to Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) was the most expensive in soccer history, and it came with a huge salary that kept him among the top earners. In 2023, Neymar made another big move, joining the Saudi Arabian club Al-Hilal with a contract that greatly increased his income. Besides his club earnings, Neymar has major endorsements with brands like Puma and Red Bull, making him a global soccer icon and one of the richest athletes in the world.

4. $104 million – Karim Benzema

Karim Benzema, the French football star and former Real Madrid captain, became one of the highest-paid soccer players in the world following his 2023 move to Al-Ittihad in Saudi Arabia. His contract with the Saudi Pro League club includes a significant financial package, placing him among the top earners in football. Prior to this, Benzema enjoyed a successful career at Real Madrid, where he earned multiple titles, including the Ballon d’Or in 2022. In addition to his salary, Benzema’s earnings are supplemented by endorsement deals, making him a prominent figure in the global football landscape.

5. $90 million – Kylian Mbappé

Kylian Mbappé, the French soccer star, is one of the highest-paid players in the world, thanks to his huge contract with Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) and valuable endorsement deals. In 2022, Mbappé signed a record-breaking contract extension with PSG, giving him a large salary and big bonuses. His earnings are also boosted by partnerships with well-known brands like Nike and Hublot. Known for his incredible speed and goal-scoring skills, Mbappé is one of the most marketable athletes globally. His financial success matches his quick rise to fame, making him a major figure in both soccer and business.

[TheNation]

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) has confirmed the tragic loss of five personnel in a road accident on Tuesday near Hawan Kibo along the Jos-Akwanga Expressway. The incident was disclosed in a statement issued by the Director of Public Relations and Information for NAF, Air Commodore Olusola Akinboyewa, in Abuja.

According to Akinboyewa, the personnel were en route to a sporting event in Abuja when their vehicle collided with an oncoming truck. In response, the NAF has activated necessary administrative protocols to provide support and comfort to the bereaved families.

Akinboyewa urged the public to respect the privacy of the victims’ families during this challenging time and to avoid spreading unverified information. “May their souls rest in perfect peace,” he said, adding that further updates will be provided as appropriate.

[Nigerian Tribune]

Nigeria is a country blessed with an abundance of natural resources, geographical diversity, and a youthful population. From the moment of its creation, the signs of divine favor were evident in the land. The nation was endowed with fertile soil that could yield crops all year round, a coastline teeming with marine resources, and a rich reserve of oil and gas that would shape its destiny as a global economic player. In His boundless mercy, God baked a “National Cake”, a figurative blessing, a wealth of resources meant for all Nigerians to partake in. However, despite the prosperity this metaphorical cake symbolizes, today it seems that only a few are eating it, leaving the rest of the population to suffer in want. The critical question is: why should only a few be eating the cake God baked for all Nigerians?

From the Niger Delta’s oil reserves to the vast agricultural plains that spread across the north and the entire south, God’s generosity to Nigeria is unmatched. By some estimates, Nigeria holds Africa’s largest oil and gas reserves, while the country also ranks among the top producers of cocoa, cassava, and groundnuts globally. Nigeria’s diversity does not stop with its natural resources; the nation is also blessed with a vibrant, resilient population, over 200 million people, the majority of whom are young, ambitious, and ready to build a prosperous future.

In addition, Nigeria’s geographical position is strategic for international trade. Its coastline connects West Africa to global shipping routes, enabling the export of goods and resources to other parts of the world. The blessings extend beyond oil and agriculture. Nigeria is home to a rich cultural heritage, a vast expanse of arable land, and, perhaps most importantly, an enterprising people. From these riches, God baked a metaphorical cake, large enough to feed every Nigerian.

However, what should have been shared equitably among the population has become the exclusive preserve of a few, mostly political elites, their families, and close associates. The “National Cake,” baked by God for every citizen of this nation, has been monopolized by a fraction of the population, while the vast majority are left to survive on crumbs, if even that.

The post-independence optimism that filled Nigeria in 1960 was based on the hope that the nation’s vast resources would be harnessed for the benefit of all Nigerians. There was a dream that, through hard work, everyone would have a fair shot at prosperity. Public institutions were designed to promote equality, and state-owned enterprises were meant to provide job opportunities for millions. The cake that God baked for Nigeria was supposed to be sliced and shared, ensuring that each citizen got their piece.

Yet, as the decades rolled on, it became evident that something had gone terribly wrong. The political class; those entrusted with distributing this cake, began to claim disproportionately large portions for themselves. They appointed their families, friends, and loyalists to key positions, making sure that the lion’s share of Nigeria’s resources ended up in their bank accounts, while ordinary citizens were left to fight over the meager leftovers.

Corruption soon became the hallmark of governance in Nigeria. Oil revenues that could have funded national development projects were siphoned off by politicians and their cronies. Contracts meant to build infrastructure were inflated, and money that should have been used to improve public services was embezzled. As the ruling class grew wealthier, the masses were driven into deeper poverty. This betrayal of the public trust is akin to a few individuals hoarding a cake that was meant to be shared by all.

As Nigeria’s wealth concentrated in the hands of the political elite, the gap between the rich and the poor widened dramatically. Today, Nigeria has one of the highest levels of inequality in the world. The few who have access to the “National Cake” live in opulence, enjoying luxurious lifestyles and stashing billions in foreign accounts, while the majority struggle to afford basic necessities like food, shelter, and healthcare. The cake that God baked for all is now feeding only a small fraction of the population, and millions of Nigerians are paying the price.

The most glaring consequence of this unequal distribution of wealth is the rising poverty level in Nigeria. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, over 130 million Nigerians live in multidimensional poverty. This means that more than half of the population lacks access to basic needs such as food, education, healthcare, and sanitation. These are not just numbers; they represent real human suffering. Nigerians, from Lagos to Kano, are feeling the pain of a broken system where only a few enjoy the blessings that were meant for all.

In rural areas, farmers can no longer afford to plant and harvest their crops because of skyrocketing costs of inputs and insecurity across farmlands. In urban centers, young graduates roam the streets without job opportunities, even as their dreams of contributing to the nation’s prosperity dashed. Everywhere you look, there is a sense of despair. Nigerians are watching the cake that God baked for them being devoured by a small group of elites, while they struggle to survive.

The situation has reached a critical point, with hunger spreading across the land. In recent times, there have been reports of parents skipping meals so their children can eat. Stories of desperation, like mothers begging for food at markets or children dropping out of school because their families cannot afford the fees, are becoming alarmingly common. It is a cruel irony that in a nation so richly blessed, people are dying of hunger.

A critical factor behind this inequality is poor leadership. For decades, Nigeria has been governed by leaders who prioritize their personal interests over the welfare of the people. Many politicians enter public office with the singular goal of enriching themselves, not serving the public. They see the “National Cake” as a prize to be claimed, not as a resource to be distributed.

Instead of using the nation’s oil wealth to build schools, hospitals, and roads, the political class funnels money into projects that benefit only a select few. Billions of dollars have been spent on so-called “development” projects that never materialize, while millions of Nigerians lack access to clean water and electricity. Public services are in a state of decay because those who are supposed to maintain them are more interested in eating their share of the cake than in serving the people.

The family and friends of politicians also get their share of the cake. Nepotism is rampant in Nigeria, with political leaders appointing their relatives to key positions in government and business. These individuals, often unqualified for the roles they hold, further perpetuate the unequal distribution of resources. The circle of those who have access to the cake grows smaller and smaller, while the masses continue to suffer.

It is time for Nigerians to demand a change. The “National Cake” belongs to every citizen of this country, not just a privileged few. God did not bless Nigeria with such abundance so that a small group of people could monopolize it. He blessed this nation so that all its people could flourish and prosper together.

To reclaim the cake for all Nigerians, there must be a collective effort to hold leaders accountable. Citizens must demand transparency in the management of the nation’s resources, insisting that public officials are held to the highest standards of integrity. Anti-corruption agencies must be empowered to investigate and prosecute those who steal from the nation’s wealth. Equally, Nigerians must insist on leadership that prioritizes the welfare of the people over personal gain.

It is also essential to build systems that promote equal access to resources. Public institutions must be reformed to ensure that every Nigerian, regardless of his or her background, has a fair chance to benefit from the nation’s wealth. Social programs that provide education, healthcare, and job opportunities should be strengthened and expanded, ensuring that no one is left behind.

Without a doubt, Nigeria is at a crossroads. The blessings that God baked into this nation are still abundant, but they must be shared. It is time to end the era of a few gorging themselves on the “National Cake” while the rest starve. Only by doing so can Nigeria live up to its potential as a land of prosperity, where every citizen enjoys the benefits of the divine blessings bestowed upon this nation. In fact, let us remember: the cake was baked for all, not just for a few.

In the realm of broadcast journalism, few names shine as brightly as John Momoh’s. Like an alchemist transforming base metals into gold, Momoh has taken the raw ore of Nigerian media and forged it into a gleaming beacon of excellence that illuminates the entire African continent.

With an unwavering vision and a voice that resonates with truth, Momoh didn’t just change the narrative of broadcast journalism—he rewrote its very DNA. Where once there was a cacophony of voices, he orchestrated a symphony of professionalism. In a landscape often marred by sensationalism, he cultivated a garden of integrity and factual reporting.

As the founder of Channels Television, Momoh established an institution that transcends the typical parameters of a media network. Hardly any television station in Nigeria can escape the indelible influence of Channels TV; its former staff and proteges now illuminate the screens of various competitors and channels. This phenomenon speaks volumes about Momoh’s profound impact on the industry and highlights how his commitment to excellence has fostered a new generation of talented journalists.

Many of those who cut their teeth at Channels TV have gone on to excel in global media networks across the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States, and with international organizations. They carry with them the ethos of journalistic rigor instilled in them by Momoh, amplifying African narratives on a global scale. Whether through investigative reporting or international coverage, these former Channels staff not only uphold the standards set by their mentor but also expand the influence of Nigerian journalism worldwide, creating ripples that challenge stereotypes and broaden perspectives.

What sets John Momoh apart is not just his professional achievements, but also his dedication to those he mentors. At every turn, whenever I have reached out to him, he has responded. He has been more than just a boss—he has been a mentor. One particularly significant moment for me was when I served as the Head of Media at Eko Disco, one of Africa’s leading electricity distribution companies. When asked to provide a reference letter, Dr. Momoh chose to personally write it instead of relying on the HR department. This gesture exemplifies his commitment to nurturing talent and supporting those he believes in, reinforcing the impact he has not just within the industry at large, but also on individual careers.

But Momoh’s true magic lies in his ability to see the stars hidden within rough diamonds. With an eye keener than an astronomer’s, he has discovered and nurtured a constellation of talents. Journalistic novices, under his tutelage, have blossomed into the industry’s most sought-after luminaries, lighting up screens across the nation. Their voices now carry the torch of quality journalism that Momoh himself ignited, paving the way for future storytellers to follow.

Through Channels TV, his brainchild, Momoh crafted more than just a network—he built a legacy. It stands as a testament to his belief that African stories deserve to be told with depth, dignity, and dedication. In doing so, he hasn’t just raised the bar for Nigerian broadcasting; he’s elevated the entire continent’s media landscape.

John Momoh is more than a broadcaster or a CEO. He is a visionary who dared to dream of an Africa where journalism serves as the fourth estate in its truest sense. His relentless pursuit of journalistic excellence transforms the media narrative, proving that integrity and professionalism are essential in a field often beset by challenges. Through his tireless efforts, that dream inches closer to reality with each passing day, each breaking story, and each new voice he brings to the forefront of African media.

In the annals of African journalism, John Momoh’s name will be written not in ink, but in light—a beacon guiding future generations towards the true north of journalistic excellence. His influence remains ever-present, shaping the future of journalism in Nigeria and beyond.

Thank you, sir.

My initial understanding was that I was to make remarks to open a general discussion on democratic elections. Then, a few days ago, I saw from the programme of activities that I am to speak on the topic “Elections, Democracy and Governance.” 

The change doesn’t bother me, but I have rearranged the terms for the topic to read “Elections, Governance, and Democracy” because I view democracy as the destination and elections and governance as the means, the way, to get there. The issue is: what type of elections and what type of governance? So, I wish to lay out a broad framework of elections and follow up with some considerations relating to governance and democracy.

I would like to begin with an observation that it has taken the mature democracies of the world a long time and a long way to get to wherever they are today. Still, none of them will say that it has reached the end of the road to democracy if there is ever such an endpoint.

Indeed, the journey to democracy is always long and we can even lose our way as we go along. In that journey, every election represents an important stage, because it provides an opportunity to select new leaders if we think the old ones are not taking us on the correct path to democracy.

But, to serve that useful purpose, the election must be of a specific kind, branded as a democratic election, because its features must accord with the principles that underpin democracy. We can sum up those principles by saying that the power to govern comes from the people. So, we can define a democratic election, in simple terms, as a contest among candidates, mediated by an electoral commission, and decided by the voters.

The most important implication to draw from this definition is that in a democratic election, voters are pre-eminent, and their valid votes are inviolable for determining the winners and for settling disputes over election results. This makes the polling station results form, which has come to be popularly known in Ghana as the pink sheet, a precious commodity in our elections. This requires candidates to appoint knowledgeable agents to represent them at the polling stations because an agent’s work is essentially a brainy task.

Let us also note that Ghana has chosen a multiparty democracy as its brand of democracy. A multiparty democracy does not necessarily mean that there are many political parties. But how many parties are there in Britain, the United States of America, Germany, France or any functional multiparty democracy you know of? Most likely, only a few in each country.

A multiparty democracy means that one political party does not dominate elections so much that all the other parties combined do not make a difference. If one party dominates to such an extent, the country is a one-party state, irrespective of the number of parties.

So, what is important in a multiparty democracy is that there are political parties that make elections truly competitive. On that score, currently, Ghana is a multiparty democracy because of the NPP and the NDC. With a collective score of less than 10% of the total votes in previous elections and no representation in parliament, all the other parties combined have had virtually no impact on how our country is governed.

Be that as it may, to pass the test of being a democratic election, the results of elections must be credible. That means the results are worthy of acceptance as a basis for forming a legitimate government, a government, respected at home and abroad. To determine that the results of an election are credible, we need to step back a bit and talk about the essential features of an electoral system. Some processes characterise the electoral systems of all democracies, and all the processes are based on broadly the same principles. What differentiates the systems is how they try to actualise the principles and the formulas for winning elections, such as first-past-the-post for MPs and 50%+1 for the president in Ghana.

The salient processes are voter registration, campaigning, voting, vote counting, tabulation/collation of results, transmission of results, and announcement of results. I will proceed to highlight the key features of these processes with indications of who is responsible for doing what under our electoral system.

Voter Registration: Every eligible person must be accorded a reasonable opportunity to register as a voter, and a person can register only once. These features must be reflected in the voter register used for elections. This is the responsibility of the electoral commission.

Campaigning: Candidates should be free to campaign wherever they are contesting elections, so there should be no no-go areas. However, the campaigns must be peaceful and clean. Here, the basic responsibility lies with the political parties, candidates, and the police.

However, individuals and groups can publicly condemn any infractions, and widespread condemnation usually impacts the candidates for fear of losing votes.

Voting: There is a wide distribution of responsibilities when it comes to voting. Only a registered voter can vote in an election, and a person can vote only once in the same election. The responsibility falls mainly on the electoral commission and its officials.  A person must be free to exercise his/her vote: it is the responsibility of the police to ensure general peace and secure an election devoid of violence. A voter must, in turn, allow other voters to vote freely: a responsibility is placed on all voters. Every candidate can appoint an agent to verify the voting activities at every polling station on his/her behalf. This is an important responsibility of every candidate.

Vote Counting: The procedure for vote counting must be clearly outlined and known well ahead of time. What constitutes a valid or invalid vote must be specified. Only valid votes are counted when calculating the results. Every vote must be accurately counted in the active presence of candidates’ agents. A valid vote must be counted in favour of the candidate for whom it was cast. Proper documentation must be made of the results of the vote counting. Each agent must be given a true copy of the results, duly signed by the Presiding officer and the agents, right at the polling station. The Presiding officer and the agents at every polling station are responsible for ensuring that the measures normally indicated in the Election Manual, are adhered to.

Tabulation/Collation of Results: The Returning Officer has full control of the tabulation of results, but there are good practices that help to avoid controversy over the results (a) Let the place, procedures, and duration of the collation be known well ahead of time. (B) Make the tabulation of results a well-organised activity. (C) Do the tabulation in the active presence of the candidates, and/or their appointed agents. (D) Check the results thoroughly to ensure that they are correct. (E) Give the candidates/agents true copies of the tabulated results, duly signed by the returning officer (and preferably the candidates/agents), before they leave the place of collation.

Transmission of Results: A secure method agreed upon and/or acceptable to the political parties/candidates/agents should be used to transmit the results. Presiding officers and Returning officers have the responsibility for transmitting the results.

Announcement of Results: There are examples of good practice on this. Unless the election law has a provision for provisional results the results announced must be correct and final. If the results are provisional, not final, then say so, and give the reasons for announcing provisional results.

What matters is not how fast the results are released, but how accurate they are. In Ghana, this is the responsibility of the Returning Officers of the various constituencies in the case of parliamentary elections and the Chairman of the Electoral Commission, who is personally the Returning Officer for the presidential election.

Distribution of Responsibilities: I hope we can see the distribution of responsibilities in elections. In addition to what I have indicated, the government, the courts, the media, civil society organisations, and voters, all have roles to play in elections.

While the electoral commission is understandably the referee at the centre of the field, it is noteworthy that there are at least two other referees of elections. The courts must settle any disputes that arise over the elections at any time: and, to secure the general peace for elections, the police must also arrest and prosecute election offenders. It is critically important for the police to act as national police, not the government or political party police, and for the judiciary to see itself as an impartial arbiter in election cases.

In fact, in general, how the various actors in elections play their respective roles affects the credibility or otherwise of an election. Eventually, if we are satisfied that the actors have played their roles reasonably well, we can say that an election is credible, and the results are therefore, acceptable as a basis for forming a legitimate government.

With this background, I wish to emphasise the importance of three factors in elections: the election law, the use of technology in elections, and why our votes must count.

Importance of the Election Law: The collection of laws referred to as the election law comprises three components: (1) All the provisions in the Constitution that relate to elections (2) All the extant laws (statutes) on elections made by Parliament (3) Legislation on elections made by the Electoral Commission or some other authorised body.

The three categories constitute a hierarchy of laws, in that, in principle, legislation cannot infringe a provision in a statute, let alone the constitution, and a provision in a statute cannot infringe a provision in the constitution. Given this order of precedence, it is important to note that provisions of a validly enacted statute or subsidiary legislation derive from the Constitution. So, it makes sense to treat such provisions as constitutional provisions. I sometimes hear people say that something is not right because it is not in the constitution: but it is wrong to see the election law as only what is explicitly stated in the constitution. The election law is for the protection of the election official or any election stakeholder. This has two important implications. First, the general advice is to do as the election law says. If you don’t, you risk an action you take being declared illegal for not conforming to the law.

You may get away with something if you and the other concerned parties say the political parties, have reached an agreement on it and they don’t complain. Even so, such an agreement doesn’t clothe one with immunity because, under our law, some individual or organisation can take the matter to court.

The second implication is the need for a keen interest in the election law. Not only should Parliament always undertake proper scrutiny of every subsidiary legislation on elections, but election-related civil society organisations and knowledgeable individuals should show interest in the formulation of statutes and any subsidiary legislation on elections. Whether good or bad, the existing election law is what the people have given to themselves for their elections, and it remains binding on everyone.

The use of Technology in Elections: Examples abound on how technology has helped to improve the systems and processes of running elections. With technology we can do things quicker: we can keep a lot of material in a small space and retrieve it as and when it is needed: on Election Day, we can verify if the person who has come to vote is the same person who registered to vote, we can get results quicker, and so on. Given all this, we are easily tempted to talk of technology-driven elections. But the enigma of technology in elections is that it can bring things very close to you and equally make you lose total control over them.

No wonder these days political parties are often looking for illegal access to an electoral commission’s database. In the memorable and prophetic words of a former fellow electoral commissioner: “If they succeed, they can rummage in our databases to our embarrassment.”

Today by electronic means information in election databases can be tampered with and election results hacked locally or externally.

Why the Vote Must Count: Some people are disillusioned about elections saying that votes don’t count anymore, meaning that elections don’t express the will of the voters. There are many obstacles to free and fair elections, but the most worrisome situation is where politicians can buy leadership with money through plain fraud and vote-buying.

Apart from expressing the will of the people, which is the essence of a democratic election, there are practical and commonsensical reasons why votes must count. Where votes count, you have a peaceful transition of governments, legitimate leaders accepted at home and abroad, and genuine political opposition. Where votes don’t count, there can be no justification for spending enormous amounts of money and time on elections.

Politicians are unlikely to be responsive to the people’s needs or worried about good governance. Instead, corruption is likely the order of the day, often leading to a paradoxical situation of a rich country with poor people. Even worse, a civil war can break out over disputed election results.

Good Governance: Through elections, we choose people to lead us, on the path to democracy. We do so in the belief and hope that the persons so chosen will genuinely take us on the path and not lead us astray. To put us on the correct path to democracy, good elections must be followed with good governance. For me, good governance defies a clear-cut definition. However, if good governance, arrives in town, we can easily recognise it by the following characteristics which it brings along.

(A) It respects the civil liberties and the people’s political rights. (B) It is responsive to the needs of the people and promotes their socio-economic well-being. (C) It controls corruption. (D) The press and civil society organisations operate as guardians of the public interest. (E) The political opposition sees itself as complementary to good governance. (F) It helps the private sector to prosper.

But these developments don’t happen automatically. Just as there is a distribution of responsibilities in elections, there is also a distribution of responsibility towards achieving good governance. Key among the actors are the three branches of government - the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Let me say simply that each of these institutions must perform its functions well without encroaching on the jurisdiction of the other, thereby dislocating the arrangements laid out in the Constitution.

 Additionally, any other institution in the public sector, from the Council of State to the Forestry Commission, has been set up for a purpose. Good governance requires that all such institutions perform their functions creditably. Apart from these public sector institutions, civil society organisations are expected to act as watchdogs for the people’s interests in their respective areas of concern.

In addition to honest reportage, the media is expected to bring to public attention instances of corruption and the abuse of power by public officials. Individuals and groups can test the law in case of doubt about the propriety of official actions and conduct.

Democracy is a place where people enjoy basic rights and freedoms. But it is also a place where people have reasonable access to necessities such as food, good drinking water, decent housing, electricity, usable roads, good education, efficient health facilities and jobs, with responsibilities, including payment of taxes, maintaining law and order and obeying the law.

Free and fair elections don’t bring any of these things. But without free and fair elections, ordinary persons cannot hold their leaders accountable, whether they deliver the benefits of democracy or not. We must note that holding officials accountable through elections applies only to members of parliament and the president. Many important public officials, including judges and electoral commission members, may not be directly accountable to the people. How to hold such officials accountable is always problematic.

Conclusion: I wish to conclude by saying that good elections and good governance are the vehicles for a condition of democracy.

At its core, democracy refers to improvements in human conditions, it is not a fixed station where a journey ends. This is why the contents of human rights keep expanding. There are several rights today that were not rights in the past, and the ambit of rights will continue to expand according to the need for improvements to the human condition.

We should brace ourselves and prepare for a long journey, because, given a choice, I believe that people will prefer to live in a democracy, instead of other forms of government including authoritarian rule.

Presentation by Dr Afari-Gyan, former Chairman of Ghana Electoral Commission Men’s Fellowship of Ridge Church, Accra on 10th October 2024

The Israeli prime minister is unarguably the world’s most detested leader today, especially in the Middle East and Arab world, but he earns my respect for resolutely defending his nation against brutal and vile terrorists and taking steps to protect his people against annihilation. Benjamin Netanyahu is my idea of a strong and patriotic leader. He is firm, decisive and single minded in the pursuit of Hamas and Hezbollah, two of the world’s most brutal terror groups that had vowed to wipe Israel off the earth. Netanyahu is not afraid to go against popular opinions, even at the UN, and has, in several occasions, ignored suggestions from the White House and the Pentagon, to slow down. But for him, the survival of the only Jewish State, nestled in the most dangerous neighborhood in the world and surrounded by the vilest enemies, is the single most important thing, and for that, I admire the prime minister a lot. Netanyahu exemplifies what I have been looking for in Nigerian leaders: fearlessness; courage; patriotism and assertiveness. For decades, Nigeria has been steadily destroyed by terrorists from outside and inside the country. Thousands of Nigerians in the Middle Belt; North East and North West have either been murdered, maimed or driven away from their ancestral land by these foreign terrorists and their Nigerian collaborators.

Due to these persistent attacks, peasants and small scale farmers, the nation’s major food producers, no longer have access to their farms. They have lost their sources of income, and that means food production has plummeted significantly; with the nation has being gripped by unprecedentedly high levels of food inflation. Yet no Nigerian leader, from Goodluck Jonathan to Bola Tinubu, has been able to defeat these extremists. Of the three, Muhammadu Buhari appeared least interest in dealing with the problem. He was cold, aloof and detached from the senseless killings of Nigerians, especially the people of Benue and Plateau states, who were frequent victims of these attacks. More Nigerians were killed under his watch than at any other peace time in our history. He was more interested in appeasing the murderers. As I write, thousands of Nigerians are still living in IDPs in states like Adamawa; Borno; Niger; Katsina; Zamfara and other parts of Northern Nigeria, having been sacked from their home by terrorists. Many believe that Buhari was actually in support of these carnages.

In August, there were major terrorist attacks in a small town in Burkina Faso in which over 600 people were murdered. Militants from Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam (JNIM), an al Qaeda affiliate based in Mali and active in Burkina Faso, swept into the town on motor cycles and shot down the villagers, most of whom were women and children. Reports say the militants are marching southwards from the Sahel and are threatening to invade West African countries, beginning from Benin, Nigeria’s western neighbour. The terrorists are having a field day terrorizing the Sahel region, especially since the departure of French and US forces that were holding them in check. Neither AU nor ECOWAS has made a statement; and African leaders are behaving as if nothing happened. What a shame!

But look at how Netanyahu has ruthlessly dealt with Hamas and Hezbolla since October last year. Under him, the Israeli government and security forces have deployed the most sophisticated intelligence to take out the leaders of these two evil groups. The Israeli army, known as Israeli Defence Force (IDF), has shown gallantry, bravery and valor in taking the fight to Hamas in Gaza and Hezbolla in Lebanon. On October 18, Hamas leader, Yahaya Sinwar, the architect of the October 7, 2023 attacks in Israel, was killed by Israel in Gaza. Before Sinwar, Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas’ political leader was killed in a guest house in Teheran on July 31, 2024. His elimination by Israel marked a turning point in the war and sent out a strong signal that Israel meant business.

The killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the fearful and influential Hezbollah leader, on September 27, by an Israeli strike, sent shockwaves across the Middle East; so much so that Iranian President, Masoud Pezeshkian, had to go into hiding somewhere in Teheran! Other Hezbollah leaders like Fuad Shukr; Sami Taleb Abdallah and commanders like Mohammed Deif; and Saleh-al Aroura, among many others, have also been eliminated by Israeli strikes. As I write, Israel is extending its assaults to financial institutions that supports Hezbollah. Over 15 bank branches that provide financial services to this group in Lebanon have been destroyed, and Israel is boasting that the bombardments will continue until Hezbollah collapses. No doubt, both Hamas and Hezbollah have suffered debilitating attacks in the last one year, and they will never be the same. The greatest duty of a government is to protect its citizens from danger and harm, and provide for their welfare and wellbeing. Any government that fails in this sacred duty is not worth being in office. Mind you, Israel is a very tiny country (22, 145 square km) – slightly bigger than Cross River State (20, 156 sq.km) - with a population of only 9.4 million people. I salute this tiny Jewish State and I commend its Prime Minister for doing what every responsible leader should do!

Let me conclude with two things. First, I would be remiss in my duty as a patriotic Nigerian if I fail to acknowledge the sacrifices of our men and women in uniform who have fought hard in the last 15 years to keep us safe and protect our nation. In spite of the several inadequacies of our security services, the Nigerian army has fought the terrorists bravely and I am proud of their services and sacrifices. Second, I sympathize with the families of ordinary, innocent people who have been killed or impacted by wars in Gaza and Lebanon. I ask the IDF to take adequate steps to minimize civilian casualties and sufferings.

The national insult and danger Libya subjected Nigeria and the Super Eagles recently was hard to explain. The account of the Tunisian pilot who flew the Nigerian team to Libya on the circumstances that led to the unexpected diversion of their flight to a remote airport, Al-Abraq, instead of their intended destination, Benghazi, was eye-opening and shocking.

While most Nigerians focused on the insult the Libyan action meant to Nigeria and the footballers, few people focused on the danger and the close shave with death that diversion was. What if that plane had crashed during landing and killed all the Nigerian players?

In a video interview the pilot posted online, he exonerated himself from the decision and said that the decision to divert the plane came from Libyan authorities. He said: “The flight plan was to land at Benghazi, Benina, and we had the approval from the Libyan Civil Aviation Authority to do so. However, when we began our descent, they instructed us to divert to Al-Abraq, almost 150 miles away, around 300 kilometres east. It wasn’t even (listed as) our alternate airport, something which is not good.”

According to the report made by The PUNCH on the video, the pilot described the diversion as potentially risky, citing the fuel calculations made for the initial destination. Imagine if the aviation fuel was not enough to take the plane to an unplanned destination 300 kilometres away. But that was not all.

The pilot said he repeatedly questioned the directive because of the inherent dangers in it. “In aviation, we have our flight plan. We calculate the fuel to our destination; so we have to avoid this kind of thing because it may make a breach to safety,” he said.

“When I asked to land in Benghazi according to my flight plan and according to my authorisation, they said no, it’s from the highest authority, you have to land in Al-Abraq.”

“Everything is registered in aviation, we cannot hide anything, so I asked them several times, at least eight times, and I warned them, probably I will be in trouble for fuel; they said it’s from highest authority, you cannot land in Benghazi, you have to divert immediately to Al-Abraq.”

The pilot described at Al-Abraq airport as a poorly equipped domestic airport.

“There is no ILS (Instrument Landing System), no air navigation approach, no VHR (Very High Frequency Omnidirectional Range). We had to make a visual landing, which is particularly difficult by night with marginal weather.”

He explained that the airport’s lack of facilities left them with “no second chances” if something had gone wrong with the landing. Thankfully, the pilot was familiar with the region, having worked there for two years with a Tunisian company, which helped him to land safely.

Just think for a moment what could have happened if that plane had crashed with the full Nigerian team aboard. What would have been the explanation from Libya? That they wanted to frustrate the Nigerian team and make it easier to beat them in their return leg for the 2025 AFCON?

Why go to the extreme of placing lives in danger over a football match? It is even worse that football has never been the forte of Libya as it is rare to hear the name Libya in any football competition in Africa at whatever level or gender.

But Libya was not done. They technically placed the Super Eagles team under house arrest at the airport for over 20 hours. Members of the team were not allowed to step out of the airport. They were provided with no food or water. They slept in the airport lounge. The NFF eventually had to withdraw from the match and return home.

Curiously, Libya claimed that what happened to the Nigerian team is not unusual in aviation. It noted that something similar happened to its team a week earlier in Nigeria. The Libyan Football Federation condemned Nigeria’s decision to withdraw from the planned 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier in Libya, threatening to take legal action to protect its national team’s interests.

Ironically, some Nigerians – perhaps because of a desire to be non-parochial online or as a result of lack of information – made posts saying that Nigeria had been paid in its own coin. They shared photos of Libyans at Port Harcourt airport when they visited Nigeria for the first leg of the AFCON match. But that was gross misrepresentation of facts.

The first point was that it was not Nigeria that diverted the aeroplane of the Libyan national team to Port Harcourt, which is about 150 kilometres to Uyo Township Stadium, the venue of the match. The Nigerian Football Federation communicated the venue of the match to its Libyan counterpart. Uyo has an international airport which all foreign teams coming to play use.

Perhaps in its desire not to allow Nigeria to affect its team with juju, the Libyan FA did not disclose to its Nigerian counterpart its itinerary. Libyans made their planned visit to Nigeria without involving Nigeria. They were informed of the venue of the match. But they chose to fly to Port Harcourt instead of Uyo, the venue of the match. According to the NFF, the Libyan Football Federation informed the NFF that their contingent would be landing in Port Harcourt instead of Uyo merely two hours before the team arrived in Nigeria.

In spite of that, the NFF still quickly got the authorities to grant their aircraft movement permit from Port Harcourt to Uyo. However, the LFF rejected the charter flight arrangement from Port Harcourt to Uyo obviously because of the fee and chose to travel by road. The LFF rejected the buses hired by the NFF and chose to hire theirs. Furthermore, the LFF discountenanced the NFF’s advice not to travel by night due to insecurity. Because of their insistence to travel by night, the NFF provided security, knowing that if any harm came upon them, Nigeria would bear the bad name.

It is unfair for some Nigerians to try to rationalise what happened to the Super Eagles in Libya with what happened to Libyans in Nigeria. There are many things wrong with Nigerian leadership or sports management, but one thing nobody can ever accuse Nigerians of is trying to use underhand tactics to frustrate visiting sports teams.

Nigeria is the only country I have seen where the home fans can start booing the home team if it is not playing well while supporting the visiting team. I have never seen it anywhere else. If the Nigerian team does not play well and gets defeated, the fans will take their anger on their team and never on the visiting team. No visiting team has ever been attacked in Nigeria. But that is not the case with some other countries that Nigerian teams have visited.

But what happened to the Super Eagles in Libya was purely orchestrated by the Libyans. It was deliberate. It was shameful, disrespectful and hostile. But most importantly, it was dangerous. It could have ended tragically with the loss of the Nigerian contingent.

What Libya did was an embarrassment to Africa and African football. The Confederation of African Football gave the Libyan and Nigerian federations until October 20 to submit all necessary documentation concerning the incident. All eyes are on CAF to announce its ruling. But whatever CAF does, it should not treat this matter with levity. CAF needs to descend hard on Libya to send a warning to other countries which may be thinking of doing something similar to a visiting team with the hope of wearing them out and beating them easily.

A bill for the establishment of Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Languages has reportedly passed the first reading at the House of Representatives.  Section 2 part I of the bill,  which is sponsored by the Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu, and eight others, provides that the university, when established, shall encourage “the advancement of learning and to hold out to all persons without distinction of race, creed, sex or political conviction, the opportunity of acquiring a higher education in Nigerian languages and cultures”. It further claims that the university is aimed at: “Producing socially mature persons with capacity to communicate, understand, and use Nigerian languages for national development.”

There are several questions begging for answers with respect to the proposed university: One, is the question of whether there is really any need for a University of Languages considering that many of the 62 Federal and 63 State Universities in the country have departments of Languages or Institutes of African Studies that are already providing the services that the proposed new university will purportedly offer. What is even more ridiculous is that there is also a federally owned National Institute for Nigerian Languages, NINLAN, which was set up in Aba, Abia State, via Decree 117 of December 30, 1993.

The Institute was aimed at being the “apex institution for research, teaching, documentation, and coordination of studies in Nigerian languages”, according to NINLAN’s website. Following from this, it is obvious that the promoters of the Tinubu University of Languages are either unaware of the existence of NINLAN, or if they did, failed to clearly establish the value addition of the proposed Tinubu University of Languages to both the mandate of NINLAN and the various institutes and departments that offer similar services in the country’s institutions of higher learning.  

Two, in terms of value addition, the promoters of the proposed university  also seem unsure of what they really want to accomplish – besides the obvious facts that they want to set up a Federal University, which will be sited in Abia State, the home state of the Deputy Speaker, and which will be named after the President.  For instance, the promoters claimed that the university, when established, will act “as agents and catalysts, through postgraduate training, research and innovation for the effective and economic utilization, exploitation and conservation of Nigeria’s natural, economic and human resources”.

How studying indigenous languages will lead to the “effective and economic utilization, exploitation and conservation of Nigeria’s natural, economic and human resources”, remains unclear. It is equally unclear how training in Nigerian languages will lead to “producing socially mature persons”.  There are several other bogus claims about what the proposed university could achieve that one gets the impression that whoever wrote the concept paper merely worked from answers to questions, and had very little knowledge of what a university education, or research in indigenous languages, is all about.

Three, a related question is whether establishing a University of Languages is really the best way to promote interest in local languages. If the aim of the proposed university is to encourage people to learn how to speak local languages, then a university education is not required for this. If this was really the aim, the sponsors could achieve the aim better by setting up, or encouraging the setting up of centres in local communities where local languages of interest could be learnt. The sponsors could also invest in the development of apps for teaching local languages or promote a number of existing apps that provide such services.  If, on the other hand, research in indigenous Nigerian languages is their main objective, then endowing chairs in various Departments of Languages or Institutes of African Studies in our existing institutions of higher learning could do the job better and cheaper. 

Four, how many Nigerian languages could realistically be taught in the proposed university?  Or will it be just the usual case of the dominant languages in the country (WAZOBIA)getting disproportionate attention? If that becomes the case,  as it is likely to be,  given that it will not be feasible to offer courses in the country’s over 500 indigenous languages and dialects, then the proposed university, rather than facilitating cultural awareness and unity – as claimed by the sponsors of the bill – will unwittingly become a tool of disunity because speakers of the languages left out are not likely to have any emotional buy-in to the university. 

Five, is the moral issue of naming institutions or monuments after a sitting President or Governor. In most climes, monuments are named after leaders have left office – not when they are in office. Even worse is to name an institution after a President who is still less than two years in office, and who is yet to find his bearing in the office, and who is generally  mocked as “T-Pain” for the unprecedented hardship his government has brought to Nigerians. If I were President Tinubu, I would distance myself from any effort to name institutions or monuments after me or even give me awards, including by the Bretton Woods institutions. Such honours are best savoured if done when the person is not in a position to extend favours.

Generally, monuments should be built to immortalise an idea not to humour those in power. In this connection, one may want to know what Tinubu has done in the area of promoting local languages that should warrant a University of Languages being named after him. The whole bill therefore oozes of sycophancy taken to a ridiculous level. I know that some Nigerian Governors have named institutions and monuments after themselves. But that is pure narcissism, and if people do not resist such, it is because they have either been cowed or simply do not care. 

Six, it may also not be out of place to interrogate the possible motives of the sponsors of the bill. Since the said university is to be sited in Abia State where the Deputy Speaker comes from, it may be safe to assume that he is the arrowhead of the bill, and consequently speculate on his possible motives: Is the Deputy Speaker following the path of some Governors who wrongly believe  that their legacies will be measured only by building enduring physical structures that will outlive them, often  white elephant projects such  as airports  that are hardly viable  and universities that are not properly funded?

Does the Deputy Speaker hope that by naming the proposed university after President Tinubu, he would tickle his ego, and buy the President’s support for the project? Is the Deputy Speaker hoping that by ingratiating himself to the president he would secure his position in the event of the president being re-elected in 2027? Is the Deputy Speaker eyeing a governorship seat in Abia State, and believes that the Ahmed Bola Tinubu University of Languages would be his evidence of ‘concrete achievement’ while in office?  And what, if one may ask, has become of the Deputy Speaker’s Peace in the South East Project, PISE-P, which he launched with fanfare in the ancient town of Bende, Abia State on December 29, 2023?

Seven, Shakespeare was right that there is no art to find the mind’s construction on the face, so I admit that all the above possible motives are mere speculations. But whatever the Deputy Speaker hopes to achieve by the Ahmed Bola Tinubu Federal University of Languages, he should take lessons from other Nigerian politicians whose sycophancy cut short their own career. A typical example is Ibrahim Mantu, the former Deputy President of the Senate (2001-2007). During Obasanjo’s alleged third term plot, Mantu was thought to be the arrowhead, and he boldly claimed that he would give his life for Obasanjo.

However, no sooner did Obasanjo leave office than Mantu, eager to rehabilitate himself politically from the damage his championing the hugely unpopular tenure elongation plot had done to his image and career, turned against Obasanjo. Nigeria’s political ecosystem is unfortunately littered with several Mantus. And this should forewarn both the sycophant and the leader being humoured. Given the transient nature of power, sycophancy, beyond a certain octave, is a sure career killer. 

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.